Israeli parliament delays vote on recognizing Armenian Genocide

Georgia Today
July 15 2026

Israel’s parliament has postponed a vote on a bill that would formally recognize the Armenian Genocide, despite the proposal having already received unanimous approval from the Israeli government.

JNS, citing an unnamed official, reported that the vote was delayed on Sunday. No official explanation was provided, although the outlet suggested the decision came against the backdrop of a sensitive diplomatic period marked by renewed tensions involving Israel, the United States and Iran, as well as Turkey’s efforts to secure US-made F-35 fighter jets during the recent NATO summit.

JNS also noted that the Knesset is preparing to begin its summer recess and is not expected to reconvene until after Israel’s October 27 elections.

The proposal was introduced by Foreign Minister Gideon Sa’ar, who previously described recognizing the Armenian Genocide as “a moral duty.” JNS reported that it sought comment from Sa’ar regarding the postponement but had not received a response.

The initiative drew a cautious reaction from Armenia. Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan declined to comment on Israel’s decision in June, saying Yerevan did not wish to engage in what he described as the “weaponization” of the Armenian Genocide.

The proposal also prompted strong criticism from Turkey and Azerbaijan. Ankara, which rejects the characterization of the 1915 mass killings of Armenians in the Ottoman Empire as genocide, accused Israel of attempting to divert attention from its actions in Gaza.

Azerbaijan, a close ally of both Turkey and Israel, described the proposal as “a matter of serious concern” and urged Israel to reconsider what it called a distortion of the historical events of 1915.

Earlier, Israeli outlet Ynet, citing unnamed Azerbaijani officials, reported that the Israeli government’s decision had caused a deeper rift in relations with Baku than had been publicly acknowledged. The report says that Azerbaijani officials viewed the move as Israel “crossing a red line” and expressed disappointment that they learned of the decision only after it had been made public.

Review | Dance of Life — a poetic tribute to Armenian filmmaker Harutyun Khac

OC Media
July 15 2026

It is rather fitting that such a tribute was screened at the very festival Khachatryan founded over 20 years ago.

Harutyun Khachatryan is perhaps one of the most famous and recognisable Armenian filmmakers alive today, best known for revolutionising Armenian documentary film and for founding the Golden Apricot International Film Festival over 20 years ago. In Dance of Life, however, the camera is turned the other way around — Khachatryan himself becoming the main focus and subject for Armenian director Arsen Aghajanyan’s latest documentary.

The film is segmented into various ‘novellas’, as Aghajanyan terms them, the majority of which are derived from Khachatryan’s most famous films and focusing on both some aspect of Khachatryan’s life as well as topics related to the relevant film. For example, in the first novella titled ‘The Poet’s Path’, derived from Return of the Poet (2005), the camera follows Khachatryan as he returns to his hometown of Akhalkalaki in Georgia’s Samstkhe-Javakheti plateau. The focus jumps between Khachataryan recounting tales from his childhood to the village and plateau today, the work of poet Ashugh Jivani, whose statue was the focus of Khachatryan’s 2005 film, tying everything together.

In a later novella, titled ‘The Promised Land’ after Khachatryan’s Return to the Promised Land (1991), the camera follows as Khachatryan returns to the village where filming took place, meeting the family he filmed over 30 years ago. Aghajanyan contrasts footage from the original film with shots of the family today, now with six grandchildren, yet still living in similar, poor conditions. While perhaps unintended, this is a chapter where the success Khachatryan has achieved from his once similarly rural origins now appears at times to make him condescending or unrelatable.

While this segmentation of the documentary makes for very poetic storytelling, it also makes for a very fractured narrative. Past and present are all intertwined together, with certain scenes repeating across various chapters, which can be confusing and jarring for viewers, especially those not familiar with Khachataryan’s entire oeuvre.

One throughline is a train journey Aghajanyan and Khachataryan take, that makes up the main interview throughout the film. The shaky, handheld camera appears amateurish at times, especially as it struggles to stay on Khachataryan’s face amidst the bouncing over the train tracks. Yet, footage of the other passengers, especially of a drunk man who comes up to Khachataryan, later inviting him to his home, provides some interesting comparisons to who Khachataryan could have become under different circumstances.

The most emotional chapter, titled ‘Marietta’, covers how Khachataryan met and married the love of his life, his wife Mari. It is a chapter that humanises Khachataryan much more than the rest of the film, where he often appears aloof, or the stereotype of an auteur director, claiming that dialogue is only necessary for a poorly shot film, and that the festival concept is well-past its time, having become, in his words, entirely self-serving. It is also the only chapter where Mari gets a voice, otherwise appearing in the film as an impeccably dressed shadow following her husband on his journey.

Aghajanyan’s tribute to Khachataryan succeeds in showing the latter as a complex figure, well-respected by everyone he meets, yet also still an artist and true individual at heart, still striving to forge his own path and identity. For viewers interested in snapshots of Armenian culture and history while gaining insight into one of the country’s most famous filmmakers, then Aghajanyan’s documentary will be of strong interest. For those who prefer a more narrative, focused piece, however, or for a general audience less familiar with Khachataryan’s work, it is perhaps not a priority.

Film details: Dance of Life (2026) by Arsen Aghajanyan. The film was screened on 14 July 2026 in Yerevan as part of the 23rd Golden Apricot International Film Festival.

https://oc-media.org/review-dance-of-life-a-poetic-tribute-to-armenian-filmmaker-harutyun-khachatryan/

New EU mission in Armenia to help address post-election risks

JAM News
July 15 2026
  • JAMnews
  • Yerevan

The European Union is sending a civilian advisory mission to Armenia to help the authorities counter hybrid threats. The Council of the European Union approved the decision on 13 July, and the mission’s mandate takes effect from that date. The initial mandate will run for two years. Experts from EU member states will make up most of the mission’s staff, although the EU has not yet disclosed how many experts it will deploy.

The mission will help Armenia respond to hybrid threats, including cyberattacks, foreign information manipulation and interference (FIMI), and other forms of external interference. European experts will also assist the Armenian authorities in tackling illicit financial flows.

“The launch of the EU Partnership Mission in Armenia opens a new and important chapter in cooperation between Armenia and the European Union,” Armenia’s Foreign Ministry said.

EU foreign policy chief Kaja Kallas said the bloc intended to support Armenia. She said the European Union was the main defender of Armenia’s independence and of the Armenian people’s right to determine their own future. She also recalled that the EU had already provided Armenia with a package of economic and political assistance to help it withstand pressure from Russia.

Political analyst Robert Ghevondyan said the mission would establish a permanent office in Armenia staffed by European experts.

Speaking to JAMnews, he said they would work in direct and continuous contact not only with the Armenian authorities but also with local NGOs.

Ghevondyan said the EU had also supported Armenia during the election campaign. He added that the bloc was now launching long-term programmes whose aim was to address post-election risks.

The EU Partnership Mission in Armenia (EUPM Armenia) is a civilian advisory mission under the EU’s Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). The Council approved its creation on 21 April 2026 following a request from the Armenian government. The mission has no executive mandate. It will therefore not take part in decision-making by the Armenian authorities.

This is the EU’s second mission in Armenia. Since 2023, the EU has operated a separate civilian monitoring mission along the Armenian-Azerbaijani border. European monitors patrol only the Armenian side of the border.


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Mission experts to provide “strategic advice”

To help Armenia counter hybrid threats, the EU mission will provide various local institutions with “strategic advice, technical expertise and support to strengthen their institutional capacity”.

The EU said its experts would deliver practical assistance. They will also establish a dedicated project team to implement the mission’s mandate in close cooperation with international partners.

Cosmin George Dinescu will head the mission. The EU appointed him on 11 June 2026. He previously led the EU Partnership Mission in Moldova.

According to the official mandate, the mission will help Armenia improve its ability to prevent, detect and respond to hybrid threats “while fully respecting the country’s sovereignty”, meaning it will not interfere in Armenia’s internal affairs.

Foreign Ministry hosts roundtable with mission head

Armenia’s Foreign Ministry also said that on 13 July it hosted a roundtable attended by Deputy Foreign Minister Vahan Kostanyan, EU Civilian Operations Commander Stefano Tomat, Head of the EU Delegation Vassilis Maragos, Head of the EU Partnership Mission in Armenia Cosmin George Dinescu, as well as representatives of civil society, academia and local experts. Participants discussed the details of the new mission’s work in Armenia.

“The parliamentary elections are over, but the problems Armenia faces because of disinformation spread from abroad have not diminished. It is clear that Armenia needs additional support in the post-election period to address these risks.

As for why this is happening now rather than earlier, I assume the extensive assistance the EU provided during the election period simply left no time to work on other areas, particularly long-term programmes. Now that the situation has eased, they have decided to move forward with those long-term initiatives.

It is obvious that cyberattacks and disinformation campaigns targeting Armenia originate primarily from Russia. But not exclusively. Certain challenges still come from Azerbaijan, and there are threats from other directions as well.

Even so, the main challenge remains disinformation and other threats coming from Russia. A recent example is the information centre built in Hrazdan. It has already become a target for Russia. Rather than attacking it directly, they have portrayed it as a centre that allegedly collects intelligence on Iran and passes it to the United States. That is clear disinformation.

Armenia faces a very difficult task in countering these manipulations. Support in this area is therefore of great importance, particularly in preventing an international crisis between Armenia and Iran.

Overall, the new EU mission aims to strengthen Armenia’s capacity and resilience in countering disinformation and cyberattacks. It will carry out this work using the most advanced technologies.”

India Must Also Recognize Armenian Genocide

Middle East Forum
July 15 2026

India’s Desire to Assuage Turkish Diplomatic Feelings Makes No Sense and Represents a Lack of Moral Clarity


EU launches mission to support Armenia’s resilience against hybrid threats

July 14 2026
 Jul 14, 2026  Armenia, Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP), EU, EU Partnership Mission in Armenia (EUPM Armenia), foreign information manipulation and interference (FIMI), illicit financial flows, Kaja Kallas, Russia

Brussels, 13 July 2026 11:18

The EU Council is launching today the EU Partnership Mission in Armenia (EUPM Armenia) under the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). The aim of this advisory civilian mission is to support the Armenian authorities in enhancing the country’s resilience against hybrid threats and ability to address evolving security challenges.

Formally established on 21 April 2026, the mission will support Armenia’s capacity to address such hybrid challenges, including cyber threats, foreign information manipulation and interference (FIMI) and illicit financial flows. Specifically, the mission will provide strategic advice, technical expertise and institutional capacity building to various national institutions in Armenia to address such threats, and will support a horizontal, whole-of-government approach.

In addition, the mission will provide practical, operational advice and establish a dedicated project cell to implement targeted actions covered by its mandate, in close cooperation with international partners. EUPM Armenia is a non-executive mission and will have no role in the decision-making processes of the Armenian authorities.

Last week, the EU unveiled a major economic and political support package for Armenia to help counter Russian pressure. Today, we deploy a new EU mission on the ground. EU experts will support the Armenian authorities deal with cyber threats and disinformation and countering illicit financial flows. The EU is the biggest champion of a resilient, independent Armenia and the right of the Armenian people to choose their own destiny. We’ll make sure Armenia does not face external coercion alone.

Kaja Kallas, High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy

EUPM Armenia was established at the request of the Armenian government and is part of a broader and coherent EU approach, combining short and longer-term support to help strengthen Armenian national security. It reflects the EU’s firm commitment to support the country’s resilience and democratic institutions. By providing strategic advice, specialised expertise and capacity-building, the mission will help Armenia better prevent, detect and respond to hybrid threats, while fully respecting the country’s ownership and sovereignty.

The mission will have an initial mandate of two years and will primarily be composed of seconded experts from EU member states.

Cosmin George Dinescu was appointed Head of Mission on 11 June 2026. Previously, he served as the first head of the EU Partnership Mission in the Republic of Moldova.

Background

On 2 December 2025, the EU-Armenia Partnership Council endorsed a new Strategic Agenda for the EU-Armenia Partnership. Building on the foundations of the EU-Armenia Comprehensive and Enhanced Partnership Agreement, the Strategic Agenda marks a significant step forward in deepening relations in wide range of areas, including in the area of security and defence. One of its priorities is strengthening cooperation on countering hybrid threats and foreign information manipulation and interference.

In a letter to the High Representative dated 12 December 2025, the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Armenia invited the Union to deploy a civilian mission in Armenia under the EU CSDP. The mission was formally established on 21 April 2026.

EUPM is the second civilian CSDP mission to Armenia. It is distinct and separate from the EU Mission in Armenia (EUMA) established in 2023, which is tasked with observing and reporting on the situation on the ground, contributing to confidence building and human security.

Source – EU Council: Visit the meeting page

Doctor dismissed months after heated exchange with Pashinyan over Nagorno-Kara

OC Media
July 14 2026

Doctor Arpine Soghoyan and Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan during their heated exchange in May 2026. Image via CivilNet.

Arpine Soghoyan, a doctor who had a heated exchange with Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan over Nagorno-Karabakh before the June elections, has been dismissed from her job. While authorities claimed her dismissal was part of staff layoffs, Soghoyan has alleged it was politically motivated and vowed to appeal the decision.

The incident took place in late May, when Pashinyan became involved in several heated exchanges with members of the public while campaigning. He later claimed the arguments were part of an organised attempt by the opposition to provoke him.

At the time, Soghoyan, an obstetrician-gynaecologist, accused Pashinyan of ‘stealing [her] homeland’ and ‘destroying an entire generation’, referring to the victims of the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War and subsequent escalations.

Soghoyan’s brother, Lieutenant Colonel Hrant Papikyan, went missing during the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War.

Shortly after the incident, reports emerged that the head of her clinic in Yerevan had asked her to submit a resignation letter, though her daughter, Tatevik Soghoyan, said no resignation had been submitted.

In turn, Yerevan Mayor Tigran Avinyan ruled out at the time ‘that any person would be fired for their political views’.

Despite Avinyan’s assurances, Soghoyan was dismissed roughly two months after the exchange.

The news was first shared on Monday by Tatevik Soghoyan, who said that after ‘21 years of impeccable service’, her mother had been dismissed ‘on the grounds of staff cuts’.

‘In other words, the polyclinic will continue to have a women’s consultation department, but it will no longer have a head of department. Thousands of women from an entire administrative district [of Yerevan], including expectant mothers, will be left without the oversight of a highly experienced department head’, Tatevik Soghoyan wrote in a Facebook post.

She described the official explanation — a lack of funding — as ‘ridiculous when compared with the billions of drams the municipality spends on lavish festivities’, without elaborating which events she was implying.

Adding that her mother’s spirit was high and her employment prospects were good, she called the dismissal ‘yet another vivid example of the “bastion of democracy” that [claims] to protect our freedom of speech’.

In its comment to the media, the Yerevan Municipality stated that staffing cuts had been introduced across healthcare institutions under its authority following the introduction of mandatory health insurance on 1 January 2026.

‘The retention of additional positions creates an extra financial burden, including the position of “head of department” ’, the municipality said.

Speaking to RFE/RL, Soghoyan rejected the explanation, claiming it was illogical and vowed to challenge her dismissal in court.

According to RFE/RL, the dismissal notice stated that Soghoyan ‘could not be offered another position because of her health condition’. Soghoyan, however, said she had no health problems and had never missed work because of illness. She also questioned why staff positions were being cut when the number of patients had not decreased, arguing that the introduction of mandatory health insurance had, if anything, increased doctors’ workloads.

‘Following Soghoyan’s dismissal, just three doctors will be responsible for providing care to more than 10,000 women’, RFE/RL reported.

A series of similar dismissals

Soghoyan’s dismissal comes amid a series of claims by public-sector employees that they have faced politically motivated retaliation following the June elections.

Days after the elections, Gohar Vardanyan, a local civil official in the border village of Kirants, said she was pressured to submit a resignation letter after publishing a Facebook post disputing claims that the strong showing of Pashinyan’s Civil Contract party in the village actually reflected real local support.

Shortly afterwards, Edgar Ghazaryan, a parliamentary candidate from Strong Armenia, accused the authorities of targeting his family by dismissing his sister, Lilit Ghazaryan, from the state-run Drug Expertise Centre, where she had worked for more than 30 years.

According to Ghazaryan, the day after the election, his sister ‘was instructed’ by the Health Ministry to resign, and after refusing to do so, ‘she was unlawfully dismissed’. Management instead abolished one of the centre’s two deputy director positions, effectively dismissing her.

Speaking at a press briefing following the dismissal, Health Minister Anahit Avanesyan rejected the allegations, insisting that the decision had no political motivation and saying the accusations were ‘manipulations’.

Similar allegations have also emerged from Yerevan State University (YSU).

Earlier in July, lawyer Ruben Melikyan, who had taught at the university’s Faculty of Law for over 20 years, said he had been notified that his contract would not be renewed, which effectively stops him from teaching from September.

Melikyan, who represents opposition figures and is a vocal critic of the authorities, said he believed the decision was politically motivated.

He also told RFE/RL that two other lecturers with opposition views — Shushan Vardanyan and Alen Ghrevondyan — had been informed that their contracts would not be renewed.

Earlier, the YSU decided to dissolve its Department of Foreign Literature, headed by Anush Sedrakyan, which claimed that her opposition stance had contributed to the department’s closure, while the university denied that the decision was politically motivated.

Israeli Parliament ‘postpones’ vote on recognising Armenian Genocide

OC Media
July 14 2026
The Israeli Parliament has postponed a vote to formally recognise the Armenian Genocide. The Israeli government had unanimously approved the bill and sent it to parliament for voting in late June.

Reports of the suspension appear to have originated from JNS, which cited an unnamed official as saying the vote had been suspended on Sunday.

The official did not explain why the vote was postponed, but JNS noted the move came at a ‘delicate diplomatic time’, pointing to the renewed conflict between Israel and the US and Iran and an early July NATO summit in Turkey where Ankara sought to acquire F-35 fighter jets from the US.

JNS also reported that parliament was set to go to summer recess and will be out of session until the 27 October elections in Israel.

The outlet has also reached out to Foreign Minister Gideon Sa’ar, who had put forth the proposal to recognise the genocide, but did not receive a response.

Sa’ar’s proposal was unanimously greenlit by the Israeli government. At the time, Sa’ar called the move to recognise the genocide ‘a moral duty’.

The move received a cold response from Armenia, with Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan declining to comment on it, saying that Israel was ‘weaponising’ the genocide.

‘We see no need to respond because we believe that refraining from entering into the issue of the weaponisation of the Armenian Genocide is in the interests of the Republic of Armenia’, Pashinyan said in late June.

The Israeli government’s approval of the resolution drew intense criticism from Azerbaijan and Turkey, with the latter accusing Israel of seeking to ‘cover up its own crimes’ in Gaza.

Turkey denies the Armenian Genocide, which was orchestrated by its predecessor state, the Ottoman Empire. The genocide resulted in the mass killings of nearly 1.5 million Armenians living in what is modern-day eastern Turkey.

Azerbaijan, which is allied to both Turkey and Israel, called the move ‘a matter of serious concern’ and urged the Israeli government to ‘reconsider’ what it called the ‘distortion of the historical facts surrounding the events of 1915’.

On 7 June, the Israeli outlet Ynet cited unnamed Azerbaijani officials as saying the government’s decision to recognise the genocide ‘triggered a deeper crisis in Israel–Azerbaijan relations than has been publicly visible’. The officials said that Azerbaijan views the recognition as Israel ‘crossing a red line’, and that it had ‘failed to reciprocate the support Azerbaijan has shown Israel since the outbreak of the war’.

Ynet has also cited the Azerbaijani officials as saying that Azerbaijan was ‘deeply disappointed’ by the way the announcement was made, and that Baku was only made aware of the move ‘after the decision had already been published’.

Review | A Fire There — an atmospheric study of ethnic Armenians in rural Geo

OC Media
July 14 2026

Montreal-based Lebanese–Armenian director Marlene Edoyan’s latest documentary asks what futures exist for ethnic Armenians in rural Georgia.

A Fire There (2026) traces the lives of three young men — Henrikh, Karlen, and Hakob — in the majority Armenian village Gamdzani (Gandza) in Georgia’s southern Samtskhe-Javakheti region.

While all three men come from similar backgrounds, they each have different dreams and goals: Henrikh wishes to study in Tbilisi and eventually become a member of government to bring effective change to his home; Karlen wants to be a migrant worker in Russia, viewing it as a place of wealth and opportunity; and Hakob simply wants to build a life with his long-distance girlfriend Monika in the village, seemingly content with his work at the local cheese factory. All of their families have pinned their own hopes on these young men, seeing in them a chance for happiness or personal success that they themselves never got.

Filmed between 2022–2024, the documentary covers a wide swathe of the young men’s lives as they each attempt to progress with their varying goals. Yet, despite the many months of filming, the film is not fast-paced — instead, it operates as a slow-moving, artistic look at the rural, pastoral life of the Armenian villages in Georgia, where the main industries revolve around sheep and agriculture.

In between beautiful, wide shots of the landscape and villagers at work in their surroundings — often accompanied by Mathieu Charbonneau and Christophe Lamarche-Ledoux’s captivating soundtrack — Edoyan films the young men struggling with their emerging individual identities.

Some of the most interesting conversations caught on camera occur in an abandoned Soviet-era milking factory. From the first, the location gives rise to a debate on the success of the Soviet Union and whether things are any better today in an independent Georgia. From there, the discussion goes on to the changes in migrant work, Russia no longer the only attractive option when compared to Europe. As one of the young men puts it, ‘migrant work [has gotten] sophisticated’.

Seasons pass slowly as one by one the larger friendship group dissolves as the men move away to find their fortunes elsewhere.

For Henrikh, his time in Tbilisi during the 2024 foreign agent law protests awakens a new political impetus, one that his friends back in the village struggle to connect with. Back in the Soviet-era factory, the conversation this time revolves around Georgian politics and what choices they have. While Henrikh urges his compatriots to vote out Georgian Dream in the then-upcoming parliamentary elections, his friends ask, ‘Can we trust the newcomers to set up factories here?’, exemplifying the influence of economics in rural Georgia.

Beyond the focus on the three young men, Edoyan also manages to subtly capture the patriarchal gender dynamics of the village. Women in the film are forever in the background, never given true identities themselves or even a sense of a future other than to be a wife and mother. In one particularly poignant scene, a few young Armenian girls are baptised, after which the priest blesses them, wishing that they be grandmothers to big families. At this point, one girl turns to the camera, with a miserable look on her face — that the sum of her worth be solely tied to the fruit of her womb.

Despite being only a little over 90 minutes, A Fire There manages to convey a wealth of opinions, emotions, and more. The breadth of its focus is impressive, yet never feels too all-encompassing — the thread of the unknown future weaves all the concepts together, whether through the prayer of family members or shots of fortunes read from coffee mug remnants.

Film details: A Fire There (2026), directed by Marlene Edoyan. The film was screened on 14 July 2026 in Yerevan as part of the 23rd Golden Apricot International Film Festival.

https://oc-media.org/review-a-fire-there-an-atmospheric-study-of-ethnic-armenians-in-rural-georgia/

Review | Here, Elsewhere — documenting daily life during Nagorno-Karabakh’s f

OC Media
July 14 2026

Lebanese–Armenian director Comes Chahbazian created this documentary from first-hand footage collected by a Stepanakert resident and his wife in 2023.

Over 200 days into the Lachin blockade, and with signs of a war on the horizon, Brussels-based filmmaker Comes Chahbazian asked his friend Artsiv to film his daily life in Nagorno-Karabakh, the footage and written updates building a portrait of a society under siege.

The first shot Artsiv takes is of his wife Tatev and five children walking down a dirt street. ‘Don’t you think everything looks strangely normal?’, Artsiv asks via a first-person narration derived from the letters sent to Chahbazian.

What isn’t captured by the camera are the long lines for food that never comes, the eeriness of empty streets that were once full of busy traffic. As Artsiv humorously puts it, Stepanakert has become an eco-friendly capital city due to the Azerbaijani blockade.

The footage Artsiv, and later Tatev, capture is strikingly mundane: plastic bags being washed and hung to dry, dinner being served, fussy children being soothed. Yet, being able to film these aspects of life provides a kind of ‘exorcism’ from the stress of their uncertain future.

Food is an ever-present preoccupation for Nagorno-Karabakh residents. Artsiv’s children complain about the lack of bread, complaining to Tatev that they cannot eat cooked squash without it. Nagorno-Karabakh volunteers cook two hedgehogs on a fire for their dinner meal. Yet, as the narration explains, despite the ongoing shortages, everyone helps their neighbours with what they can, this solidarity undergirding the film.

The film takes a darker turn, however, as Azerbaijan begins its last full-scale offensive against Nagorno-Karabakh. At times, it feels as if Artsiv and Tatev have become too reliant on the camera — in one scene, as the city is shelled by Azerbaijani forces during the night, one of their sons begs them to stop filming in near tears. It is a moment when Artsiv must decide whether to remain a documentary filmmaker or a father who comforts his children in their distress.

It is not long before Nagorno-Karabakh surrenders, which Chahbazian cleverly contrasts with the biblical phrase like a lamb to slaughter, placing the narration of Artsiv’s experiences of the surrender against imagery of a sheep in grass.

Artsiv and Tatev continue their filming as Stepanakert empties, its residents seeking safety in Armenia. Soon enough, the family also follows, filming their packing process and eventual days-long journey on the road out.

The film continues in Armenia, showing their transition to life in a new country. They visit supermarkets, overwhelmed by the options available; the kids spend time watching videos on their phones, reminiscent of youth everywhere. Yet, at the same time, they hold their memories of their home in Nagorno-Karabakh close. Despite leaving many things behind, including brand-new shoes, Tatev packed all of their unused ration cards, telling Artsiv ‘It’s so we remember’.

Yet, while they remember, they feel Armenians do not understand the loss of Nagorno-Karabakh, viewing the Christmas and New Year’s celebrations in Yerevan with distaste. Artsiv describes being surrounded by ‘indifferent people’, who don’t understand.

Even so, life continues. Chahbazian ends the film on a note of hope, with Artsiv and Tatev having rebuilt their lives in Armenia, including Tatev returning to her main livelihood and passion of painting. And both still hope to return to their homeland in Nagorno-Karabakh one day.

Film details: Here, Elsewhere (2026), directed by Comes Chahbazian. The film was screened on 14 July 2026 in Yerevan as part of the 23rd Golden Apricot International Film Festival.


Opinion: ‘EU is interested in Armenia diversifying its foreign relations’

JAM News
July 14 2026


  • JAMnews
  • Yerevan

Recent developments show that the European Union wants to support Armenia‘s efforts to diversify its foreign policy, according to diplomat Hrachya Tashchyan, acting director of the Armenian Genocide Museum-Institute.

He argues that European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen’s remarks during her visit to Yerevan reflect this approach. She said: “I am here today to make one thing absolutely clear: if Russia closes its market to Armenian products, the EU will open the doors of its consumer market of 450 million people.”

Since May, Russia has gradually introduced restrictions on Armenian imports. Russia’s Federal Service for Veterinary and Phytosanitary Surveillance first banned imports of flowers, vegetables, fruit, fish, mineral water and alcoholic beverages. It then halted all shipments of quarantine-controlled goods, citing phytosanitary concerns.

The EU decided to help Armenia in response to the situation.

Once the Council of the European Union and the European Parliament approve the autonomous trade measures, 80% of Armenian exports to the EU will become duty-free.

“This measure will open the European market to almost 99% of Armenia’s fresh agricultural produce, vegetables, fruit and plant-based products that were previously exported to Russia. It will also give more than 90% of your beverage and alcohol exports access to the EU single market.”

Tashchyan believes “this will be an unprecedented step that will, in effect, create a unilateral free trade regime for Armenia”. He also argues that the move will avoid conflict with the regulations of the Russia-led Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU), of which Armenia is a member. Armenia cannot become a full EU member or benefit from the bloc’s free trade area unless it leaves the EAEU.

In his article, the Armenian diplomat examines how effective EAEU membership has been for Armenia and what advantages closer cooperation with the European Union could offer.


  • Armenia unveils exporter support programme to offset Russian restrictions
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  • ‘No grounds for referendum yet’: Yerevan responds to calls to choose between EU and EAEU

Armenia benefits from the opportunities offered by the EAEU

“The EAEU was created to ensure the free movement of goods, services, labour and capital among its member states. From the perspective of Armenia’s short-term interests, membership in the EAEU is undoubtedly important for the country’s economy. Armenia benefits from free trade with other member states under the bloc’s framework. It also enjoys the advantages of the EAEU’s common customs regime.

The Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) has five members: Armenia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Russia.

It is therefore no coincidence that Russia, as an EAEU member, is Armenia’s largest trading partner. According to some estimates, exports to Russia accounted for around 35% of Armenia’s total exports in 2025, equivalent to roughly 10% of the country’s GDP. […]

Losing access to the Russian market would undoubtedly deal a painful blow to Armenia’s economy.

Another crucial factor is that Armenia imports the vast majority of its energy resources from Russia at preferential prices. This is of vital importance for the country. Formally, these arrangements also stem from the regulations governing the EAEU. Any increase in the price of natural gas supplied by Russia would have a severely negative impact on Armenia’s economy. That, in turn, would create serious social and other consequences.”

The EAEU does not provide the conditions for sustainable economic development

“At present, EAEU membership benefits Armenia, and leaving the bloc would immediately bring economic losses. But does that mean Armenia should simply accept EAEU membership and stop looking for alternatives? In fact, that would be an irrational choice, and there are several reasons why.

The main issue is that EAEU membership does not provide Armenia with the conditions needed for sustainable economic development.

Armenia is now a middle-income country. GDP per capita stands at around $9,000. This means the country is gradually approaching the threshold at which the drivers of sustainable economic growth change fundamentally from those that proved effective when Armenia’s economy was at a much lower level.

According to the World Bank’s 2024 World Development ReportMiddle-Income Trap, democratic institutions become a key factor in sustaining economic growth once countries reach this stage.

Decades of international experience show that countries at this level struggle to maintain long-term economic growth without democracy. At this stage, the rule of law and effective accountability mechanisms become particularly important.

The experience of Central European and East Asian countries points in the same direction. Their development shows that countries need to remain within the economic orbit of states with strong institutions and advanced economies if they want to create the conditions for sustainable growth.

The EAEU offers neither. Its member states are not known for strong democratic institutions, and they are far from being among the world’s leading economies.

Russia, which sets the agenda and dominates the EAEU, lags well behind the world’s leading economies in terms of GDP per capita. It occupies only a modest position in the global economy and international trade. Its share of global exports of high-tech goods and digital services, for example, remains very small.

Democratic institutions are also not a priority within the EAEU. Unlike the European Union, membership in the bloc does nothing to encourage the development or strengthening of democratic institutions. […]”

Armenia should look for other platforms for economic integration

“Although EAEU membership currently offers Armenia certain advantages, the bloc cannot provide the tools needed to create the conditions for the country’s long-term sustainable development. It is therefore clear that Armenia should seek other platforms for economic integration.

How can this be achieved? First, we should defend our interests within the EAEU’s legal framework.

Armenia can do so through the EAEU’s main institutions, including the councils of heads of state and government, the Eurasian Economic Commission, the EAEU Board, where Armenia has two members, the Commission’s departments, five of whose 24 directors are Armenian, and the EAEU Court, where Armenia has two of the bloc’s 11 judges. We should make full use of the procedures and mechanisms provided under the EAEU’s legal framework.

Second, we should actively seek new markets and develop viable alternatives for our external economic relations.

That applies both to countries in our region, including our immediate neighbours and the Gulf states, and to European countries.

Third, our region, including our neighbouring countries, is rich in energy resources. We therefore need to find alternative sources of energy in order to significantly reduce our dependence on supplies from Russia.

In the short term, these steps should be our priority.”

The European Union is the best alternative

“The European Union is clearly the best long-term solution for addressing this challenge, diversifying export markets and creating an alternative framework for Armenia’s external economic relations.

Armenia already has a well-developed and diverse institutional framework for cooperation with the EU, centred on the Comprehensive and Enhanced Partnership Agreement (CEPA). Cooperation with the bloc also provides all the tools needed to create favourable conditions for the country’s sustainable economic development. It is fully aligned with Armenia’s long-term strategic economic objectives.

The EU’s economic pull offers all the advantages needed to support development.

It brings together some of the world’s most advanced economies and technological leaders. It is also one of the largest players in the global economy and international trade, behind only the United States and China.

Most importantly, cooperation with the EU helps build democratic and effective institutions, which are essential for ensuring the country’s sustainable development.”

https://jam-news.net/opinion-eu-is-interested-in-armenia-diversifying-its-foreign-relations/