Criminal Cases, Insults, and Claims of Foreign Control: Armenia’s Election Cam

May 16 2026

This material is part of a partnership with OC Media. You can read the original English version here.

As the first week of Armenia’s official election campaign period draws to a close, tensions have escalated, accompanied by new criminal charges of vote-buying and insulting political rhetoric, including allegations that candidates are being controlled from abroad.

On Thursday, Armenian authorities announced three separate criminal cases and numerous arrests, two of which were related to alleged vote-buying.

In one case, an undisclosed number of members and supporters of former President Robert Kocharyan’s “Armenia” bloc were arrested in Spitak (Lori Province).

Authorities claim that the head of the bloc’s local office provided charitable aid at a time when a legislative ban on charitable activities was in effect ahead of the parliamentary elections scheduled for June 7. The same individual, along with others, is also accused of “obstructing the free exercise of the electoral right of a resident of the same region, manifested in the threat of violence against the latter.”

This marked the first such criminal case against the “Armenia” bloc, which rejected the allegations, calling the case “not a legal process, but another cheap attempt to obstruct the normal functioning of our structures.”

The bloc also stated that “the authorities are trying to create an atmosphere of fear through such methods,” characterizing Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan’s government as an “authoritarian regime.”

Separately, Armenian police reported that a man was detained in Yerevan on Wednesday while handing over 50,000 drams ($135) to another person as an alleged election bribe. Authorities did not disclose which political party the case was linked to.

In another case, Armenian authorities arrested and launched an investigation into a man after he posted an online address on Tuesday containing insults directed at Pashinyan. The criminal case was initiated on charges of public speech aimed at inciting or promoting hatred, discrimination, intolerance, or enmity.

On Thursday, Pashinyan praised Armenia’s law enforcement agencies for their “effective fight” against election bribery.

The following day, in line with the trend of recent months, reports emerged of new arrests of members or supporters of the “Strong Armenia” bloc, led by Russian-Armenian tycoon Samvel Karapetyan.

Rhetoric of “Hambals” and Claims of External Control

In addition to the arrests, Kocharyan called Pashinyan a “hambal” (a crude, uneducated, or primitive person) during a heated discussion on Thursday. Pashinyan later used the same term in his response.

Kocharyan stated that no one in Armenia’s history had previously spoken out “against [national] identity and the Church.” “Hey, you hambal, what do you have against this? What is driving you? In all seriousness, why are you hurting an entire nation? For whose sake?” Kocharyan asked.

He further suggested that Pashinyan is being controlled from the outside.

“I have the impression that there is some kind of remote control, and there is a chip in [Pashinyan’s] head, and this head is being controlled by that remote from somewhere—definitely not from Armenia. Now this man, in my opinion, has become like [Azerbaijani President Ilham] Aliyev’s lapdog,” Kocharyan said.

He also argued that such rhetoric was a response to Pashinyan “crossing the line” in his statements.

Earlier on Thursday, Pashinyan stated that Kocharyan should be imprisoned for the bloody crackdown on anti-government protests in March 2008, which occurred during Kocharyan’s presidency and claimed 10 lives. In turn, Kocharyan accused Pashinyan of being the “instigator and the main person responsible” for those events.

Kocharyan also claimed that while three former presidents of Nagorno-Karabakh are imprisoned in Azerbaijan, Pashinyan received instructions via “remote control” to imprison the fourth, Kocharyan, in Armenia.

Before moving to Armenia, Kocharyan served as the president of Nagorno-Karabakh from 1994 to 1997.

“Kocharyan said that the word ‘hambal’ is accepted in the Civil Contract party. That is true, because when we talk about him, we use that very word—hambal,” Pashinyan said in his response in a Facebook video on Thursday evening.

In another video, he challenged Kocharyan to write the word “identity” live on air, in what appeared to be a jab at Kocharyan’s linguistic skills.

“Western Azerbaijan” vs. the Union State

Karapetyan, whose “Strong Armenia” bloc is expected to be the main rival to Pashinyan’s Civil Contract party in the upcoming elections, also stated on Thursday that Armenian border villages have become deserted due to demographic trends. He further claimed that if Pashinyan is re-elected, 300,000 Azerbaijanis will be resettled in Armenia.

The claim about the resettlement of Azerbaijanis in Armenia has become a recurring talking point for Karapetyan and other opposition figures. In turn, Pashinyan rejected these accusations, calling them “lies.”

“Such an issue has never been on our agenda with Azerbaijan, nor on our broader international agenda. These people are now spending millions of dollars to create and inject this agenda into the political life of the Republic of Armenia. Only foreign spies act in this manner,” Pashinyan stated on Friday.

In addition to statements by politicians, AI-generated videos have also circulated online, including claims that if Pashinyan is re-elected, Armenia will become “Western Azerbaijan,” while if the opposition comes to power, Armenia will join a “Union State” with Russia and Belarus.

In recent years, Azerbaijan has launched a campaign around the concept of “Western Azerbaijan”—a term that refers not to its own territory, but to part or all of the territory of the Republic of Armenia.

OC Media: For ease of reading, we have chosen not to use qualifiers such as “de facto,” “unrecognized,” or “partially recognized” when discussing institutions or political positions in Abkhazia, Nagorno-Karabakh, and South Ossetia. This does not imply that we take any position on their status.

https://sovanews.tv/en/2026/05/16/criminal-cases-insults-and-claims-of-foreign-control-armenias-election-campaign-heats-up/

The suicide of a man arrested for damaging an election poster has raised quest

Caucasian Knot
May 17 2026
The suicide of a man arrested for damaging an election poster has raised questions about Armenian security forces.
The destruction of an election poster should have been treated as an administrative offense, and the criminal prosecution and detention of Armenian resident Armen Hovhannisyan were illegal, human rights activists and a lawyer stated after the detainee committed suicide.

As reported by the “Caucasian Knot,” on May 16, it was reported that Armenian resident Armen Hovhannisyan committed suicide in the Nubarashen Psychiatric Hospital after being detained after tearing down an election poster.

A case was opened against Hovhannisyan under Article 211 of the Criminal Code (obstructing campaigning). He was initially held in a detention facility, but no charges were brought against him. He was then transferred to a psychiatric hospital after security forces noticed his unstable behavior, Factor.am reported.

Human rights activists and a lawyer criticized security forces for prosecuting Hovhannisyan
Five human rights activists issued a statement in connection with the death of the detainee, Aysor.am reported today. The authors of the joint statement, whose names are not included in the publication, considered the man’s detention “a gross violation of the law by the law enforcement system.”

“The act of tearing down a poster is clearly defined in the legislation of the Republic of Armenia in Article 40.11 of the Code of Administrative Offenses and cannot serve as grounds for initiating a criminal case or, even more so, for arresting a person in criminal proceedings. This is an elementary legal truth that all officials involved in the process were obliged to know and take into account. However, a reality has developed in Armenia in which the law enforcement system has become a political tool, and the law is subject to arbitrary interpretation,” the human rights activists stated.

They are convinced that the incident cannot be presented as an “accident” or a “personal tragedy.” “This is a consequence of legal permissiveness, impunity, and the flagrant distortion of the law by law enforcement agencies,” the statement reads.

Damaging the poster can in no way entail criminal liability.

Lawyer Hovhannes Khudoyan expressed a similar opinion, commenting on the detainee’s suicide. “Damaging a campaign poster is an administrative offense (Article 40.11 of the RA Code of Administrative Offenses). The penalty is a fine of 50,000-100,000 drams (from 135 to 270 dollars. – Note from the “Caucasian Knot”). Damaging a poster can in no way entail criminal liability. The death of a man who committed suicide in the Nubarashen Psychiatric Hospital lies on the conscience of law enforcement officials if the facts presented in the media are confirmed,” the publication quotes him as saying today.

Authorities stated that doctors were unable to save the detainee
The Armenian Ministry of Internal Affairs and Ministry of Health commented on Hovhannisyan’s death today, News.am reports.

According to the Ministry of Internal Affairs, Hovhannisyan was detained and was initially held in the detention facility of the Artashat Community Police Department. “On May 16, at approximately 9:30 a.m., the detainee was observed exhibiting mental instability, after which an ambulance was called. On the instructions of an ambulance doctor, the detainee, accompanied by police officers, was taken by ambulance to a mental health center,” the publication quoted the ministry’s statement.

The Ministry of Health, in turn, stated that the suicide was committed “in a very short period of time.”

“Medical personnel immediately responded to the situation and carried out the necessary emergency measures, but were unable to save the patient’s life. The patient, who had the status of a detainee, was monitored in accordance with the procedure established by law. All circumstances of the incident are being investigated by law enforcement agencies,” the publication quoted the Ministry of Health’s statement.

Activity of opponents of the ruling party attracts particular attention from security forces
As a reminder, on May 16, security forces also detained 10 supporters of the Strong Party Armenia,” who are suspected of obstructing the election campaign of representatives of the ruling party in the Lori region.

The day before, on May 15, security forces in the Yerevan metro detained a woman who had used a felt-tip pen to write a message on an election poster of the ruling Civil Contract party. The woman has been incommunicado, her lawyer reported.

The arrests of opposition supporters come amid accusations against the ruling party of abuse of power. Thus, on May 15, former Armenian Ombudsman Arman Tatoyan, who heads the Wings of Unity party’s candidate list, stated that college students in Armavir were forced to participate in a pre-election event in the interests of Armenia’s ruling party.

On May 13, teachers and students from schools in the Aragatsotn region, instead of attending school, participated in the ruling party’s election campaign. The Electoral Commission recalled that involving public sector employees and schoolchildren in election campaigning contradicts the Electoral Code. Representatives of the ruling party distanced themselves from the incident, but observers and the teachers themselves confirmed the violation.

Armenia’s parliamentary elections are scheduled for June 7. Seventeen parties and two blocs have been admitted. Samvel Karapetyan’s “Strong Armenia,” Robert Kocharyan’s “Armenia” bloc, and Gagik Tsarukyan’s “Prosperous Armenia” party are the most pro-Russian candidates in the upcoming elections. The Kremlin is backing Karapetyan, but he is legally ineligible to participate. The “Caucasian Knot” has prepared a report titled “2026 Elections to the National Assembly (Parliament) of Armenia.”

Translated automatically via Google translate from class=”gmail_default” st1yle=”font-family:verdana,sans-serif;font-size:small”>
Source: Caucasian Knot

Armenia: Pashinyan Accuses Opponents Of Ties To Former Elites

Eurasia Review
May 18 2026

Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, speaking at a Civil Contract rally in Armavir, again built his speech around criticism of former authorities, saying his team was fighting a “three-headed mafia.”

“They will keep feeling the taste of the Republic of Armenia for a long time, the taste of the state will remain in their mouths for a long time. They will dream of the opportunity to flee Armenia, but they will not have that opportunity,” he said, according to Aravot.am.

He also said financial flows had been cut from their pockets and redirected to Armenia’s state budget. Pashinyan then referred to the names of opposition political forces.

“They have included the name Armenia in the names of their political forces. They do not deserve to have the name Armenia in the names of their parties. On June 7, 2026, you must reclaim the name Armenia. Armenia is your name, our name, they have nothing to do with Armenia and the name Armenia,” he said.

The election campaign that began on May 8 will continue until June 5. June 6 will be a day of silence, while the elections will take place on June 7.

Yerevan court accepts Pashinyan’s defamation case over Kareptyan’s hallucinog

OC Media
May 18 2026

A court in Yerevan has accepted a defamation case filed by Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan against Russian-Armenian tycoon Samvel Karapetyan, who heads the Strong Armenia Alliance and is Pashinyan’s highest-polling competitor in the upcoming parliamentary elections. Earlier in May, Karapetyan had accused Pashinyan of taking hallucinogenic mushrooms he had obtained in China before making public speeches, which he said was a reason not to take Pashinyan seriously.

Pashinyan swiftly denied the allegations and said shortly after he planned to file a lawsuit against Karapetyan.

‘Naturally, I am going to sue [Karapetyan] and, in the legal sense of the word, make [Karapetyan] eat one tonne of hallucinogenic mushrooms. Excuse my harsh language, but in the end, everything has its limits’, Pashinyan said earlier in May.

The state-run media outlet Armenpress reported on Friday that the lawsuit had been accepted, and that Pashinyan was demanding restitution of ֏6 million ($16,250) in damages, as well as an official retraction and apology from Karapetyan.

Despite being named its prime ministerial candidate, Karapetyan has not been included in the alliance’s electoral list. His nomination has sparked controversy due to legal requirements that stipulate that candidates for the position should hold only Armenian citizenship and have resided in the country for the past four years — requirements Karapetyan does not mean.

Karapetyan announced in April that he had initiated the process of renouncing his Russian and Cypriot citizenship ahead of the elections.

He is currently under house arrest over criminal charges of calling for a coup.

Russia threatens Yerevan

Italy – May 18 2026
by Vladimir Rozanskij

At the recent European summit in Armenia, attended by Zelenskyy and marked by a clear desire to strengthen relations with the European Union, Putin responded by warning Armenia not to follow in Ukraine’s footsteps. These are weighty words in a country preparing to go to the polls on 7 June for extremely sensitive parliamentary elections.

Yerevan (AsiaNews) – Following the European summit in Yerevan on 4 May, attended by Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, relations between Russia and Armenia have entered a new critical phase.

Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan expressed his intention to strengthen Armenia’s relations with the European Union, stating that “we would be happy to be welcomed as a member state”. Kremlin spokesperson Dmitry Peskov reacted by stating that the Russians would like an explanation, considering it “abnormal” that Zelenskyy was given a “platform for statements that are entirely anti-Russian”.

Russian Foreign Ministry spokeswoman Maria Zakharova also accused Armenia of “actions against Russia”, threatening “very serious complications” in relations with Yerevan.

Following these statements, Pashinyan refused to travel to Astana in Kazakhstan for the summit of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU), a Moscow-led organisation comprising Belarus, Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan.

The Armenian Prime Minister stated that he was too busy with the election campaign for the renewal of the Yerevan parliament scheduled for 7 June, sending Deputy Prime Minister Mher Grigoryan instead. A few days later, Vladimir Putin himself spoke in harsh terms at the press conference following the 9 May parade, stating that Armenia’s accession to the EU and its withdrawal from the EAEU “must be decided by a popular referendum of the Armenian people”, to be organised “as soon as possible”.

He also urged Armenia “not to take the situation to extremes” and not to follow Ukraine’s path, recalling that Moscow’s conflict with Kyiv had begun in 2014 precisely because of the Ukrainians’ desire to integrate with the European Union.

In typical “Putin the Terrible” style, the Russian president noted that “all this led to the overthrow of the established order”, referring to the Maidan uprising, “and subsequently to the events in Crimea, the conflicts in south-eastern Ukraine and military actions; this is a very serious matter, and Armenia must take the possible consequences into account”.

Pashinyan replied in turn that “we will hold the referendum when there is an objective need to do so”, and that bilateral relations with another state, including Russia, “should not be confused with marriage”.

Political scientist Ruben Megrabyan, vice-president of the “Military Republic of Armenia” party, told Currentime that in his view “Putin’s words are a professional attempt at operational action typical of a former KGB member—or rather, a member who is still active, because there is no such thing as a former KGB member”. The Kremlin leader is seeking to appear accommodating and to assert Russia’s “constructive spirit”, in order to “amicably” convey his warnings to Armenia regarding the “objective difficulties”. According to Megrabyan, Putin’s words serve the ongoing electoral process, to make Moscow’s position on Armenia’s future clear to everyone, a sort of “instruction to the many pro-Russian forces within the country”.

Pashinyan is trying in his own way to avoid a direct confrontation with Putin, fully understanding the dangers that could ensue. He realises that “being an enemy of Russia is dangerous, but being a friend is even worse”, comments the political scientist, as the Russians are accustomed to fuelling internal divisions in other countries.

The decisive moment will therefore come at next June’s elections, where, according to forecasts, the majority of Armenian citizens will seek to assert the country’s independence and are therefore expected to support the pro-European choice, which is based on guarantees of independence and sovereignty, alongside partnership with the United States and peace with neighbouring countries, particularly Azerbaijan and Turkey.

Putin has also sought to emphasise economic issues, stating that “Armenia’s GDP is guaranteed by trade with Russia”, but Megrabyan points out that “for Russia, trade is not trade, it is politics”, and the Armenians will have to choose the most appropriate way to ease these pressures as well. Russia is extremely unnerved – “to the point of hysteria” – by Armenia’s attempt to strike a fair balance between East and West, and much of the future of any possible peace hinges precisely on the most sensitive part of the Caucasus.

Armenia launches investigation into alleged plot to assassinate Pashinyan

OC Media
May 18 2026

Armenia’s Investigative Committee has launched an investigation over an alleged plot to assassinate Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan. The case, announced on Monday, came after a video was circulated online showing a group of masked and armed men directly addressing Pashinyan and saying, ‘we know where and when you are going […] you must answer for your every step’.

‘Motivated by hatred and intolerance, and combined with hooligan motives during a live broadcast, they disseminated a video containing a threat that poses a real danger of committing murder against the Prime Minister of the Republic of Armenia, related to his state and political activities and conditioned by his political views’, the Investigative Committee said.

An investigation on the grounds of an assassination plot, illegal trafficking of weapons, and computer sabotage has been opened, the committee said, the latter being due to the fact the suspects ‘accessed restricted computer network data to share the video during a live broadcast’.

In the video, along with the threats, a masked man blamed Pashinyan for the loss of Nagorno-Karabakh and repeatedly called him a liar. The man also alleged that Pashinyan wants to ‘hand over Armenia to Azerbaijan’, and said Armenians should not vote for him in the upcoming parliamentary elections.

The unknown individual was speaking in a Nagorno-Karabakh dialect, and the flag of Nagorno-Karabakh was present throughout the video on the wall behind him.

Shortly after, Pashinyan responded with his own set of insults and allegations, calling the men ‘scum’ and ‘scoundrels’ and claiming they were from Nagorno-Karabakh but had ‘ran away’.

‘They have put on masks, as if they are strong men. But do you know why they are wearing masks? Because once they take them off, we will see that these are the ones who abandoned our soldiers and ran away, filled with fear’, Pashinyan said with visible anger.

‘You ran away at Ferrari speed — who are you to speak?’, he added, apparently suggesting that they were former soldiers who had fled during Azerbaijan’s final offensive in the region in 2023.

He vowed to find them ‘one by one’ and urged them to voluntarily show up.

Daniel Ioannisyan from the Union of Informed Citizens organisation, claimed it was ‘a clear example of a Russian false-flag operation’. He described it as a ‘classic Russian’ action to frame Nagorno-Karabakh Armenians, along with other efforts to create tensions and foster internal divisions.

In contrast, human rights activist and opposition figure Nina Karapetyants claimed the possibility the entire plot could have been fabricated by Armenian authorities should not be excluded. She did not provide evidence to support her allegations.

How the failure of Trump’s Caucasus corridor helped spare Armenia

May 18 2026

Delays in a much-vaunted development project likely helped keep the country out of Iran’s crosshairs

Analysis | Europe

    Among the many unintended consequences of President Donald Trump’s disastrous decision to launch a war on Iran is the delaying of the so-called Caucasus Corridor, known as the Trump Route for International Peace and Prosperity (TRIPP). The project was supposed to bring peace between Armenia and Azerbaijan, which have been at war on and off for nearly 40 years.

    This may turn out to be a blessing in disguise. In a region where Western-backed megaprojects have become major targets for Iranian attacks, abandoning the corridor may have been the best thing that could happen to Armenia.

    The project in question — a transportation link through southern Armenia to the Azerbaijani exclave Nakhchevan and Turkey – was hailed as a decisive geopolitical break of the South Caucasus with Russian and Iranian influence. Pundits flattered Trump’s ego by promoting it as a stepping stone for the Nobel Peace Prize for the American president.

    There has been reason for skepticism about these claims from the start. Last year, I argued in these pages that “peace requires more than diplomatic theater; it demands difficult compromises that have so far been absent. Until then, the promise of stability remains a mirage.”

    Indeed, reality proved far messier than Trump’s vanity play. The signing ceremony in the White House in August 2025, involving Trump and the leaders of Armenia and Azerbaijan, did not usher in a peace agreement. Talks stalled as Azerbaijan insisted on changes to the Armenian constitution that would formally and permanently forsake Armenia’s claims on Nagorno-Karabakh, a region largely populated by ethnic Armenians prior to an Azerbaijani military campaign in 2023.

    The corridor, meanwhile, has increasingly drifted into irrelevance. The agreement stipulated that the corridor would be managed by a joint Armenian-American company based in Armenia. But the company was never established, and the contract was never signed. Consequently, all the other building blocks – funding, security, cross-border and transit modalities – were never put in place.

    Now, with the war on Iran consuming the Trump administration’s bandwidth, the project languishes. “Obviously, TRIPP isn’t a high priority with the U.S. administration, at least today,” Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan admitted in March. “Unfortunately, there is a high probability that this will affect the time frame.”

    But here’s the rub: the project’s unraveling has spared Armenia from becoming entangled in Iran’s expanding definition of legitimate retaliatory targets.

    Because when war broke out with Iran, neighboring countries hosting American infrastructure — military bases, substantial business presence — became such targets, as Iran warned they would.

    That threat doesn’t just concern the obvious candidates in the Persian Gulf, such as the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, Kuwait, and Saudi Arabia. In early March, Iranian-launched drones struck targets in Nakhchevan, Azerbaijan, including its airport, wounding four civilians. Tehran has always been highly suspicious of Baku’s close security ties with Israel, even accusing it of permitting Israel to use its air space in attacking Iran.

    Moreover, Iran has long suspected Baku of supporting Azeri irredentism in Iran, which has 15 to 20 million residents of Azeri descent. A number of hawkish, U.S.-based think tanks have promoted such a policy. Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev himself occasionally seemed to flirt with the idea, positioning himself as the leader of all Azeris in the world, including those in Iran.Among the many unintended consequences of President Donald Trump’s disastrous decision to launch a war on Iran is the delaying of the so-called Caucasus Corridor, known as the Trump Route for International Peace and Prosperity (TRIPP). The project was supposed to bring peace between Armenia and Azerbaijan, which have been at war on and off for nearly 40 years.

    This may turn out to be a blessing in disguise. In a region where Western-backed megaprojects have become major targets for Iranian attacks, abandoning the corridor may have been the best thing that could happen to Armenia.

    The project in question — a transportation link through southern Armenia to the Azerbaijani exclave Nakhchevan and Turkey – was hailed as a decisive geopolitical break of the South Caucasus with Russian and Iranian influence. Pundits flattered Trump’s ego by promoting it as a stepping stone for the Nobel Peace Prize for the American president.

    There has been reason for skepticism about these claims from the start. Last year, I argued in these pages that “peace requires more than diplomatic theater; it demands difficult compromises that have so far been absent. Until then, the promise of stability remains a mirage.”

    Indeed, reality proved far messier than Trump’s vanity play. The signing ceremony in the White House in August 2025, involving Trump and the leaders of Armenia and Azerbaijan, did not usher in a peace agreement. Talks stalled as Azerbaijan insisted on changes to the Armenian constitution that would formally and permanently forsake Armenia’s claims on Nagorno-Karabakh, a region largely populated by ethnic Armenians prior to an Azerbaijani military campaign in 2023.

    The corridor, meanwhile, has increasingly drifted into irrelevance. The agreement stipulated that the corridor would be managed by a joint Armenian-American company based in Armenia. But the company was never established, and the contract was never signed. Consequently, all the other building blocks – funding, security, cross-border and transit modalities – were never put in place.

    Now, with the war on Iran consuming the Trump administration’s bandwidth, the project languishes. “Obviously, TRIPP isn’t a high priority with the U.S. administration, at least today,” Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan admitted in March. “Unfortunately, there is a high probability that this will affect the time frame.”

    But here’s the rub: the project’s unraveling has spared Armenia from becoming entangled in Iran’s expanding definition of legitimate retaliatory targets.

    Because when war broke out with Iran, neighboring countries hosting American infrastructure — military bases, substantial business presence — became such targets, as Iran warned they would.

    That threat doesn’t just concern the obvious candidates in the Persian Gulf, such as the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, Kuwait, and Saudi Arabia. In early March, Iranian-launched drones struck targets in Nakhchevan, Azerbaijan, including its airport, wounding four civilians. Tehran has always been highly suspicious of Baku’s close security ties with Israel, even accusing it of permitting Israel to use its air space in attacking Iran.

    Moreover, Iran has long suspected Baku of supporting Azeri irredentism in Iran, which has 15 to 20 million residents of Azeri descent. A number of hawkish, U.S.-based think tanks have promoted such a policy. Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev himself occasionally seemed to flirt with the idea, positioning himself as the leader of all Azeris in the world, including those in Iran.

    This backdrop provides a context for Tehran’s skeptical attitude regarding TRIPP from the outset. Iran has long seen the project as designed to entrench the U.S. presence on its northern border and cut off Iran’s border with Armenia, its only friendly northern neighbor.

    The current war, not unexpectedly, has exacerbated Tehran’s fears of encirclement. While the Nakhchevan drone incident was promptly downplayed through diplomatic channels between Baku and Tehran, it highlighted the fragility of a regional architecture based on Iran’s exclusion.

    Had TRIPP infrastructure actually been built through Armenia’s southern region, it would have been a tempting target for Iran’s formidable missile and drone arsenal. Armenia would have found itself caught between Iranian retaliation and Azerbaijani ambitions – with the Turkish border still closed, and relations with Russia in tatters.

    TRIPP’s failure may therefore be Armenia’s greatest strategic stroke of luck. From Tehran’s perspective, there was nothing worth attacking – except, perhaps, the U.S. embassy, but Iran has not stepped up the escalation ladder to that point, yet.

    One should not conclude that the risk is over, however. Pashinyan is as committed as ever to TRIPP, which he sees as a fundamental pillar of Armenia’s pro-Western pivot. Facing a critical election next month, his hosting last week of the summit of the European Political Community – a loose network of European states whose membership transcends the EU – should boost his standing. Western leaders, including French President Emmanuel Macron and even the Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney, descended on Yerevan in a show of support for Pashinyan.

    While TRIPP is a U.S.-led rather than a European Union-led project, the European leaders endorsed it as a means to anchor Armenia in the “Western camp.” Besides this, they have little more to offer than vague recognition of Armenia’s “European aspirations.” Other nations that have trodden this path — like Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia — have wound up with little to show in terms of real deliverables on what matters, namely, actual membership in the EU, a security umbrella, and economic opportunities.

    Pashinyan may be on course to win the elections. However, not everybody in Armenia is convinced of the strategic wisdom of the Western pivot. Narek Karapetyan, an opposition leader, struck a dissenting note this week. Speaking from Meghri, a critical cog in the proposed project, he noted that “the TRIPP route runs 30-40 meters from the Iranian border.”

    “Over the past two months, we have seen Iran attack U.S. military bases in various countries,” Karapetyan said. “What will happen in the future if their relations deteriorate and only an American company remains here?”

    This may sound alarmist as TRIPP, in theory, has no military or security dimension. But the project’s very vagueness creates a dangerous strategic ambiguity. If attempts to revitalize it are undertaken, an Iranian threat could be used to justify its securitization.

    It is true that Armenian leadership was careful to communicate with Tehran on TRIPP, and bilateral relations have been generally friendly, even under Pashinyan. But the war has changed Iran’s calculus. Absent a diplomatic deal with the U.S., Iran, under a much more hardline, Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps-dominated leadership, will regard any U.S.-led regional architecture as a direct threat to its interests. And with Trump himself declaring the ceasefire between the U.S. and Iran “on life support” and thundering new threats against the Islamic Republic, the resumption of active hostilities cannot be excluded.

    TRIPP’s failure to launch rendered Armenia invisible. And invisibility, in the shadow of a great power war, is its own kind of salvation.


    Mövenpick Enters Armenia

    Hospitality & Catering News
    May 18 2026

    Mövenpick Hotels & Resorts brings its spirit of joyful reconnection to Armenia with the opening of Mövenpick Yerevan, the brand’s first address in Armenia. Located in the heart of the capital, the 127-room hotel blends Swiss heritage with the warmth of Armenian tradition, offering a welcoming setting for guests to come together and experience the city’s rich cultural landscape.

    Founded in 1948 as a culinary pioneer in Switzerland, Mövenpick has grown into a global hospitality brand rooted in generosity, conviviality and the simple pleasure of shared moments. Today, the brand continues to bring people closer together through moments of joyful reconnection, offering elevated yet approachable experiences across more than 140 hotels worldwide. The opening of Mövenpick Yerevan marks another important step in the brand’s ongoing expansion across Europe, with other recent entries in Greece and Belgium, as well as upcoming openings in Montenegro, Croatia and beyond.

    Aron Libinson, Vice President of Operations, New East Accor, said: “Armenia is an exciting and fast-growing destination, and we are delighted to introduce Mövenpick to Yerevan. With this opening, we bring a hospitality experience rooted in generosity, where thoughtful details, shared moments and a strong sense of place come together to create something truly meaningful for our guests .”

    Situated close to many of Yerevan’s cultural and historical landmarks, the hotel reflects a calm design approach, shaped by natural light and balance. Mövenpick Yerevan offers a range of modern rooms and suites, including Junior Suites, spacious apartments and a Presidential Suite with panoramic city views. Many rooms offer private balconies and dedicated workspaces, catering to both leisure and business travellers.

    The hotel’s dining offering includes Le Pont, a signature restaurant where French culinary traditions meet local Armenian flavours, creating a menu rooted in both technique and regional character. Guests can also enjoy the Mövenpick Café, inspired by the brand’s Swiss heritage, serving coffee, chocolate and light dishes in a relaxed setting.

    For moments of wellbeing, the hotel offers a tranquil spa that promotes rest and renewal. Wellness facilities include a spa with a hammam, dry sauna and a range of treatments designed to promote relaxation and wellbeing, as well as a fully equipped gym.

    The hotel also caters to meetings and gatherings, with three meeting rooms equipped with modern audiovisual technology, providing flexible spaces for small conferences, workshops and intimate events, each designed to foster meaningful moments of reconnection between colleagues or loved ones.

    ADDRESS OF POPE LEO XIV TO HIS HOLINESS ARAM I, CATHOLICOS OF THE ARMENIAN APO

    The Holy See, Vatican
    may 18 2026

    ADDRESS OF POPE LEO XIV
    TO HIS HOLINESS ARAM I, CATHOLICOS OF THE ARMENIAN APOSTOLIC CHURCH
    OF THE HOLY SEE OF CILICIA (LEBANON), AND ENTOURAGE

    Monday, 18 May 2026

    [Multimedia]

    ________________________

    Your Holiness, dear Brother,

    “Grace to you and peace from God our Father and the Lord Jesus Christ!” (Eph 1:2) With the greeting of the Apostle Paul, I welcome Your Holiness and the distinguished members of your delegation at the start of your visit to the Church of Rome.

    Could there be a greater spiritual bond between our Churches than the Apostle Paul of Tarsus, born in Cilicia, the place of your See, and who received the crown of martyrdom here in Rome? To Saint Paul, the Apostle par excellence of communion between the Churches, I entrust your pilgrimage to Rome. But how can I fail to mention also the great saints of the Church who worked for Christian unity? My thoughts turn to Saint Nerses the Gracious, Catholicos of Cilicia, who may be regarded as a pioneer of ecumenism – and whose recent inclusion in the Roman Martyrology is a further example of that “ecumenism of the saints” which already unites our Churches.

    Located at the crossroads of different peoples and cultures, the Catholicosate of the Holy See of Cilicia has long been characterized by its ecumenical vocation, particularly with regard to the Church of Rome. This special relationship between our Churches, which was particularly intense in the Middle Ages, saw new developments in the 20th century and especially after the Second Vatican Council.

    I am mindful that your venerable predecessor, Catholicos Khoren I, was the first primate of an Oriental Orthodox Church to visit Rome after the Council, as early as May 1967. Yourself, Holiness, stand out for your tireless ecumenical zeal, both locally, as one of the founders of the Middle East Council of Churches, and internationally within the World Council of Churches, where you have held prominent positions.

    I am deeply grateful for your efforts to foster relations with the Catholic Church and for your closeness to the Church of Rome, which you visited for the first time as Catholicos during the Week of Prayer for Christian Unity in January 1997, and which you have honoured with your presence on numerous occasions since then.

    I thank you in particular for your personal commitment to promoting theological dialogue between our Churches, which has been taking place since 2003 within the framework of the Joint International Commission for Theological Dialogue between the Catholic Church and the Oriental Orthodox Churches. This dialogue, which benefits from the valuable contribution of Armenian delegates, has already published three significant documents on the nature and mission of the Church, on communion in the early Church and on the sacraments. I sincerely hope that, despite recent difficulties, this dialogue will continue with renewed vigour, for there can be no restoration of communion between our Churches without unity in faith.

    Your presence among us brings to mind the beloved country from which you come and which I had the joy of visiting last December. This land of Lebanon, so dear to my heart, which for so long has shown the whole world that it is possible for people of diverse cultures and religions to live together as one nation, continues to face severe trials. At a time when the unity and integrity of your country are once again under threat, our Churches are called to strengthen the fraternal bonds that unite not only Christians amongst themselves, but also with their brothers and sisters from other communities in their shared homeland. Your Holiness, I assure you of my daily prayers and of the deep concern I feel for the people of Lebanon and for the Churches of the Middle East, to which you will devote a conference during your stay in Rome.

    In these days leading up to the Solemnity of Pentecost, as we prepare to relive the mystery the miracle of the descent of the Holy Spirit upon the nascent Church, I am grateful to be able to pray after this meeting, together with Your Holiness, to the Spirit, Lord and Giver of life, that He may grant us the gift of unity, bestow upon us enduring peace, and renew the face of the earth.

    https://www.vatican.va/content/leo-xiv/en/speeches/2026/may/documents/20260518-chiesa-armena.html

    Armenia as a Platform for EU Engagement: France’s Role in Anchoring Armenia i

    Institut Montagne
    May 18 2026
    Author
    Sossi Tatikyan
    International Relations and Security Analyst

    This first part of a two-part series on Armenia’s foreign policy examines three major European diplomatic events held in Yerevan, which signal a shift in foreign policy for a country still reeling from the loss of Nagorno-Karabakh in 2023. How is Armenia’s rapprochement with Europe taking shape? How might it serve as an asset for the EU in the Caucasus, even as Azerbaijan remains a key gas supplier? What role can France play?

    The convergence of three major diplomatic events in Yerevan-the summit of the European Political Community (EPC), the first-ever Armenia-EU summit, and the state visit of French President Emmanuel Macron from May 4th to 6th -marks a moment of exceptional geopolitical density. This alignment is a rare coincidence of multilateral and bilateral engagements that together signal both a transformation in Armenia’s foreign and security policy trajectory and a recalibration of Europe’s role in the South Caucasus.

    The presence of approximately 45-50 leaders-including non-EU European states such as the United Kingdom, Norway, and Switzerland, and EU institutions-anchored the summit within the broader European security agenda. The participation of Prime Minister Mark Carney-marking Canada’s first-ever participation in the EPC-as well as NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte further underscored the platform’s gradual expansion beyond a strictly European framework, positioning it as an emerging bridge between European and wider Euro-Atlantic political and security coordination.

    EPC as a Platform for Diplomatic Engagement and Signaling

    By the time of the Yerevan summit, the EPC had evolved into a forum where multiple layers of European politics intersect-Ukraine, the Middle East, energy diversification, connectivity, and resilience against hybrid threats. Beyond its institutional framing, the Yerevan summit created a space for intensive bilateral engagements reflecting broader geopolitical dynamics across Europe and its periphery. The presence of leaders shaping Europe’s response to the war in Ukraine anchored the summit in the continent’s central security challenge while enabling coordination beyond formal negotiation frameworks. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy engaged directly with European partners to secure continued political, military and financial support in an ongoing conflict. 

    As host, Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan held a series of bilateral meetings, including with Volodymyr Zelenskyy, reinforcing Armenia’s effort to recalibrate its foreign policy orientation. The attendance of Albin Kurti, despite the absence of Armenia’s formal recognition of Kosovo as an independent state, and his bilateral meeting with Prime Minister Pashinyan-following several high-level meetings in recent years-reflects a level of political engagement that amounts, in practice, to de facto recognition.

    The summit also created opportunities for renewed engagement among actors whose interactions have been strained in recent years. The participation of Irakli Kobakhidze in a European summit, including his meeting with President Zelenskyy, signaled a cautious re-engagement following a period of strained relations with both the EU and Ukraine. During his visit to Brussels in March 2026, PM Pashinyan urged EU officials to re-engage with Georgia, underscoring that Armenia’s European trajectory is closely tied to Georgia as its primary gateway to Europe. The presence of Belarusian opposition leader Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya and her meetings drew protest from Minsk.

    The presence of Cevdet Yılmaz, Vice President of Türkiye-in a format typically reserved for heads of state and government-reflected the sensitivity of Turkish-Armenian relations and the lack of full normalization, which remains contingent on developments in Armenia-Azerbaijan relations.

    The presence of Cevdet Yılmaz, Vice President of Türkiye-in a format typically reserved for heads of state and government-reflected the sensitivity of Turkish-Armenian relations and the lack of full normalization, which remains contingent on developments in Armenia-Azerbaijan relations. Latest steps-including the announcement of cooperation for the restoration of the Kars-Gyumri railway and progress on the reconstruction of the Ani bridge-point to movement in Türkiye-Armenia engagement. Finally, Azerbaijan’s President Ilham Aliyev’s participation by videoconference pointed to the unfinished Armenia-Azerbaijan peace process, which precluded his in-person attendance in Yerevan.

    Taken together, these interactions illustrate how the EPC operates not only as a symbolic gathering, but as a functional diplomatic space where multiple tracks of engagement-security coordination, political signaling, and regional dialogue-intersect. This dimension is essential for understanding its growing relevance in a fragmented geopolitical environment.

    From Prague and Granada to Yerevan: EPC Role for Armenia

    The Prague summit-the first meeting of the European Political Community-marked a turning point. Held just weeks after Azerbaijan’s major September 2022 offensive against Armenia within its internationally recognized borders, it hosted the quadrilateral meeting between Nikol Pashinyan, Ilham Aliyev, Emmanuel Macron, and Charles Michel, reaffirming mutual recognition of territorial integrity. It also led to the deployment of a short-term EU CSDP civilian monitoring mission, which later evolved into the European Union Mission in Armenia (EUMA).

    The second-Granada summit in 2023 took place after the September 2023 military takeover of Nagorno-Karabakh by Azerbaijan, which was criticized by French leadership, as well as by EU High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy Josep Borrell. In response French Minister for Europe and Foreign Affairs Catherine Colonna’s announcement about the decision to start defence cooperation with Armenia during her visit to Yerevan, Baku did not attend the meeting. Granada meeting consolidated European political support for Armenia’s sovereignty and territorial integrity, while Azerbaijan subsequently sidelined France and the EU from the Armenia-Azerbaijan peace process.

    In his opening remarks in the Yerevan meeting, Nikol Pashinyan highlighted the role of EPC in the Armenia-Azerbaijan peace process, and described peace between the two countries as effectively established. In his speech by videoconference, Ilham Aliyev underlined Azerbaijan’s steps toward enabling trade with Armenia, including the lifting of restrictions on transit cargo. At the same time, he harshly criticized a European Parliament (EP) resolution adopted days earlier on democratic resilience in Armenia. While its main purpose is to express support for Armenia ahead of the June 2026 parliamentary elections and to address foreign information manipulation and interference (FIMI), implying Russian influence, it also reaffirmed support for the rights and return of Nagorno-Karabakh Armenians, called for the protection of Armenian cultural and religious heritage by Azerbaijan, and demanded the release of Armenian detainees. Aliyev accused the EP of “obsession” with Azerbaijan, applying double standards and attempting to sabotage the Armenia-Azerbaijan peace process-rhetoric that functions as part of broader cognitive warfare to legitimize the actions leading to the abolition of Nagorno-Karabakh and to deflect international criticism-and announced the suspension of all relations between Azerbaijan’s parliament and the EP. While Nikol Pashinyan did not respond in his capacity as host and chair of the session, Roberta Metsola defended the legitimacy and independence of the EP.

    As a small state, Armenia used the opportunity to enhance its agency and visibility by hosting a high-level multilateral forum.

    The Yerevan summit marked a qualitative shift in Armenia’s positioning. As a small state, Armenia used the opportunity to enhance its agency and visibility by hosting a high-level multilateral forum. It moved beyond being primarily an object of diplomacy to becoming a platform for European political dialogue. The fact that the summit was held despite the ongoing conflict in neighboring Iran also reflected a degree of confidence among European leaders that Armenia was a sufficiently stable and secure venue for such a high-level political forum. 

    Armenia-EU Relations: A Pragmatic Path to Integration

    The first Armenia-EU summit, held immediately after the EPC summit, gave political and strategic structure to a relationship that has been deepening in recent years. The adoption of the parliamentary bill launching Armenia’s EU integration process in its National Assembly in spring 2025, followed by agreeing on the EU-Armenia Strategic Agenda in December 2025, provided a framework for advancing Armenia’s European aspirations.

    This evolution has accelerated since 2022, as EU engagement in Armenia extended into the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) framework. This was first reflected in the deployment of EUMA and further reinforced by assistance under the European Peace Facility (EPF). A recent step came in April 2026 with the decision to establish a new EU civilian mission-the EU Partnership Mission in Armenia (EUPM)-focused on strengthening Armenia’s resilience to hybrid threats, including cyberattacks and foreign information manipulation and interference (FIMI).

    The summit resulted in a comprehensive 44-point Joint Declaration covering the main areas of Armenia-EU partnership, from political dialogue and support for Armenia’s sovereignty to economic cooperation, connectivity, and people-to-people ties. Progress on visa liberalisation-reflected in the first report under the Visa Liberalisation Action Plan-signaled tangible movement toward closer integration with the European space.

    Infrastructure and regional links have become more structured, culminating at the summit in the Armenia-EU Connectivity Partnership. It provides a framework for cooperation in transport, energy, digital technologies, and modernisation of border crossing points. The initiative was accompanied by the call for investments in Armenia and the signing of letters of intent to deepen cooperation with Armenian companies and foundations. It also positioned Armenia within the EU’s Global Gateway approach, linking it more directly to European markets and infrastructure networks, and strengthening its economic integration. In her remarks, President of the European Commission Ursula von der Leyen highlighted Armenia’s potential to become a “key regional transport hub,” linking Europe with the South Caucasus and Central Asia. She also underlined that EU-Armenia cooperation “is grounded in common values, a shared vision for the South Caucasus, and full respect for sovereign choices.”

    Armenia’s European trajectory is approached pragmatically: even if EU membership is not ultimately granted, alignment with European standards is itself presented as a strategic gain for Armenia.

    Taken together, these developments point to the consolidation of a multidimensional partnership through which Armenia is moving closer to the EU across political, economic, and institutional domains. As Pashinyan has suggested, Armenia’s European trajectory is approached pragmatically: even if EU membership is not ultimately granted, alignment with European standards is itself presented as a strategic gain for Armenia.

    France’s Strategic Role in Armenia’s Sovereignty and Europeanization

    The state visit of Emmanuel Macron to Armenia, in parallel with the EPC and Armenia-EU summits, underscored France’s central role in advancing Armenia’s sovereignty and European trajectory. It formalized the Armenia-France Strategic Partnership that had, de facto, already taken shape since the end of 2023.

    Before that point, the relationship rested primarily on political, cultural, and humanitarian ties. Between 2020 and 2023, France assumed a leading diplomatic role for support to Armenia in multilateral forums. In the United Nations Security Council, it consistently raised issues related to Armenia’s sovereignty and territorial integrity, as well as humanitarian access, the rights and security of Nagorno-Karabakh Armenians. France also played an important role within European frameworks in advancing support for Armenia, including his initiation of the quadrilateral EU-France-Armenia-Azerbaijan meeting on the margins of the EPC meeting in Prague, which led to the deployment of EUMA.

    A qualitative break occurred after the collapse of Nagorno-Karabakh, when France became the first EU and NATO member state to provide armaments to Armenia, formally still a CSTO member. This step constituted important support for Armenia’s sovereignty, territorial integrity and defence. The French defence support to Armenia has combined deliveries of military equipment-including Bastion armored vehicles, Thales GM radars, and CAESAR self-propelled artillery systems-with institution-building through training, military education, and advisory support. It extends beyond immediate capability support to the longer-term modernization of Armenia’s defence sector, building deterrence by increasing the cost of potential military offensives against Armenia and reducing Armenia’s security dependence on Russia.

    The strategic partnership declaration signed on 5 May 2026 translated these developments into a structured and forward-looking framework. It institutionalizes regular high-level political and security dialogue, consolidates defence cooperation through defence technologies, innovation, and cyber defence. Beyond defence, the partnership extends into other high-technology sectors-including artificial intelligence, cybersecurity, and semiconductors. It also encompasses connectivity and infrastructure projects, most notably components of the strategic North-South regional transport corridor with a potential to connect Europe to India through Armenia and Georgia, and an essential tunnel in Armenia’s Syunik region. At the political level, Macron framed Armenia as moving “towards Europe” and emphasized that Armenia can rely on France, signaling both political alignment and strategic intent.

    A qualitative break occurred after the collapse of Nagorno-Karabakh, when France became the first EU and NATO member state to provide armaments to Armenia.

    Symbolic dimensions of the visit also reinforced this partnership. Macron’s three-day stay was marked not only by formal meetings but also by visible public engagement-walks in Yerevan and Armenia’s second city Gyumri, participation in cultural events, direct interaction with citizens, and unprecedented performance of Charles Aznavour’s songs while Armenian PM played drums during the official dinner. This reception reflected the depth of France’s soft power alongside its growing security role in Armenia and underscored that the partnership rests not only on strategic interests, but also on a strong societal and cultural foundation.

    Public perceptions of the France-Armenia partnership vary in Armenia between inflated expectations and critical narratives. Radical pro-European voices portray France as a potential security guarantor, while pro-Russian and Euro-sceptic circles blame France for the loss of Nagorno-Karabakh and dismiss its role as illusory. The government and pro-European experts maintain a pragmatic view, seeing France as a key partner in strengthening Armenia’s sovereignty and deterrence.

    The formalization of the strategic partnership consolidates an already established trajectory. France thus stands out among European actors as Armenia’s key bilateral partner and a principal driver of its integration with Europe.

    Europe’s Balancing Act: From Yerevan to Baku

    The visits to Baku by Italy’s Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni and the EU’s High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy Kaja Kallas, following the Yerevan meetings, underscore Europe’s attempt to balance between its diverging priorities and interests.

    In Baku, Meloni focused on consolidating Italy’s Strategic Partnership with Azerbaijan, centered on energy cooperation through the Southern Gas Corridor-particularly the Trans Adriatic Pipeline (TAP)-as well as trade and defence-industrial cooperation. While France’s engagement with Armenia is both strategic and value-based, Italy’s engagement with Azerbaijan is primarily shaped by energy security and trade transactional interests. These approaches do not necessarily contradict one another, but reflect distinct natures of partnerships.

    Kallas addressed EU-Azerbaijan relations with a focus on energy, reaffirming Azerbaijan’s role as a key gas supplier to Europe, including expanded deliveries to Germany and Austria. Discussions also covered regional communications toward Central Asia, the Trump Route for International Peace and Prosperity (TRIPP), and establishment of economic and trade ties between Azerbaijan and Armenia. Although the EU’s role in the Armenia-Azerbaijan process has been constrained by Azerbaijan’s efforts to sideline it as a mediator, the EU continues to encourage the finalization of the peace process and connectivity in the South Caucasus. Besides, Azerbaijan is expected to host a future EPC meeting in 2028.