New crisis in Kosovo

United Press International
March 24, 2004 Wednesday 11:18 AM Eastern Time

Outside View: New crisis in Kosovo

By NIKOLAS K. GVOSDEV

WASHINGTON, March 23 (UPI)

The violence in Kosovo this past week has dealt a serious blow to the
credibility of the Western Alliance.

After promising for five years that NATO could provide security so
that the United Nations could lay the foundations for the
construction of a multiethnic, democratic Kosovo, a well-organized
campaign exposed the hollowness of Western guarantees. It also tests
the long-term commitment of the alliance to engage in successful
peacekeeping.

Only a few weeks ago, Kosovo was continuing to be promoted as a
successful exercise in nation building. Indeed, the United States was
even preparing to withdraw more forces from the international
protectorate, on the grounds that reconstruction efforts were
proceeding apace.

Of course, the violence that rocked Kosovo this past week is a grim
reminder that ignoring a problem does not make it go away.

The West has been so desperate, however, to paint Kosovo as a
“success” for humanitarian intervention and nation building — even
to the point of citing it as a precedent for how things should go in
Iraq — that warnings of problems bubbling below the surface were
discounted.

Indeed, Washington Post reporter Dana Priest had noted that after
NATO forces entered the province in 1999, “A more enduring, invisible
battlefield emerged quickly. The peacekeepers of the NATO Kosovo
Force, or KFOR, didn’t even pretend to mobilize on it. It was a
battlefield on which the struggle for ultimate power and control was
waged by underground political structures and outlawed security
apparatuses.”

But NATO countries placed such a high value on “no-casualty” missions
that aggressive and effective peacekeeping — including disarming
militias, hunting down war criminals and combating organized crime
and terrorist groups — took a back seat to “not stirring things up.”
And so the province has simmered.

In February, Serbian intelligence alerted their Western counterparts
that there might be an upsurge in violence in Kosovo and in other
areas of the Balkans. On the eve of the violence, Marek Nowicki, the
United Nations ombudsman for Kosovo, complained to the Council of
Europe at a hearing in Paris that the human rights situation in the
province was “unacceptable.” But Nowicki went on to criticize
international authorities in the province for failing to support his
work, accusing U.N. officials of playing down his concerns and
declining to pressure local authorities to act on his
recommendations.

The violence directed against the Serbs of Kosovo — “an outbreak of
violence of this scale, of this speed, of this intensity,” according
to spokesman Derek Chappell — occurred under the watchful eyes of
more than 18,000 international peacekeepers. So this raises a very
serious question: What was NATO and the United Nations doing? How
could these attacks be planned and coordinated across the province
with no advance warning, no signs, no leaks? And what does this say
for the effectiveness of NATO peacekeepers?

Jonathan Eyal of London’s Royal United Services Institute maintains
that NATO “has simply grown too complacent. It has ignored repeated
intelligence warnings about a rising level of tension between
Kosovo’s communities” and so was unprepared to act.

The destruction of the 130-home Serbian village of Svinjare —
located less than a mile away from a base housing French NATO
peacekeepers — was just one in a series of incidents that one
Western diplomat said were attempts by local Albanians “to cleanse
the Serbs and create a fait accompli before any talks.” So the result
has been startled inaction in the face of what Adm. Gregory Johnson,
commander of NATO forces in southeastern Europe, characterized as
“almost amount(ing) to ethnic cleansing.”

Certainly, “multiethnicity” as a value defended in the new Kosovo
also has gone up in flames.

NATO’s performance in Kosovo does not inspire those locked in other
ethnic conflicts in the region — such as the Cypriots, the Armenians
of Nagorno-Karabakh, the secessionists regions of Georgia, or even
the Israelis and the Palestinians — to assume that any settlement
backed by NATO guarantees would provide real and genuine security.

Outward calm has returned to the province. But the damage to NATO’s
credibility may be much longer lasting.

(Nikolas K. Gvosdev is executive editor of The National Interest and
a senior fellow for strategic studies at The Nixon Center.)

(United Press International’s Outside View commentaries are written
by outside contributors who specialize in a variety of important
issues. The views expressed do not necessarily reflect those of
United Press International. In the interests of creating an open
forum, original submissions are invited.)

Armenian govt to support Russian bank’s projects

ITAR-TASS News Agency
TASS
March 24, 2004 Wednesday

Armenian govt to support Russian bank’s projects

By Tigran Liloyan

YEREVAN

The Armenian government confirmed its readiness to support all
efforts of Russia’s Vneshtorgbank to develop the financial and
banking system in this Transcaucasian country.

Vneshtorgbank has acquired the controlling block of shares in
Armenia’s savings bank, Armsberbank.

Armenian Prime Minister Andranik Margaryan said after a meeting with
Vneshtorgbank CEO Andrei Kostin on Wednesday that it was the first
example of official participation of a Russian bank in the Armenian
banking system.

Margaryan believes that the deal will strengthen traditional economic
ties and trade between Armenia and Russia, the government press
service told Itar-Tass.

Kostin said Vneshtorgbank would take serious steps to develop
Armsberbank, to improve the quality of services to the population,
encourage investment programmes, and boost bilateral economic and
trade ties.

According to Kostin, political stability in Armenia, economic growth,
the government’s economic policy, and liberal banking legislation
bode well for these efforts.

In his view, Vneshtorgbank’s operations in Armenia will help boost
public trust in the Armenian banking sector.

Russia’s state-owned Vneshtorgbank controls stake in Armenian bank

Associated Press Worldstream
March 24, 2004 Wednesday

Russia’s state-owned Vneshtorgbank buys controlling stake in Armenian
bank

Russia’s state-owned Vneshtorgbank on Wednesday bought 70 percent of
the shares in a major Armenian bank, officials said.

Andrei Kostin, board chairman of Vneshtorgbank, said that the
purchase of a controlling stake in Armenia’s Armsberbank marked the
Russian bank’s first acquisition of another bank in the former Soviet
Union.

He called it recognition of Armenia’s political and economic
stability.

Russian state-owned companies have increasingly tightened their
foothold in this ex-Soviet republic. Russia’s giant energy monopoly
assumed financial control of Armenia’s only nuclear plant last year
in a deal that Armenia sought to get out from under massive energy
debts to Russian fuel suppliers.

Armenia also depends on Russia’s Gazprom for natural gas supplies,
and Russian businesses are reportedly eying other sectors of the
Armenian economy.

Kostin said that Vneshtorgbank, which is 99.9 percent state-owned,
planned to use its investment to provide “the whole spectrum of
services to Russian companies operating in Armenia.” He also said
that it was considering a significant increase of Armsberbank’s
capital.

Armsberbank was created in 1923 and privatized in 2001.

Two other Armenian banks, Areksimbank and Yunibank, also have Russian
investors.

ARKA News Agency – 03/24/2004

ARKA News Agency
March 24 2004

ENTRY OF VNYESHTORGBANK AT ARMENIAN MARKET TO ALLOW INCREASING OF
ARMENIAN POPULATION TRUST TO BANKING SYSTEM

YEREVAN, March 24./ARKA/ Entry of Vnyeshtorgbank at Armenian market
will allow increasing of Armenian population trust to banking system,
Chairman of VTB Board Andrey Kostin stated at the meeting with RA
Prime Minister Andranik Margarian. Kostin stressed that Russia
reports growth of population trust to the banks.
He noted mutual importance of the deal and said that VTB will make
everything for development of Armsavingsbank. First of all for
improvement of servicing of the population, stimulation of investment
programs and deepening of economic and trade relations between the
countries. According to him, political stability in Armenia, level of
economic growth, economic policy of the Government and liberal legal
field of the banking system are favorable for realization of this
goal.
RA Prime Minister said that the Government is ready to provide
practical assistance to VTB, which will contribute to tightening of
traditional economic and trade links between RA and RF.
Russian Vnyeshtorgbank purchased 70% of Armsavingsbank (Armenia)
shares. The signing of the agreement took place today. L.D. -0 –

EU discusses involvement of S Caucasus in Wider Europe

ITAR-TASS News Agency
TASS
March 24, 2004 Wednesday 7:57 AM Eastern Time

EU discusses involvement of S Caucasus in Wider Europe

By Tigran Liloyan

YEREVAN

The European Union is discussing a possibility of involving the South
Caucasus in Wider EuropeNew Neighbours Initiative, said Heikki
Talvitie, EU Special Envoy to the South Caucasus.

In his meeting with Armenian Prime Minister Andranik Margaryan on
Wednesday, Ambassador Talvitie said he is hopeful that this process
would yield positive results. He is in Yerevan on a four-day visit as
part of an extended regional tour

In order to achieve this goal the EU envoy stressed that it would
necessary to develop regional cooperation, encourage economic
relations between the region and West European countries, and settle
the existing conflicts, in particular the crisis in Nagorno-Karabakh.

Talvitie said he is ready to help find a peaceful solution to the
Nagorno-Karabakh problem.

Glendale: District puts fact versus fiction

Glendale News Press
LATimes.com
March 24 2004

District puts fact versus fiction

Local parents have criticized the district’s English Language
Development program. Coordinator Joanna Junge helps make the
distinction.

By Gary Moskowitz, News-Press

NORTHEAST GLENDALE – Since the district’s English Language
Development program came under criticism last summer from parents,
Joanna Junge has been busy correcting what she calls simple
misconceptions about how the program works.

Junge is the coordinator of curriculum and intercultural education
and instructional services for the Glendale Unified School District.
She works closely with the district’s Welcome Center staff and
language translators, who determine students’ language skills when
they enter the district.

Last summer, members of an Armenian parent group criticized the
district’s English Language Development program during several school
board meetings and on local Armenian television talk shows.

Some parents thought the district discriminated against students of
Armenian and other ethnic backgrounds who were born in America but
whose families speak languages other than English at home.

Others said students are kept in English-language learner classes
longer than they should be so that the district can collect extra
state money. Some parents were concerned that taking too many
English-language learner classes would prevent their children from
getting into top-notch universities.

Other parents said they did not want their children enrolled in the
language classes because they thought they were for special
education. Some thought the language classes had a stigma attached to
them that they did not want their children to be a part of. Others
said the translation provided by the district was inadequate.

“I think there were a lot of misconceptions from some parents that we
have worked at resolving ever since,” Junge said.

The News-Press interviewed Junge recently about the Welcome Center
and parents’ criticisms of the English Language Development program.

NEWS-PRESS: Parents’ criticisms of the district’s English Language
Development program started [last] summer, and resurfaced on several
local Armenian-language television programs. What was one direct
result of that criticism?

JOANNA JUNGE: There was a lot of debate, and we decided, if it will
help communication between parents and us, why fight it? The whole
point is what’s best for the children, and we’ve taken steps to
resolve the debate.

NP: What is the district doing differently now as a result of the
parents’ speaking out?

JJ: We’ve worked to improve our Armenian translation efforts, by
translating in both Eastern and Western dialects of Armenian and
having translators of both dialects available for many meetings.
We’ve also recorded three “Half-Time Live” shows on [Charter
Communications] Channel 15 that feature panel discussions on our
English-language learners program. We plan to re-record those shows
with district officials who are fluent in our primary languages –
Armenian, Korean and Spanish.

NP: Does the district earn more money by keeping students in the
English-language learners program?

JJ: We do collect about $300 per student per year in state and
federal funds. However, our programs cost thousands more per year
than the funds we receive. There is no financial advantage to keeping
students in the program longer than they need to be.

NP: Does taking English-learner classes make it more difficult for
students to get into four-year universities?

JJ: No. The majority of our Advanced Placement students are either
current or former ESL kids. If English is not the primary language,
they need to learn English skills to do college-level work.

NP: Are English learner classes the same thing as special education?

JJ: Absolutely not. Special education is for kids with learning
disabilities. It is possible for an English learner to also have
learning disabilities, but we are careful not to assume that just
because they lack English skills, they have disabilities. There is no
automatic connection between the two.

Distinguished Faculty For Genocide and Human Rights Univ. Program

INTERNATIONAL INSTITUTE FOR GENOCIDE AND HUMAN RIGHTS STUDIES
255 Duncan Mill Rd., Suite 310
Toronto, ON, Canada M3B 3H9
Tel: (416) 250-9807 Fax: (416) 512-1736
E-mail: [email protected]

PRESS RELEASE

CONTACT: GEORGE SHIRINIAN
DATE: March 24, 2004

DISTINGUISHED FACULTY ANNOUNCED FOR GENOCIDE AND HUMAN RIGHTS UNIVERSITY
PROGRAM

Toronto, Canada – As Mr. Kofi Annan, the Secretary-General of the United
Nations, recently noted:
For nearly half a century — almost as long as the United Nations has been
in existence — the General Assembly has recognized the need to establish…a
court to prosecute and punish persons responsible for crimes such as
genocide. Many thought…that the horrors of the Second World War — the
camps, the cruelty, the exterminations, the Holocaust — could never happen
again. And yet they have. In Cambodia, in Bosnia and Herzegovina, in
Rwanda. Our time — this decade even — has shown us that man’s capacity
for evil knows no limits. Genocide…is now a word of our time, too, a
heinous reality that calls for a historic response.

As there is a continuing need for understanding the phenomenon of genocide
and a response to it, the International Institute for Genocide and Human
Rights Studies (A Division of Zoryan Institute) and the University of
Minnesota-Twin Cities are offering the Summer 2004 Genocide and Human
Rights University Program (GHRUP) and are pleased to announce the
distinguished faculty who will be participating this year.

In addition to Roger Smith and Stephen Feinstein, Co-Directors of the
course, some of the instructors this year include Taner Akçam, Visiting
Associate Professor, Dept. of History, University of Minnesota; Joyce
Apsel, Master Teacher in the General Studies Program at New York
University; Stephan Astourian, Professor, Department of History, University
of California-Berkeley; Major Brent Beardsley, Research Officer at the
Canadian Forces Leadership Institute and former Personal Staff Officer to
Major-General Roméo Dallaire, UN Assistance Mission for Rwanda; Frank
Chalk, Professor, Department of History, Concordia University and
Co-Director of the Montreal Institute for Genocide and Human Rights
Studies; Vahakn Dadrian, Director of Genocide Research, Zoryan Institute;
Richard Hovannisian, Armenian Educational Foundation Endowed Chair of
Modern Armenian History, University of California-Los Angeles; Jacques
Kornberg, Professor Emeritus, Department of History, University of Toronto;
Eric Markusen, Senior Research Fellow, Department for Holocaust and
Genocide Studies, Danish Institute for International Studies; Gregory
Stanton, Professor of Human Rights, Mary Washington College, President of
Genocide Watch and Director of the Cambodian Genocide Project; and Eric
Weitz, Arsham and Charlotte Ohanessian Chair in the College of Liberal Arts
and Director of the Center for German and European Studies, University of
Minnesota. With a few variations, the faculty at both programs, in
Minneapolis, July 5-16, 2004, and in Toronto, August 3-13, 2004, will be
the same.

“This course has always been a unique opportunity for students to
experience a broad comparative perspective on genocide. We are very proud
that among the faculty we have not only some of the foremost scholars in
their respective fields, but also individuals who are active in
international efforts to both document and prevent genocide around the
world,” stated Dr. Roger Smith.

The purpose of the program is to provide students with a framework for
understanding genocide and its effects. It explores the universality of the
issues related to genocide and takes a comparative approach for
understanding the Armenian Genocide, the Holocaust, the Cambodian Genocide,
the Rwandan Genocide, and more recent events with genocidal overtones. In
addition, many special themes are explored, such as the mass violation of
human rights; women, children and genocide; how to teach about genocide;
issues of memorialization and representation; and possibilities of dialogue
and reconciliation between perpetrator and victim groups.

Students wishing to participate in this unique program must have their
applications in by May 15, 2004 for the Minnesota program and by May 31,
2004 for the Toronto program. In order to maintain the seminar format in
this high demand course, the number of students is limited, so early
application is recommended. Limited scholarship assistance will be available.

For more information or to apply, contact the International Institute for
Genocide and Human Rights at (416) 250-9807, , or by
email at [email protected], or contact Stephen Feinstein, Director,
Center for Holocaust and Genocide Studies, University of Minnesota, at
(612) 626-2235, [email protected].

www.genocidestudies.org
www.genocidestudies.org

ASBAREZ Online [03-24-2004]

ASBAREZ ONLINE
TOP STORIES
03/24/2004
TO ACCESS PREVIOUS ASBAREZ ONLINE EDITIONS PLEASE VISIT OUR
WEBSITE AT <;HTTP://

1) Armenian President Meets with Coalition Leaders
2) Turkish Official Looks to Improved Relations with Armenia
3) ANC San Gabriel Valley, Assemblymember Caldron Meet on ANC Activities
4) ARF Reviews Faction’s Activities in Parliament
5) Moscow’s Week of Parajanov

1) Armenian President Meets with Coalition Leaders

YEREVAN (Presidential Press Office)–President Robert Kocharian met with heads
of the governing coalition on Tuesday, who conveyed their impressions and
observation of recent field visits to regions of Armenia. The representatives
agreed and stressed the necessity of continued visits to various areas.
On other topics, they suggested ways to make the legislative activities of
the
National Assembly and government more productive, and emphasized the need to
strictly adhere to the 2004 schedule in reviewing draft legislation.

2) Turkish Official Looks to Improved Relations with Armenia

YEREVAN (Combined Sources)–Leading the Turkish delegation at a session of the
Black Sea Economic Cooperation (BSEC) Parliamentary Assembly that convened in
Yerevan on Wednesday, Salik Kapusoz of the Turkish ruling Justice and
Development party, said that the borders of Armenia and Turkey may open soon.
`The Justice and Development party has taken on the task to develop relations
with all neighbors of Turkey, and I hope that we shall soon see better times,’
he said, stressing that the opening of borders should serve as a solid
incentive to improve Turkish-Armenian relations. He also told reporters that
both nations should not cling to the past, and instead must look forward.
The BSEC Parliamentary Assembly body meeting in Yerevan is the Commission on
Culture, Education, and Social Issues. The head of Romania’s delegation and
Vice-chair of the commission Dumitru Buzatu, is presiding over the session
attended by parliamentary delegations from Turkey, Moldova, Bulgaria, Albania,
Ukraine, Russia, and Georgia. The Azeri delegation opted not to attend, citing
busy schedules. “I hope they will take part in future meetings held in
Armenia,” announced Buzatu.
The first sitting of the session took up the social, economic, and civil
rights of the disabled, with Russian representative Adam Tleuz addressing the
physical and social obstacles the disabled face.
Members of the session noted that in Armenia, rights of the disabled are
consistently violated, and that the country’s medical centers are far from
reaching international standards.
Paying special attention to the rights of disabled children and women,
participants urged BSEC governments and parliaments to advance their laws on
the disabled so that they correspond to international standards.

3) ANC San Gabriel Valley, Assemblymember Caldron Meet on ANC Activities

MONTBELLO–At the invitation of California Assemblymember Ronald S. Calderon
(D-58th Assembly District), Armenian National Committee (ANC) San Gabriel
Valley representatives held a work meeting with Calderon and his staff on
March
12, focusing on issues that concern the Armenian American constituents in the
district.
ANC representatives presented the local ANC’s activities in progress, which
include the addition of the Armenian Genocide in the Montebello School
District
curriculum; establishment of a sister city program between the city of
Montebello and Stepanakert, the capital of Mountainous Karabagh Republic; ANC
voter registration and voter outreach campaigns; and the upcoming April 23
vigil and April 24 rally at the Armenian Martyrs Monument in Montebello to
commemorate the 89th Anniversary of the Armenian Genocide.
Calderon, who is a staunch supporter of Armenian issues, provided valuable
suggestions, promising his assistance for the success of the specified
programs.

4) ARF Reviews Faction’s Activities in Parliament

YEREVAN (Yerkir)–The legislative activities of the Armenian Revolutionary
Federation (ARF) were reviewed during a joint meeting on Wednesday between ARF
Armenia Supreme Body members and Parliament’s ARF faction members.
The ARF faction in Parliament has proposed six new pieces of legislation and
seven amendments to existing laws, with members co-sponsoring 25 legislative
initiatives proposed by others in parliament.
Details of visits to regions of Armenia by the faction members were also
reviewed.

5) Moscow’s Week of Parajanov

MOSCOW (Armenpress)–A week dedicated to commemorate what would have been
influential Armenian filmmaker Sergey Parajanov’s 80th birthday, and to
celebrate the great film director, artist, and sculptor’s art began in Moscow
on March 23 with an exhibit of items from the Parajanov Museum, including his
films, unique art collages, posters from his films, videos about his work, and
photographs by Yuri Mechitov.
Beauty as the highest value and truth as a creative principle were the most
important components of Parajanov’s art, which gave birth to a legend that
became known to the world as Parajanov’s film.
Born and raised in a traditional Armenian family in Tbilisi, Parajanov lived
his childhood very close to the tight Armenian community. These images of
childhood were later reflected in his work “Colors of Pomegranate.”
In 1945, with the end of the Second World War, Parajanov moved to Moscow and
enrolled in the Institute of Cinematography. In 1952, he moved to Kiev,
Ukraine, to start working at Dovzhenko studios. After a number of short films
and side projects, Parajanov finally started working on his first movie, “The
Shadows of Forgotten Ancestors,” which turned out to be one of the greatest
masterpieces in the history of cinematography.
In a few years, Parajanov moved to his true homeland Armenia, and began to
work at the “Armenfilm” studio, where some of his short movies such as “Hakob
Hovnatyan” were born, and where he screened his biggest masterpiece: “Color of
Pomegranate.” Though the film’s cinematography won him international
notoriety,
the movie received no attention from the Soviet authorities. After forcefully
cutting 20 minutes out of the movie and re-releasing the short version for the
Soviet audience, Parajanov said: “My masterpiece no longer exists.”
It was the “Color of Pomegranate” that sparked the chain of events in his
life. Soviet censures did not particularly appreciate the numerous religious
images portrayed in the movie. Subsequently, a number of his screenplays were
rejected and he was later imprisoned under false charges–and sent to the
Gulag, one of the most abhorrent concentration camps in Russia.
He was released after a number of years as a result of global protests by
artists. Penniless, he moved back to Georgia in 1977, only to be imprisoned
again, but this time without a trial.
His work, “The Legend of the Souram Fortress” was completed in 1986; he began
work on “Ashik Kerib” the following year. Though both films became
world-renowned masterpieces, receiving a number of awards at movie festivals,
Parajanov did not get to see them. After undergoing treatment in France for
lung cancer, he passed away in 1989, in Yerevan.

All subscription inquiries and changes must be made through the proper carrier
and not Asbarez Online. ASBAREZ ONLINE does not transmit address changes and
subscription requests.
(c) 2004 ASBAREZ ONLINE. All Rights Reserved.

ASBAREZ provides this news service to ARMENIAN NEWS NETWORK members for
academic research or personal use only and may not be reproduced in or through
mass media outlets.

http://www.asbarez.com/&gt
HTTP://WWW.ASBAREZ.COM
WWW.ASBAREZ.COM

CR: Amendment to S. 1637 in Congress to extend NTR to Armenia

The Congressional Record
23 March 2004

SA 2907. Mr. McCONNELL submitted an amendment intended to be proposed
by him to the bill S. 1637, to amend the Internal Revenue Code of 1986
to comply with the World Trade Organization rulings on the FSC/ETI
benefit in a manner that preserves jobs and production activities in
the United States, to reform and simplify the international taxation
rules of the United States, and for other purposes; which was ordered
to lie on the table; as follows:

At the end of the amendment, add the following:

TITLE V–EXTENSION OF NORMAL TRADE RELATIONS TO ARMENIA

SEC. 501. FINDINGS.

Congress makes the following findings:
(1) Armenia has been found to be in full compliance with
the freedom of emigration requirements under title IV of the
Trade Act of 1974.
(2) Armenia acceded to the World Trade Organization on
February 5, 2003.
(3) Since declaring its independence from the Soviet Union
in 1991, Armenia has made considerable progress in enacting
free-market reforms within a stable democratic framework.
(4) Armenia has demonstrated a strong desire to build a
friendly and cooperative relationship with the United States
and has concluded many bilateral treaties and agreements with
the United States.
(5) United States-Armenia bilateral trade for 2002 totaled
more than $134,200,000.

SEC. 502. TERMINATION OF APPLICATION OF TITLE IV OF THE TRADE
ACT OF 1974 TO ARMENIA.

(a) Presidential Determinations and Extensions of
Nondiscriminatory Treatment.–Notwithstanding any provision
of title IV of the Trade Act of 1974 (19 U.S.C. 2431 et
seq.), the President may–
(1) determine that such title should no longer apply to
Armenia; and

[[Page S3033]]

(2) after making a determination under paragraph (1) with
respect to Armenia, proclaim the extension of
nondiscriminatory treatment (normal trade relations
treatment) to the products of that country.
(b) Termination of Application of Title IV.–On and after
the effective date of the extension under subsection (a)(2)
of nondiscriminatory treatment to the products of Armenia,
title IV of the Trade Act of 1974 shall cease to apply to
that country.

L’énigme Basmadjian: Un homme disparaît

Le Monde, France
Mercredi 24 Mars 2004

L’énigme Basmadjian

Moscou, 1989. Un homme disparaît. C’est un Français d’origine
arménienne, marchand d’art à Paris. Quinze ans plus tard, un juge
parisien et la brigade criminelle enquêtent

L’affaire débute comme un roman d’espionnage, dans l’URSS tourmentée
de l’été 1989. Garig Basmadjian, un Français de 41 ans, spécialiste
réputé de l’art arménien, séjourne à l’Hôtel Rossia, au c`ur de
Moscou. Dans cet établissement d’une austérité toute soviétique, le
KGB n’est jamais bien loin, les clients sont sous surveillance.
Garig Basmadjian ne s’en étonne sans doute pas ; il connaît bien ce
pays, ses obsessions policières. N’a-t-il pas organisé, en 1988, deux
expositions, au Musée de l’Ermitage (Leningrad, aujourd’hui
Saint-Pétersbourg) et à la galerie Tretiakov (Moscou) ? Cette fois,
il est là à l’invitation du ministère de la culture, en prévision
d’autres manifestations.

Trois Arméniens qu’il connaît de longue date sont présents dans sa
chambre, ce 29 juillet au matin, quand le téléphone sonne. “Je
descends dans dix minutes”, dit-il, en russe, à son interlocuteur.
Basmadjian prend son passeport, quitte la pièce avec ses visiteurs
arméniens. “J’en aurai pour deux à trois heures”, leur lance-t-il
dans le hall. Dehors, un homme lui fait signe. Agé d’une trentaine
d’années, il se tient devant une voiture beige, une Lada de type
Jigouli Vaz 2104 ou 2108. Le Français monte à l’avant, le chauffeur
démarre. Il est 10 heures, ce matin d’été. Garig Basmadjian ne
donnera plus jamais signe de vie.

Un juge parisien, Patrick Ramael, tente aujourd’hui de savoir ce
qu’il est devenu. La plainte pour “enlèvement et séquestration”,
déposée le 6 avril 2003 par l’épouse et le fils aîné du galeriste, a
conduit la brigade criminelle à se plonger dans ce dossier traité
jusque-là à Moscou. “Nous voulons connaître la vérité, si pénible
soit-elle”, prévient Varvara Basmadjian, la femme du marchand d’art.

Depuis 1989, celle-ci s’est très peu exprimée dans les médias. Des
années durant, elle n’a pas non plus enclenché de procédure
judiciaire en France. Laissant à sa belle-s`ur, Vartouhi, le soin de
suivre l’évolution de l’enquête russe, elle est restée en retrait
afin, assure-t-elle, de “préserver”ses trois enfants, deux garçons et
une fille. Maintenant que ceux-ci sont “en ge de comprendre”, Mme
Basmadjian relance les investigations avec le soutien d’un avocat, Me
Patrick Baudoin, et de l’Association Edouard-Kalifat, spécialisée
dans la recherche de personnes disparues en ex-URSS.

La tche s’annonce ardue, surtout après tant d’années d’immobilisme.
L’affaire est riche en zones d’ombre ; elle ne manque pas non plus
d’enjeux financiers liés au patrimoine du disparu, propriétaire
d’environ 150 `uvres, bloquées en Russie. Et puis, l’énigme renvoie à
une période trouble – le tournant des années 1980-1990 – marquée par
la fin du communisme et l’essor des réseaux mafieux, y compris dans
le “business” des `uvres d’art. Garig Basmadjian a fréquenté cette
URSS-là ; il en connaissait les pièges.

Etonnant parcours que le sien… Fils d’un ingénieur de la radio
jordanienne, il voit le jour à Jérusalem en 1947. Après avoir grandi
en Israël, il rejoint la terre de ses ancêtres, l’Arménie, alors sous
contrôle soviétique. De 1966 à 1971, il suit des études de philologie
et de journalisme à Erevan, où il fait la connaissance de sa future
épouse, Varvara, de nationalité française. Le jeune homme est
brillant, éclectique ; il écrit des poèmes, traduit des textes en
arménien et en anglais.

En 1972, le couple s’installe près de Paris. Garig Basmadjian
poursuit ses activités de critique d’art et de traducteur. “Il
voyageait beaucoup, participait à des conférences en Angleterre et
aux Etats-Unis”, raconte sa femme. Il affine aussi ses connaissances
artistiques et commence à acquérir des tableaux, en France ou à
l’étranger. En 1978, la passion devient commerce : il ouvre à Paris,
au 90, boulevard Raspail, la Galerie Gorky, vite rebaptisée Galerie
Basmadjian. Cet homme de grande culture, mécène à ses heures, devient
incontournable dans le microcosme russo-arménien. “La galerie était
un point de rencontre, assure sa femme. L’aide apportée à certains
artistes considérés comme des dissidents n’a pas empêché Garig de se
rendre en URSS.” C’est ainsi qu’en 1988 il expose sa collection à
Moscou et à Leningrad. En décembre de la même année, alors qu’un
séisme frappe l’Arménie (100 000 morts), il organise des ventes aux
enchères au profit des sinistrés.

Arrive l’été 1989. A l’approche de cet énième séjour en URSS, le
galeriste paraît préoccupé. “Un jour, confie son épouse, il m’a dit
: “Je ne devrais peut-être pas partir seul.” Cette petite phrase
m’est revenue après coup. Sur le moment, je n’avais pas fait
attention.”Le départ est programmé le 20 juillet. Divers rendez-vous
sont prévus, à Leningrad et dans la capitale. “Il devait organiser le
rapatriement par camion de quelques `uvres exposées à l’Ermitage en
1988”,explique Varvara Basmadjian. Son visa expire le 31 juillet,
date de l’avion du retour. Mais le 29 juillet au matin, devant
l’Hôtel Rossia, il monte dans une Jigouli…

Son entourage, alerté le 1er août, tente d’obtenir des informations.
Sa s`ur Vartouhi se rend à Moscou, où elle rencontre des policiers,
des responsables du ministère de la culture, le consul de France, le
procureur d’Etat. Elle séjourne même au Rossia, dans la chambre de
son frère. Les trois Arméniens présents avec lui ce matin-là, dont la
directrice d’un musée d’Erevan, semblent hors de cause. Les proches
du galeriste s’interrogent en revanche sur le rôle d’un certain Misha
R., spécialiste du marché de l’art, qui l’accompagnait souvent lors
de ses rendez-vous. Cette piste, comme beaucoup d’autres, sera
ensuite abandonnée.

Les médias locaux se passionnent pour cette affaire, présentée comme
le “premier enlèvement d’un étranger sur le sol soviétique”.
Serait-ce l’`uvre des mafias dont l’essor inquiète tant le pays ? La
photo de Basmadjian est placardée dans les commissariats, un avis de
recherche est lancé à la télévision. Sans résultat.

En moins d’un an, sa s`ur effectue cinq voyages à Moscou et un en
Arménie, mais ne sait trop à qui se fier. Un jour, les enquêteurs
suggèrent qu’il s’agit d’une “affaire mafieuse aux ramifications
internationales”. Un autre, un fonctionnaire des affaires étrangères,
lui assure que son frère était encore en vie le 12 août. Autre
élément troublant : pourquoi une personne se réclamant du ministère
de la culture a-t-elle appelé son hôtel, après la disparition, afin
de demander que la réservation de la chambre soit prolongée d’une
semaine ?

Côté français, l’heure est aussi au jeu d’ombres. A la mi-septembre
1989, Varvara Basmadjian et sa belle-s`ur reçoivent la visite de deux
hommes affirmant travailler au ministère de l’intérieur. “Ils nous
ont interrogées sur mon mari, raconte Varvara Basmadjian. Je leur ai
dit qu’il n’avait aucune activité politique. L’un d’eux, “Monsieur
Paul”, m’avait laissé un numéro. J’ai essayé de l’appeler deux fois,
mais cela ne répondait jamais. Je n’ai jamais su s’il s’agissait de
vrais policiers.”

En janvier 1990, Varvara Basmadjian se rend à son tour à Moscou. On
lui remet les effets personnels de son époux, ainsi qu’un
portrait-robot du chauffeur de la Jigouli : “30 ans, taille 1,70
m-1,75 m, de corpulence forte, visage de type européen, cheveux
chtain clair bouclés, habillé d’un pantalon beige et d’une chemise
de même couleur, large, portée au-dessus de la ceinture.”

Fin 1990, un policier et un magistrat moscovites viennent à Paris.
Les proches du marchand d’art s’étonnent de leurs questions “très
vagues” et doutent de leur volonté d’aboutir. Le 22 mars 1994, après
plus de quatre ans de démarches infructueuses, Vartouhi Basmadjian
conclura ainsi une note de synthèse : “J’ai eu des contacts avec des
détectives privés, la CIA, le KGB, la police française, des
ambassadeurs, des artistes, des collectionneurs, des ex-prisonniers,
des écrivains, des experts, des radiesthésistes, des voyants, des
prêtres… et je ne suis pas plus avancée que le jour où j’ai reçu
l’appel de Moscou m’annonçant que mon frère avait disparu.”

Deux nouvelles pistes ajoutent au mystère dans les années suivantes.
La première, révélée par l’Association Edouard-Kalifat, met en cause
le KGB. En 1993, un homme interné dans un hôpital n
psychiatrique-prison de Smolensk et présenté comme un
“opposant”ukrainien, Alexandre Budilov, réussit à transmettre à
l’ambassade des Etats-Unis une lettre où il affirme avoir vu le
Français, en août 1992, à la prison de Boutyrki. D’après lui, le KGB
aurait enlevé Basmadjian car ce dernier était soupçonné d’espionnage
économique au profit de l’Afrique du Sud. Une assertion difficile à
vérifier : Budilov est mort en juillet 1993. Un suicide,
semble-t-il.

L’autre piste, plus étayée, émane d’un avocat arménien de grand
renom, Karen Nersisian. De janvier 1998 à novembre 1999, il a
enquêté pour le compte de Vartouhi Basmadjian ; leurs relations se
sont ensuite détériorées. Me Nersisian affirme avoir recueilli de
nombreux indices et acheté des documents à l’ex-KGB. Selon lui,
Basmadjian était généreux avec les artistes, mais il se livrait aussi
au commerce – très lucratif – des ordinateurs. L’un de ses clients,
un marchand d’art réputé, l’aurait tué après une dispute. D’après Me
Nersisian, la fameuse Jigouli appartenait à un artiste russe marié à
une Française, employée à l’ambassade de France. Interrogé par Le
Monde, Me Nersisian affirme savoir où a eu lieu le meurtre et ce qui
a été fait du corps, mais refuse d’en dire davantage.

La famille Basmadjian, qui a fermé la galerie du boulevard Raspail
fin 2002, conteste l’existence d’un trafic d’ordinateurs. Elle
rejette également les soupçons – récurrents – d’espionnage. “Mon mari
n’était pas un agent, insiste Varvara Basmadjian. Peut-être a-t-il
été utilisé par des services sans même savoir qu’il l’était…”

Il reste maintenant à connaître les conclusions de l’enquête
officielle menée à Moscou depuis 1989. Etrangement, c’est auprès d’un
service français, la DST, que le juge Ramael a obtenu le document le
plus intéressant à ce propos : une note du “ministère de la sécurité
de la Fédération de Russie”, datée du 1er décembre 1993. D’après ce
texte, d’importantes vérifications auraient été effectuées : “900
relations de Basmadjian(…), 4 127 automobiles (…),134
établissements médicaux (…), 70 000 caves et greniers”…

Varvara Basmadjian assure n’avoir jamais été informée dans le détail
de ces développements. Et, pourtant, la vérité est peut-être là, dans
cette note de sept pages dont Le Monde a eu connaissance. Trois noms
sont en effet cités. Trois hommes avec lesquels son mari était
semble-t-il en relation. Il leur aurait même passé commande d’une
vingtaine de tableaux qu’il souhaitait acquérir en URSS. Une fois à
Moscou, les tractations auraient mal tourné. Deux d’entre eux
seraient directement impliqués dans la disparition.

Le premier est Alex Asmakov, alias Alex Taïm. D’après les policiers
français, ses “relations avec la mafia russe sont clairement
établies”. Seul problème : il aurait été assassiné en 1999, en
Russie ; son corps n’aurait jamais été retrouvé.

Le second suspect, qui pourrait être le chauffeur de la Jigouli, est
vivant. Il s’agit d’Alexandre Podlesnyi, alias Alex Yaari, 45 ans.
Cet ancien boxeur, réputé proche des milieux criminels sibériens, est
emprisonné au Canada pour le meurtre d’un bijoutier. Il se serait
vanté à plusieurs reprises du meurtre de Basmadjian. Le juge Ramael
veut l’entendre avant sa libération, fin 2004.

Le troisième homme, Alexandre Hoffman, 49 ans, n’aurait joué qu’un
rôle secondaire, mais son témoignage pourrait être déterminant. Il
vit aux Etats-Unis sous une nouvelle identité (Alex G.). A en croire
la note russe, il avait été interrogé, en 1991, par le FBI. A cette
occasion, il aurait indiqué que Basmadjian disposait, au KGB, de
“relations” qu’il “exploitait sans limites” pour favoriser son
commerce, plus ou moins licite, d’`uvres d’art. Le juge veut
également auditionner Hoffman.

Ainsi donc, le dossier comporte des noms, des adresses, et même un
récit de la “cavale” (Pologne, Israël, Autriche…) des suspects.
D’où ces interrogations : pourquoi les autorités russes n’ont-elles
jamais demandé l’extradition ou l’arrestation des trois hommes ? Que
savent-elles au juste de cette affaire ? “Il faut se souvenir du
contexte de 1989, rappelle Vartouhi Basmadjian. En ce temps-là, il
était impossible de disparaître sans qu’elles n’en soient informées.
De plus, Garig n’allait jamais seul à un rendez-vous. S’il l’a fait,
c’est que les gens avec lesquels il est allé étaient des amis de très
longue date ou que ce rendez-vous avait un caractère officiel.”

Selon nos informations, le dossier russe comporte en fait pas moins
de 39 tomes. Le magistrat français a enfin eu l’occasion de s’y
plonger : accompagné de deux policiers, il vient de passer une
semaine à Moscou. Quinze ans après, ce déplacement relance enfin
l’espoir de voir un jour élucidée l’énigme Basmadjian.

François Bonnet et Philippe Broussard