Russian Nuclear Staff From Iran’s Bushehr Plant Return Home Via Armenia

Aram Torosian Leave a comment
Eurasia Review
April 17 2026
 April 17, 2026  

By PanARMENIAN

A group of employees from Iran’s Bushehr Nuclear Power Plant returned to Russia via Armenia as part of an ongoing evacuation effort, according to the Russian Embassy in Armenia.

On April 15, another 94 Russian citizens were evacuated through Armenian territory.

They arrived in Armenia from Iran via the Norduz–Agarak border crossing and then departed for their homeland, the embassy said.

Along with the Russian citizens, Belarusian nationals were also evacuated and flew from Yerevan to Moscow on a special flight.

“We thank the authorities of the Republic of Armenia for their prompt response and assistance in organizing the comfortable transit of Rosatom State Corporation employees,” the statement said.

Earlier, 175 Russian employees of the Bushehr nuclear power plant had already been evacuated through Armenia.

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Armenian Prime Minister Talks Up Relations With Russia

Ani Tigranian Leave a comment

RUSSIA’S PIVOT TO ASIA
April 17 2026

Published on April 17, 2026

Armenia and Russia have reached strategic agreements to develop cooperation in various fields, the Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan has stated, saying “My last visit to Moscow (April 1) was very successful. We had very lengthy and detailed discussions and reached strategic agreements to develop cooperation in very different areas, whose results all of us will see soon.” He was addressing the Armenian Parliament on Wednesday (April 15).

He stated that relations between Armenia and Russia are at the highest level, as they have never been before, adding “Look at the dynamics of the meetings between the leaders of Armenia and Russia and compare them to previous periods. I am in full-scale working contact with both the Russian president and prime minister, which imparts a special meaning to these contacts. Armenia has not argued, is not arguing, and will not argue with Russia. Any attempts to entangle us in a confrontation with Russia, whether economic or political, will fail. We are guided by our country’s interests, and it is in our country’s interests to maintain good relations with Russia.”

Armenia is looking for Russian investment to boost its nuclear energy sector, while bilateral trade has been somewhat erratic, mainly due to the threat of secondary sanctions on Yerevan. However, Moscow remains Yerevan’s principal trading and investment partner, accounting for over 37% of Armenia’s exports in 2025, with cooperation concentrated in consumer goods, food production, and key industrial sectors. Bilateral trade reached US$6.4 billion last year.

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Türkiye-Armenia Border Reopening: A Turning Point For The South Caucasus

Emil Lazarian Leave a comment
EurasiaNet
April 17 2026

A partner post from the Central Asia-Caucasus Analyst.

Alpaslan Özerdem Apr 17, 2026

After more than three decades of closure, the Türkiye-Armenia border may soon reopen. A string of recent developments, including the launch of Turkish Airlines flights to Yerevan, agreements to simplify visa procedures, and moves toward direct land trade, suggest that normalization is shifting from cautious diplomacy toward practical implementation. If it does, it would mark one of the most consequential geopolitical shifts in the South Caucasus since the end of the Cold War. Yet reopening the border will require careful political management. Without it, renewed contact could generate friction rather than stability.

BACKGROUND:

The land border between Türkiye and Armenia has been closed since 1993. Ankara shut the crossing in solidarity with Azerbaijan during the first war over Nagorno-Karabakh. Since then, the border has symbolized one of the most enduring geopolitical divides in the region. For communities on both sides, the closure produced long-term economic and social consequences. Armenia’s access to regional markets has remained constrained, while eastern Turkish border regions have also faced limited cross-border economic opportunities.

Regional dynamics began shifting after the 2020 war between Armenia and Azerbaijan, which altered the political balance in the South Caucasus and created new incentives for diplomatic engagement. In the aftermath of the war, Ankara and Yerevan appointed special envoys in 2021 to explore the possibility of restoring diplomatic relations and reopening the border.

Since then, negotiations have progressed slowly but steadily. Several confidence-building measures have been agreed and some already implemented. These include agreements allowing third-country citizens to cross the border, the resumption of direct flights between Istanbul and Yerevan, and discussions on facilitating trade and travel. In early 2026, the pace of normalization accelerated visibly. In March, Turkish Airlines launched regular scheduled flights on the Istanbul-Yerevan route. The two governments agreed to simplify visa procedures, and reports emerged that direct land trade between Türkiye and Armenia would begin as part of a broader US-led Caucasus peace push. Last December Bloomberg reported that Ankara was weighing a full reopening of the border within six months, while senior Turkish officials publicly expressed optimism, stating that they hoped “everything develops quickly.”

Physical preparations also indicate growing readiness. Armenia has renovated the Margara checkpoint on its side of the border, declaring the facility technically ready for operation. Türkiye has likewise upgraded infrastructure at the Alican crossing. These preparations suggest that the technical conditions for reopening could be met relatively quickly if political decisions align.

Still, reopening the border remains politically sensitive. For Türkiye, the process remains closely linked to the broader relationship between Armenia and Azerbaijan, particularly negotiations over a comprehensive peace agreement following the collapse of the self-declared Nagorno-Karabakh authorities in 2023. Since last August, when the two countries signed several accords at the White House, Baku and Yerevan have taken a number of steps forward, including facilitating transit trade to Armenia through Azerbaijan and Armenia’s recent agreement with the United States on the TRIPP transit route, which will facilitate the operation of a transit route between Azerbaijan and its enclave of Nakhchivan in southern Armenia. These are promising steps, but a final peace agreement is still pending, which Türkiye must take into consideration.

Ankara has long coordinated its approach toward Armenia with Baku. Turkish policymakers have repeatedly emphasized that normalization should not undermine Azerbaijan’s strategic interests, and progress in Türkiye-Armenia relations has often moved in parallel with developments in Armenia-Azerbaijan negotiations. How close are the parties to a final agreement on the border? The string of practical steps in early 2026 suggests the process has crossed a threshold from symbolic confidence-building to operational preparation. Yet the absence of a finalized Armenia-Azerbaijan peace deal means that Ankara retains a political brake on the timeline. A stall or deterioration in those talks could slow or freeze the border track; conversely, a breakthrough could accelerate it rapidly.

Domestic political considerations also matter. In Armenia, normalization with Türkiye remains controversial for segments of society deeply affected by historical grievances, and the issue will feature in the country’s upcoming June parliamentary elections. In Türkiye, policymakers must balance diplomatic engagement with Armenia against their longstanding strategic partnership with Azerbaijan.

IMPLICATIONS:

If and when the border reopens, the effects will extend well beyond bilateral relations. Armenia has long depended on limited transit routes through Georgia and Iran to access external markets. Opening the Turkish border would provide an alternative corridor, linking Armenia more directly to European and Middle Eastern trade networks. It would also reinforce Türkiye’s role as a regional connector between the South Caucasus and broader Eurasian markets. In this context, reopening the border aligns with wider connectivity initiatives such as the Middle Corridor, which aims to strengthen east-west trade routes across the region.

Russia’s influence in the South Caucasus has weakened since the start of the war in Ukraine and the collapse of its peacekeeping mission in Nagorno-Karabakh in 2023. As Moscow’s role recedes, regional actors are increasingly seeking alternative economic and diplomatic partnerships. In parallel, instability in the Middle East, including conflict involving Iran, has heightened uncertainty along key transit routes. For Armenia, which has relied on access through Iranian territory, reopening the Turkish border would reduce dependence on a single corridor and provide greater strategic flexibility.

On the other hand, the expansion of trade and transit routes associated with reopening the Türkiye-Armenia border could deepen regional interdependence and, in turn, support longer-term peace between Armenia and Azerbaijan. Durable reconciliation rarely rests on diplomatic agreements alone; it often emerges when economic cooperation and shared interests make renewed conflict increasingly costly. Expanded trade, transportation links, and cross-border mobility can help create these incentives by encouraging regional actors to view cooperation not as a concession but as mutual gain.

At the local level, decades of closure have left many towns near the frontier economically stagnant. Renewed cross-border access could stimulate transportation links, tourism, and commercial exchange. Armenian producers would gain easier access to Turkish markets, while Turkish businesses could expand trade with Armenia and potentially beyond. However, regions that have been economically isolated for decades may struggle to adjust quickly to new competitive pressures, and if cross-border trade develops unevenly, local communities could perceive the reopening as disruptive rather than beneficial.

The practical challenges of reopening should not be underestimated. Local authorities, customs agencies, border police, and regulatory bodies on both sides have never previously operated together. Communities along the frontier have lived in close geographical proximity but political separation for decades. In the Armenian village of Margara, residents have long lived within sight of the Turkish side of the river without direct contact. Renewed engagement may generate economic and cultural exchange, but it could also expose differences in administrative practices, expectations, and social attitudes that will require careful management on both sides.

CONCLUSIONS:

The reopening of the Türkiye-Armenia border represents more than a bilateral diplomatic milestone. It reflects a broader transformation in the political landscape of the South Caucasus. The rapid accumulation of practical steps in early 2026, from flights to visa agreements to land trade, indicates that the process has moved beyond the realm of aspirational diplomacy. Yet the outcome is not guaranteed. The process remains closely linked to developments in Armenia-Azerbaijan relations, domestic political considerations in both countries, and evolving regional geopolitics. Whether Ankara ultimately opens the border before or after a finalized Armenia-Azerbaijan peace deal will be a critical signal of how much Türkiye is willing to decouple the two tracks. Whether the border ultimately becomes a bridge between the two societies or simply another contested frontier will depend on how effectively these challenges are addressed not only in the coming months, but in the longer term.

 

This article was originally published by the Central Asia-Caucasus Analyst and is reprinted under a partner post arrangement with Eurasianet.

Alpaslan Özerdem is Dean of the Carter School for Peace and Conflict Resolution at George Mason University. Olesya Vartanyan is a conflict analyst specializing in South Caucasus security and peace processes and a PhD student at George Mason University.

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How Russia Is Meddling in Armenia’s Upcoming Elections

Markos Nalchajian Leave a comment
The National Interest
April 17 2026
How Russia Is Meddling in Armenia’s Upcoming Elections
By: Joseph Epstein

Moscow is looking to block US progress in creating a Caucasian trade corridor.

The war with Iran has consumed Washington’s bandwidth for the last month and a half. But the conflict has distracted from more than Ukraine. In the South Caucasus, Russian President Vladimir Putin is waging a quiet campaign to reverse one of the Trump administration’s signature foreign policy achievements—the Armenia-Azerbaijan peace deal—and doing so on the cheap.

The centerpiece of that deal is the Trump Route for International Peace and Prosperity (TRIPP). This transit corridor would link Azerbaijan to its exclave, Nakhchivan, through Armenian territory and open a land bridge from Central Asia to global markets, bypassing both Russia and Iran. TRIPP is more than infrastructure. It is America’s foothold in the South Caucasus and the key to unlocking Central Asia’s vast rare-earth reserves—resources essential for smartphones, electric vehicles, and advanced weapons systems—at a moment when the United States relies on China for roughly 70 percent of those critical imports.

Armenia holds parliamentary elections on June 7. The vote is a referendum not just on Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan’s government but on the country’s geopolitical orientation—West or Russia, peace or managed conflict. If TRIPP becomes reality, Russia loses its chokehold on Caucasus trade routes and its leverage over two former colonies.

The campaign is brazen. At an April 1 meeting in Moscow, Putin personally lobbied Pashinyan to allow dual Russian-Armenian citizens to run in the election—a pointed reference to Samvel Karapetyan, the Russia-based billionaire funding the opposition “Strong Armenia” party, under house arrest on money laundering charges and allegations of plotting a coup. Putin added, with undisguised menace, that Russia has “many friends in Armenia—many.” 

Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov subsequently declared that Moscow “reserves the right” to discuss Armenia’s elections, as though the internal affairs of a sovereign nation were a matter for Russian approval. Deputy Prime Minister Alexei Overchuk warned that Armenia is approaching a “point of no return” and threatened to restructure economic relations—bureaucratic language for punishment.

The threats are already being carried out. Moscow has reportedly banned enterprises and cultural organizations linked to the Pashinyan government from operating in Russia. Armenian agricultural exports face escalating restrictions—dairy bans, broader import curbs, and a devastating blow to the flower trade. Russia withheld millions in prepaid arms deliveries. Karapetyan—from house arrest—warns Armenians that electing Pashinyan means “poverty and enmity with Russia,” while promising that his party will “befriend all countries.”

One detail has gone largely unnoticed. As one Armenian parliamentarian recently observed, Armenians in Russia are now the only group in the entire country permitted to hold public demonstrations—and only when Armenian officials visit, and only against them. That Moscow organizes and permits these protests while crushing all other forms of public dissent tells you everything.

But the most dangerous weapon in Moscow’s arsenal is information warfare. Russian-aligned disinformation targeting Armenia has surged since late 2025, according to local fact-checkers. The playbook is familiar from Moldova, Romania, and the United States itself: cloned websites mimicking legitimate media, coordinated social media amplification, and anonymous Telegram channels pumping out fabricated stories.

The narratives exploit sensitive domestic issues: allegations of secret territorial concessions, claims that Western countries are conducting experiments on Armenian citizens, and friction between the government and the Armenian Apostolic Church. Church leaders accused by dissidents of maintaining ties to Russian intelligence have turned against the government, providing the Kremlin with an institutional lever that mirrors the role of the Moscow-aligned Orthodox Church in pre-war Ukraine.

Karapetyan, for his part, has retained the lobbyist Robert Amsterdam, whose previous client was Vadim Novinsky—the pro-Kremlin Ukrainian oligarch. That the same operative who championed Russian interests in Kyiv is now working on behalf of Putin’s preferred candidate in Yerevan ought to raise alarms. Meanwhile, Tucker Carlson—who has a well-documented record of amplifying Kremlin narratives—has lent his platform to anti-Pashinyan voices whose messaging dovetails neatly with Moscow’s line on Armenia. The effect is a pincer that squeezes the Armenian government from every direction.

As Pashinyan himself has warned, if a Kremlin-backed candidate wins in June, the peace process with Azerbaijan collapses. A pro-Russian government in Yerevan would revive the Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict as a tool of leverage—exactly as Moscow did for three decades, playing both sides to keep them dependent and divided. TRIPP dies. And with it dies American access to the Middle Corridor.

The Iran conflict provides the opening. With Tehran weakened and the broader Middle East in flux, the South Caucasus matters more, not less.

First, Washington should publicly reaffirm support for Pashinyan. Visible diplomatic backing raises the cost of Russian interference. When the EU’s enlargement commissioner visited Yerevan, pledged €140 million, and affirmed support for Armenia’s integration into the Trans-Caspian transport corridor, it sent a signal. The United States should send a louder one.

Second, invest now. Armenia’s budding AI sector and its educated, English-speaking workforce make it a natural candidate for American technology partnerships. Investment announcements before the election would show Armenian voters that the Western path delivers tangible benefits, not just promises.

Third, accelerate TRIPP. Moving the corridor from the conceptual phase to the construction phase demonstrates that the peace dividend is real. Every month of delay is a month Moscow can use to convince Armenians that the West offers nothing but words.

Russia’s hybrid warfare against Armenia is not a sideshow. It is a direct assault on an American-brokered peace deal, on a transit corridor vital to US supply chains, and on the sovereignty of a nation trying to chart its own course. If the administration looks away from the South Caucasus for two more months, it may find that Putin has already won.

Joseph Epstein is the director of the Turan Research Center, a senior fellow at the Yorktown Institute, an expert at the N7 Foundation, and a research fellow at the Begin Sadat Center for Strategic Studies at Bar Ilan University. He also sits on the advisory board of the Alekain Foundation, a nonprofit dedicated to providing education to women and girls in Taliban-controlled Afghanistan. He specializes in Eurasia and the Middle East, and his work has been featured in various outlets such as Newsweek, The Wall Street Journal, The Hill, the Atlantic Council, Novaya Gazeta, RFE/RL, Foreign Policy, and others.


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How Armenian heritage shaped Sev Ohanian’s path to Hollywood

Kalashian Nyrie Leave a comment
KTLA5, Los Angeles
April 16 2026

How Armenian heritage shaped Sev Ohanian’s path to Hollywood

by: Jacqueline Sarkissian, Marc Sternfield

During Armenian Heritage Month, KTLA is spotlighting local voices making a global impact. That includes Sev Ohanian, the award-winning producer behind Sinners, the four-time Oscar-winning film with deep roots right here in Southern California.

For Sev Ohanian, storytelling started at home.

“My mom would take me to the library every week, and my dad would take me to Blockbuster Video every week, and that really instilled in me the love of storytelling,” Ohanian told KTLA.

But growing up Armenian American, Ohanian wasn’t always sure Hollywood was a realistic path. He says there weren’t many role models he could point to, and for a long time, he thought about pursuing an entirely different career.

“I generally wasn’t sure if I could do it growing up just as an Armenian American immigrant,” he said. “There wasn’t a lot of examples, at least that I knew of, of other Armenians doing this kind of thing. So, for a long time, I thought of pursuing another career path, which was journalism, believe it or not.”

That uncertainty shifted in college, when a few homemade videos about his family found an audience online.

“I started making YouTube videos poking fun of my Armenian parents and culture out of love,” Ohanian said. “And when those videos started getting a big following, it really empowered me to start making films for real.”

From the very beginning, Ohanian says his community was part of the journey, from casting friends to using local spaces, to premiering his first film for Armenian audiences.

“Those two identities of mine, filmmaker and Armenian American, are 100 percent linked and one in the same for me,” he said.

When asked about his biggest influence, Ohanian didn’t hesitate.

“I would say my father, Suren Ohanian,” he said. “He immigrated to this country in his 30s. Classic American dream story, coming with very little and over the course of the past few decades, building a lot. In addition to my mom, who happened to do the exact same thing right by his side.”

When Ohanian screened his first film, his parents were right there helping make it happen.

“My mom sewed the screen herself,” he said. “My dad built the scaffolding. To me, that was a very physical representation of how much of themselves they were investing in me and my dreams. Like so many Armenians, I owe everything to them.”

Now more than a decade into his career, Ohanian is a well-established screenwriter and producer, and the founder of Proximity Media. He works closely with director Ryan Coogler and Coogler’s wife, producer Zinzi Coogler.

Together, they brought the Oscar-winning film Sinners to life, a project that exceeded every expectation.

“I’d be lying if I said that I did, or any of us did,” Ohanian said, when asked if they anticipated the film’s success. “At no point did we ever think about awards. At no point did we think about box office success. And then when the awards happened, I don’t know if I’ve ever processed it fully. It’s beyond anything we ever imagined.”

Ohanian says when he first read the script for Sinners, he connected deeply to his Armenian heritage, seeing joy and strength in the face of hardship.

“What makes me feel most proud to be Armenian right now,” he said, “is the resilience of Armenians. Not just Armenian Americans, but Armenians everywhere. We’ve had a challenging couple years, and beyond the obstacles we’ve faced as a people, you cannot deny there’s a real resilience.”

“So, to me, the power of our small people is exactly what this is,” he added. “Finding ways to support each other in what we do.”

Ohanian says success doesn’t come from Hollywood connections alone, but from community. When one person succeeds, everyone succeeds. And now, he’s focused on bringing even more Armenian stories to the screen, on an even larger scale.

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Armenia named Destination of the Year 2026 at Nicosia ceremony

Jhanna Virabian Leave a comment
Cyprus Mail
April 16 2026

Armenia was formally named “Destination of the Year 2026” during an award ceremony in Nicosia, with officials highlighting its cultural heritage and growing appeal among Cypriot travellers.

The event, held at the Pharos Arts Foundation on Ermou Street, was organised in cooperation with the Cyprus Travel Writers and Journalists Society and brought together diplomats, tourism professionals, media representatives and industry stakeholders.

Announcing the award, society president Phivos Nicolaides said “we proudly name Armenia as the travel destination of the year”, citing its “rich cultural heritage and beautiful landscape that leaves a lasting impression on any traveller”.

He described the country as “the first Christian nation, with thousands of years of civilisation”, and pointed to its “exceptional food and deeply rooted traditions”.

Armenia’s ambassador to Cyprus, Inna Torgomyan, accepted the distinction, describing it as “a joy and a privilege” and an opportunity to further promote the country internationally.

She said that while there is “a large Armenian diaspora in Cyprus”, Armenia itself “remains somewhat under the radar as a holiday destination”, adding that the initiative aims to raise its profile.

Torgomyan also pointed to improving accessibility, noting that “direct flights between Larnaca and Yerevan at very affordable rates” are now available.

“We hope to promote Armenia more actively to Cypriot travellers,” she said, highlighting its “vibrant cities, rich history and a unique cultural heritage”.

She added that “relations between Armenia and Cyprus are exceptional”, linking increased tourism interest to broader cultural and historical ties.

“There is a clear and increasing interest from Cyprus to visit Armenia,” she said.

The event included presentations showcasing Armenia’s historical landmarks, tourism offerings and travel experiences through visual material, alongside remarks emphasising the importance of strengthening bilateral cooperation in tourism.

A cultural programme featured a musical performance by Cypriot Armenian artist Hovig, followed by a reception where guests sampled traditional Armenian cuisine, wines and spirits.

A presentation by Maze Trade introduced a selection of Armenian beverages available in Cyprus.

Organisers said the award forms part of ongoing efforts to promote destinations of cultural significance while encouraging informed travel.

The selection of Armenia was presented as recognition of both its heritage and its increasing visibility within the regional tourism market.

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Milan Bergamo Airport adds FlyOne Armenia service to Yerevan

Jane Topchian Leave a comment
Travel Daily News
April 17 2026

Milan Bergamo Airport adds FlyOne Armenia service to Yerevan

Tatiana Rokou

Milan Bergamo Airport will add a twice-weekly FlyOne Armenia service to Yerevan from 1 May, expanding its international network and strengthening links to the Caucasus and beyond.

Milan Bergamo Airport is expanding its international network with the addition of FlyOne Armenia, which will launch a twice-weekly service to Yerevan from 1 May.

The new route will operate on Fridays and Sundays, with evening departures from Milan Bergamo and afternoon departures from Yerevan. With the arrival of FlyOne Armenia, the number of scheduled airlines serving Milan Bergamo Airport rises to 23, while Yerevan becomes the airport’s 152nd scheduled destination for the summer season.

The service strengthens the airport’s position as a growing gateway to non-EU markets and expands access to destinations beyond Europe. Through Yerevan, passengers will also gain access to onward connections across Central Asia and the CIS region, supporting the airport’s strategy of developing links to long-haul and underserved markets.

Also read → Milan Bergamo Airport expands Summer 2026 schedule with new routes and capacity growth

Yerevan is expected to attract both leisure and business demand. The Armenian capital is known for its cultural heritage, historic landmarks and culinary offer, and is likely to appeal to Italian and European travellers looking for new destination options.

The route is also expected to support travel demand from the Armenian diaspora in Northern Italy and neighbouring regions, making it easier to maintain family, cultural and economic links.

Giacomo Cattaneo, Director of Commercial Aviation, Marketing & Communications at SACBO, said: “We are delighted to welcome FlyOne Armenia to Milan Bergamo Airport. The introduction of Yerevan adds a unique dimension to our network, opening the door to a destination that blends strong tourism appeal with important community links. It also reflects our ongoing efforts to identify and develop routes that respond to evolving passenger demand, particularly towards less-served markets. We are confident this service will perform well and further broaden the choice available to our passengers. We look forward to a successful partnership with FlyOne Armenia and to further strengthening our global network.”

FlyOne Armenia, part of the wider FlyOne Group, operates a modern fleet of Airbus A320 family aircraft and has been expanding its network across Europe, Central Asia, the Caucasus and the Middle East with a focus on affordable fares.

The addition of the Yerevan route supports Milan Bergamo Airport’s broader objective of diversifying its network beyond the European Union. Alongside its established European services, the new connection is expected to contribute to traffic growth while reinforcing the airport’s role as a gateway to a wider range of international destinations.

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Jrbashyan: Allowing oak aging could undermine the value of the GI “Armenian Br

Garnik Zakarian Leave a comment
ARKA, Armenia
April 17 2026
17.04.2026, 11:24

Permitting oak aging for cognac under the “Armenian Brandy” geographical indication (GI) could undermine the value of this designation and weaken Armenia’s position in the high-quality alcoholic beverages market, stated Tigran Jrbashyan, Director of Management Consulting at Ameria.

YEREVAN, April 17. /ARKA/. Permitting oak aging for cognac under the “Armenian Brandy” geographical indication (GI) could undermine the value of this designation and weaken Armenia’s position in the high-quality alcoholic beverages market, stated Tigran Jrbashyan, Director of Management Consulting at Ameria.

“Do you know why Churchill demanded Armenian cognac? Because it was real. Real—produced only from grapes grown in Armenia, infused with Armenian water, aged for years in oak barrels, and crafted by the hand of a master. Margar Sedrakyan—the creator of Dvin, Nairi, Akhtamar, Ani, Yubileyny, Armenia, Tonakan, and many other cognacs—knew this better than anyone,” Jrbashyan wrote on social media.

He recalled that Armenian cognac has historically been associated with an authentic product made from grapes grown in Armenia, aged in oak barrels, and crafted in accordance with established professional traditions.

According to him, the use of oak chips or other forms of oak wood is not an equivalent substitute for classic oak aging, but merely creates the illusion of a fully matured beverage. He recalled that similar approaches were discussed back in the Soviet era, but, according to family memoirs of the master distiller, Margar Sedrakyan, he rejected such solutions in order to preserve the traditions of Armenian cognac and its high quality.

Jrbashyan also pointed out that decades of scientific research have directly compared aging in oak barrels with aging in contact with oak wood, and these methods yield fundamentally different results. This isn’t about “fast” and “slow” versions of the same process, but rather products of different quality and, essentially, different natures.

He noted that application No. 2026001, approved on March 13, 2026, for the geographical indication “Armenian Brandy” specifies in the “Production Method” section that the resulting spirits are aged “in oak barrels or in contact with oak wood.” According to Jrbashyan, it is this wording that makes the issue particularly pressing.

The expert believes that arguments that the use of oak wood is necessary due to a lack of investment in grape processing and storage infrastructure are not sufficiently substantiated. He expressed confidence that this is not a solution to the industry’s strategic problem, but an attempt to simplify quality requirements.

At the same time, according to Jrbashyan, the application does not clearly define what exactly is meant by “oak wood.” He noted that this could include various methods, whereas while aging on oak staves may be discussed in certain cases outside the scope of GI, the use of oak chips in the production process should be prohibited.

He identified the issue of control as a separate problem. According to Jrbashyan, it will be extremely difficult for the state to effectively administer this area, especially if different aging methods are used within the production processes of the same producer. Moreover, he added, the existing control system currently does not always ensure even basic conditions, including the use of exclusively grape-based spirits in cognac production.

“If oak aging is permitted at the regulatory level under the GI ‘Armenian Brandy,’ this could be negatively perceived in the international high-quality beverage market, and Armenia itself risks losing some of the opportunities offered by the geographical indication mechanism,” Jrbashyan thinks.

According to him, lowering the standard will not save the industry but will only create the illusion of a solution. He emphasized that Armenian brandy must either obtain a GI with clear quality criteria and an effective control system that allows it to operate in the high-quality segment, or it will be forced to limit itself to more modest opportunities in the lower price and quality segments of the market.

Why brandy?

The refusal to use the name “cognac” for Armenian products is related to Armenia’s international obligations under the EU-Armenia Comprehensive and Enhanced Partnership Agreement (CEPA). According to the agreement, “Cognac” is a protected geographical indication of the EU and can only be used for products produced in the Cognac region of France.

The CEPA entered into force on March 1, 2021, and provides for a transition period of approximately 14 years (including the deferred start date), during which Armenian producers may temporarily use this name in the domestic market. Upon completion of the transition period, Armenia is required to completely abandon the term “cognac” and switch to an alternative name.

The agreement also provides for EU assistance to the Armenian side, including financial and technical support, for rebranding products and promoting the new name in foreign markets.

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Arman Tsarukyan removed from plane in the U.S.

Arpi Talalian Leave a comment
Aysor, Armenia
April 17 2026

An incident occurred in the United States involving UFC fighter Arman Tsarukyan, who was removed from a flight after being engaged on his phone during the journey. The athlete was traveling to participate in the Real American Freestyle 8 tournament.

The information was reported on the X platform by journalist Adam Zubayraev, who also published a video from the aircraft cabin on a flight from Los Angeles to Philadelphia.

Tsarukyan was en route to compete in Philadelphia on the night of April 19, where his opponent in the tournament will be American Yuri Faber.

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17 supporters of Samvel Karapetyan detained

Chmshkian Vicken Leave a comment
Aysor, Armenia
April 17 2026

The court is continuing to examine the preventive measure in the case of Samvel Karapetyan.

In parallel with the hearing, his supporters staged a protest demanding his release.

After demonstrators refused to reopen the road, police forces moved them away from the area and proceeded with detentions.

The Police of the Ministry of Internal Affairs told Aysor.am that 17 individuals were detained for an act under Article 182 of the RA Code on Administrative Offenses and were taken to Community Police departments.

It is noted that among those detained is Vaghinak Vardanov, the son of detective and freedom fighter Vova Vardanov.

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