FOREIGN MINISTER OF AZERBAIJAN MEETS ICRC REPRESENTATIVE IN THE COUNTRY

Azer Tag, Azerbaijan
29 Oct. 2004

[October 29, 2004, 22:25:32]

Foreign minister of Azerbaijan Republic Elmar Mammadyarov on 29 October
met representative of the International Committee of Red Cross (ICRC)
in the country Merry Vernts, press service of MFA told AzerTAj.

The ICRC representative informed the foreign minister on the latest
activity of the Organization in the Republic, thanked for interest and
attention the leadership of Azerbaijan shows to the Committee, stated
that activity of the Azerbaijan diplomatic representation in Geneva
positively impacts on the links between the Committee and the Republic.

Speaking of the cooperation between the government of Azerbaijan and
ICRC, foreign minister Mammadyarov gave high value to its activity in
the occupied territories of Azerbaijan, in particular, the Committee’s
efforts in finding Azerbaijanis in captivity. Touching upon settlement
of the Armenian population in the occupied areas of Azerbaijan, the
Minister expressed hope that the Committee would closely engaged in
this question. The policy of Armenia negatively impacts on the process
of settlement of the Armenia-Azerbaijan, Nagorny Karabakh conflict, and
the Committee should have particular attention to this question, the
Minister emphasized.

Also were exchanged views on other questions of mutual interest.

Putin charts a new course for Russia
By Muhammad Zamir

The Daily Star, Bangladesh
29 Oct. 2004

President Putin of Russia has ordered a drastic overhaul of how his
country is run, stressing that the battle could only be won with
greater central control. His announcement came after more than 330
persons, mostly children, died in the controversial and deplorable
Beslan school siege by Chechen rebels in early September.

The whole situation has been brought to the fore once again through
the reluctance of Russia’s leaders to grant Chechnya the independence
that they have been striving for nearly a decade.

This latest incident led to human rights groups taking up arms on
both sides. Those supporting the Chechens pointed out the great
suffering that the people of Chechnya have undergone for the last
seventy years — exile to Kazakhstan under Stalin, being allowed
to return home by Khrushchev and then being denied the chance of
nominal independence after the collapse of the Soviet Union. They also
alleged that something like ten per cent of all Chechens, perhaps
as many as 200,000 people, had been tortured and murdered by inept,
marauding Russian troops in the years since Putin’s predecessor, Boris
Yeltsin, launched the Chechen conflict ten years ago. They have in
this regard noted that women Chechen suicide bombers might have been
created because of the ‘brutalisation’ of the Chechen people and the
‘widespread use of war-rape by contract soldiers.’

Akhmed Zakayev, the European Representative of the Chechen Republic’s
last freely elected President, Aslan Maskhadov, took this one
step further. He alleged that western governments had to share
responsibility for this latest bout of terrorism because of their
silence about Russia’s human rights violations in Chechnya. He went on
to state that double standards were in vogue among western nations with
regard to state-sponsored violence in different parts of the world.

Nevertheless what is important is that Chechnyans appear to have
several influential friends both within Russia and abroad, and that
is slowly being taken cognizance of by Russian authorities. This
group includes pro-US Russian critics like Boris Nemtsov and Vladimir
Ryzhkov (men associated with the extreme neo liberal market reforms)
and neo-cons like Boris Berezovsky and several US neo-cons like
Richard Perle, Eliot Abrams, Kenneth Adelman and US Thinktanks like
the Carnegie Andowment, Rand Corporation and the American Committee
for Peace in Chechnya. These organisations in particular, have been
assiduous over recent months in arguing against Moscow’s claims that
there is a link between the Chechens and the Al-Qaida. These prominent
voices use the Chechen rebellion as a stick with which to beat Putin.

The latest Beslan atrocity appears to have given Putin the necessary
handle, not only to re-evaluate policy but also to agree upon decisive
steps to centralise a more hierarchical approach to administration.

In the wake of this catastrophe, President Putin’s reaction appears
to have been evoked by two factors — nostalgic Soviet patriotism and
Russia’s ancient suspicion about possible encirclement. His response
was that terrorists were trying to leave Russia without defences
either to the east or the west. He was also bitterly critical of the
prevailing status within the internal administrative structure. He
not only blamed the rash of bombings all over Russia and the Beslan
disaster as having resulted from Russia being ‘weak’ but that ‘the
weak always get beaten’.

This frustration and anger have been reflected in Putin accelerating
efforts to create a more authoritarian and centralised form of rule.

Critics have, however, suggested that such measures have been
introduced to divert common Russian citizen’s attention from rising
social and economic tensions and quell public dissatisfaction
and anger. In this context, they are pointing fingers at the many
structural economic reforms that Russia will require to undertake
in the coming years — rise in domestic price of oil and gas which
will hit people’s utility bills, privatisation of medicine, potential
closure of kindergartens and even schools in smaller towns, mainly
in the northern Caucasus (in areas prone to potential violence).

Whatever the criticism, Putin appears to be quite firm about his agenda
to stop the ‘disintegration of the state, the break-up of Russia’. He
believes that the changes that are being introduced will be crucial
for future stability and will have to be undertaken even if Russians
cannot ‘live in as carefree a manner as before’.

Regional governors, cabinet colleagues and senior bureaucrats have
now jointly initiated steps to agree on ‘appropriate measures on
foreseeing and preventing terrorism in any form’.

The shake-up, biggest since Putin came to office four years ago, is
likely to concentrate power in one pair of hands. Other far reaching
steps will include the FSB (formerly KGB) controlling the border and
playing a more central role in defining core administrative policy
in the name of creating unity.

Efforts will now presumably also be taken to create a Russian version
of the US Department of Homeland Security, through a strengthened FSB,
which will coordinate the different ministries and law-enforcement
agencies who are associated in curbing terrorism. Steps will also
ostensibly be taken to raise the profile of Russia’s Security Council
or ‘the little Politburo’ which is chaired by Mr. Putin and includes
all the ‘power’ Ministers — defence, interior, foreign affairs as
well as the Prosecutor-General.

President Putin has already changed the Parliament’s Upper House and
the Federation Council so that regional Governors and legislative
leaders no longer sit in it. One anticipates that this progressive
evolution might eventually lead to the President appointing Governors
rather than these officials being elected.

Such steps would in a manner of speaking, restore within Russia,
the Soviet system of hierarchical party rule from Moscow.

I believe that Putin’s restrictive steps might be accepted with
some degree of calm within mainland Russia but is bound to lead to
difficulties with his southern neighbours and the expanded EU. In
the Caucasus, Russia’s frontal and strong-arm tactics to re-establish
authority will meet with greater resistance from dispossessed Chechens,
not because of Islamic fundamentalism but more because of their
nationalistic belief. Similarly, the new nationalist government in
Georgia is unlikely to help seal its frontier (in the Pankisi Gorge)
with Russia when it is trying to remove the Russian troops from the
disputed territory of South Ossetia, which was within Georgia’s borders
in Soviet times. Georgia in fact, has already stated its concern over
Russian pre-emptive action.

Azerbaijan may also be unwilling to help clamp down on its Chechen
Diaspora as Russia appears to have failed in getting Armenian troops
out of large areas of Azerbaijan, which they occupy.

Similarly, the expanded EU, which now includes many east European
states and even some Soviet republics will be watching events in Russia
with great caution. Emergence of inflexibility and rigidity in Russian
politics will definitely not be received enthusiasm. Latvia has already
been vocal about Russia’s conduct of security operations and some
others have also expressed serious concern about Russia’s handling
of the protracted Chechen crisis. They have already expressed their
doubts about internal military solutions rather than the pursuit of
international mediation and talks between the Russian government and
Chechen political representatives. Such advice, quite understandably,
have not been received with any enthusiasm by Putin.

There will be criticism of Putin’s new policies. Vladimir Pribyovski,
head of the think-tank Panorama has said that terrorism is being used
as a pretext to change the federal structure of the country’. Others
are also alleging that the planned measures will probably lead to
changes in the Constitution which will enable Mr. Putin to try for
a third term in office in the elections in 2008. Presently, there is
restriction to two terms only.

The US Administration, as expected, has made mild noises about Russia
‘pulling back on some domestic reforms’. President Bush also remarked
that Kremlin’s security overhaul could ‘not only undermine democracy’
but also affect the delicate balance in Russia within the central
government ‘between the executive branch and the legislative and
judicial branches’.

Whatever be the view of others, Putin and Russia appear to have drawn
a line. The recent decisions reiterate that the Caucasus is vital
to Russian interests — its southern border is strategic and that
it continues to be Russia’s road to the Middle East and crucially to
the oil resources of Azerbaijan.

Putin now believes that, should Chechnya become independent, the
whole Caucasian powder-keg could explode with Russia losing for
ever its ancestral power over the south. Such an equation, to him,
is unthinkable.

Putin, known for his dislike of Gorbachev, also knows that ordinary
Russians judge their leaders by their ability to control and increase
state power. The President with his KGB background, believes his new
tough measures will be seen as a personification of authoritarian
democracy and closer to the historical Russians as an example of
Putin not being a push over, trying to copy some one else’s model of
democracy. He might be right.

Muhammad Zamir is a former Secretary and Ambassador.

Persian Journal, Iran
29 Oct. 2004

History of Persian Miniature
Oct 29, 2004, 13:33
Iranchamber

It is difficult to trace the origins of the art of Persian miniature,
as it reached its peak mainly during the Mongol and Timurid periods
(13th – 16th Century). Mongolian rulers of Iran instilled the cult of
Chinese painting and brought with them a great number of Chinese
artisans. Paper itself, reached Persia from China in 753 AD. Hence, the
Chinese influence is very strong.

The most important function of miniature was illustration. It gave a
visual image to the literary plot, making it more enjoyable, and easier
to understand. Miniature developed into a marriage of artistic and
poetic languages and obtained a deep and sincere accordance with
poetry.

During the last ten centuries there have been many great literary works
to inspire the great artists of their day. At the end of the 10th
Century, Ferdowsi created his immortal epic poem “Shahnameh” (The Book
of Kings), which at some 50 thousand couplets, relates through fact and
legend, the history of the country from the creation of the world to
the Arab conquests in the 7th Century. In the 12th Century, the poet
Nezami created his romantic “Khamsa” (five stories in verse), which was
very popular, and was imitated several times by Indian poets writing in
Persian.

The 13th Century saw the creation of great works by Saadi, the author
of the famous “Bustan” and “Golestan”. Golestan is a collection of
moralizing and entertaining anecdotes and proverbs written in elegant
rhymed prose, and at intervals, with fitting lines of verse. Bustan is
a didactic poem, lyrical in tone and anecdotal in composition. It is
considered to be one of the masterpieces of Persian literature.

In the 14th Century, there were enlightening and romantic works by Amir
Khosroe Dehlavi, Khajoo Kermani, Hafez, and Kamal Khodjandi. While the
15th Century was the time for the many faceted poet Jami, who wrote the
seven epic poems called “Haft Owrang”(The Seven Thrones or Ursa Major).
His poetry embraced all the different categories of preceding
literature.

This great wealth of inspiring literature gave rise to the emergence of
many important miniature schools, each with its own unique style,
creating a great diversity of paintings. It was through these schools
that miniature painting achieved its splendid development both in Iran
and central Asia. Three of the most influential schools were in Shiraz,
Tabriz, and Herat.

In the 13th and 14th Centuries Shiraz, the capital of Fars witnessed a
new rise in the development of its cultural life. This was the time of
Saadi, Khajoo Kermani, and Hafez. Poetry flourished and so did
miniature. One of the most important works for the illustrators of the
period was “Shahnamah”, and in Shiraz there were a large staff of
painters dedicated to it. In the Shiraz miniatures of the 14th Century,
symmetry of construction was predominant, and for the most part
composition was frieze-like, straightforward and monotonous.

Nevertheless, the Shiraz school was to have great influence throughout
Iran, and by the end of the 15th Century it was producing miniatures of
highest quality. The illustrations for “Khamseh” (1491) by Nezami serve
as an example of Shiraz art at its peak. All is complete, and clear,
both in composition and the distribution of detail, and in the outline
of the silhouettes. The lines are firm and confident.

At the close of the 13th Century, the Tabriz school of art had been
established. The early artistic development of the Tabriz school
differed from that of Shiraz, as their illustrations tended to combine
Far Eastern traits with the Armeno-Byzantine style of painting. This
latter influence can be explained by the geographical situation of
Tabriz, which is on the frontier of the Armenian region.

Closer relations sprung up between different artistic styles of Shiraz
and Tabriz art schools at the beginning of the 15th Century. This time
is connected with a great migration of painters which begun after Timur
had conquered Baghdad (in 1393, 1401) and Tabriz (1402). Many of them
were brought to Samarkand, the capital of the conqueror, as well as to
the court of his grandson, Iskandar Sultan, the ruler of Shiraz. In the
new studios they adapted to the already existing ideas and tastes, but
at the same time they introduced much of the traditions they had
followed long before the migration.

In the 16th Century, on the vast territories of Iran and central Asia,
poetry by Jami was extremely popular, and it enriched the art of
painting with new themes. This was the start of great development
throughout the various schools of art in Iran. In the Tabriz miniatures
of the period, there appeared a magnificent ability to create within a
limited space, a full illusion of a particular scene or landscape; for
example, a picture of a palace building, including part of its yard,
inner garden and the palace interior.

Architecture and landscape from now on were included as fully as
possible. The figures within the composition were no longer constrained
and static, and were painted in a more lively and natural way.

In the first half of the 15th Century an art school was established in
Herat. The very best of the artists in the Tabriz and Shiraz schools
moved here. In the early Herat miniatures figure painting became much
more skilful and drawing gained greater accuracy. As the skill of the
painters increased, the figures were placed more confidently and the
rythmic structure of the composition became more complicated. The Herat
artists were exceptional at portraying people, making the surrounding a
mere accompaniment.

One of the best known and most influential painters from the Herat
school was Kamal-od-Din Behzad, whose creative art was greatly
influenced by the works of the poets Jami and Navai. In his own works
there appeared a unique attention to portraying not just people but
what surrounded them in their daily lives. Behzad’s paintings brought
miniature to its genuine bloom. He shared the fame of Herat painting
with other outstanding miniature painters of the time: his teacher and
the head of the court studio, Mirak Nakkash, Kasim ‘Ali, Khwadja
Muhammad Nakkash, and Shah Muzaffar.

The theme of miniatures became more limited as time went by. In the
17th Century there were mainly love scenes, portraits and some even
copied European pictures. In the 18th Century there appeared a new
genre of flowers and birds.

Harvard Crimson
29 Oct. 2004

Boston Early Music Festival Draws Crowds
Year-long series features groups from around world

By YAN ZHAO
Contributing Writer

Outside of a group of devoted fans of early music—a genre that
encompasses all European musical production between the 15th and 18th
centuries—most Bostonians probably fail to realize that they inhabit
not only the early music capital of America, but also one of the early
music centers of the world. They may have heard of the venerable Boston
Early Music Festival (BEMF), but probably don’t realize it is the only
early music festival in America, as well as the largest and most
elaborate celebration of its kind in the world.

In fact, BEMF’s popular concert series, an annual string of eight to
twelve concerts, draws over 6,000 audience members, and the biennial
festival and exhibition has more than 12,500 participants and thousands
of fans. This year, the first concert of the season sold out more than
a week in advance.

Kathleen Fay, the executive director of BEMF, attributes much of the
success to the city’s unusually active musical community.

“At Boston, you can’t help but become immersed in early music if you’re
a serious classical music lover,” says Fay. “We’re the world’s center
for early music both because of this organization and the number of
excellent performing groups and organizations that have concentrated
around here.”

Early music draws classical, folk, opera, and choral music lovers, all
of which Boston has in abundance.

BEMF was founded in 1980, according to Fay, by “leading practitioners
of early music performance with a mission to promote and conserve the
genre.” For years, it worked in collaboration with its sister festival
in Berkeley and a smaller festival in San Antonio to bring early music
to different areas of America.

But when both of the other two festivals disbanded, Boston became the
primary center of early music in America. Now, BEMF grows more and more
comprehensive and famous each year.

“Our festival audience members now come from all over the world,” says
Fay. “Once we did a survey and learned that 7 percent of our audience
during festival week was from outside the country.”

Fay also notes the festival’s strong international radio presence, much
of which has arisen from its relationship with Boston radio station
WGBH. The station records BEMF performances and broadcasts them
nationwide on National Public Radio, in addition to Britain’s BBC and
Canada’s CBC.

The featured artists also give the festival a distinct international
flavor. The first concert in this year’s concert series was given on
Oct. 16 by a viol consort from England. Over Thanksgiving weekend,
Venice Baroque Orchestra will perform. Later, other artists from such
varied countries as Canada, Germany and Russia will participate in the
series.

Fay usually decides the year’s concert programs herself. “I’ve always
wanted to do so much more than we have the time or money for,” she
said. “It’s hard because in any given season, there are more than 50
top quality groups touring so I have to fit in what I can, like a
jig-saw puzzle.”

Although such activities do pose a significant challenge, Fay says that
the most difficult part of her job is fundraising.

“The budget for a biennial festival is about $2.5 million. The opera is
just about $1 million, about $950,000,” she says. “About half of your
budget is made up of ticket sales…so just imagine the amount of money
that needs to be raised, and 90% of that will be from individual
giving.” Still, Fay says the results are often pleasantly surprising.

“It’s staggering how generous people are and can be when they love
something,” she says. “This is hard work but it’s a labor of love; you
really have to believe in it.”

Fay moved to Boston in 1984 to study music and started working for BEMF
in 1985 as an usher. She moved to the role of assistant to the
director, then general manager and finally executive director in 1991.
As a result, she has watched the organization grow and the early music
scene change drastically.

On top of the concert series, another challenge is putting on the
biennial festival itself. Its central component is the production and
performance of a rare baroque opera masterpiece.

In most years, the opera is an old one that has not been performed for
hundreds of years. But in June 2005, BEMF will present the world
premiere of a recently rediscovered opera, Boris Goudenow by Johann
Mattheson.

The opera was written in 1710 but never produced in the composer’s
lifetime. It was kept in the Hamburg Library until World War II, when
the score, along with many others, disappeared (apparently hidden from
anticipated bombing raids).

“After the war, Boris landed in Soviet hands and was eventually
transferred to Armenia by a scholar interested in the works of
Mattheson,” says artistic director Paul O’Dette. “The score was
‘discovered’ in an Armenian archive and then returned to Hamburg in
1998.”

The BEMF was contacted and offered the world premiere rights of the
opera, says Fay. “We then traveled to Germany where we got to see and
touch the original score. We also went to Russia where we auditioned
Russian opera singers, since the story is Russian, though the composer
was German.”

After the gigantic task of picking an opera comes the even bigger task
of producing it. “There are generally 150 costumes per opera, plus very
demanding sets,” Fay says. “But that’s what I love the most about my
job: the production, development, and realization of the opera. It’s
incredibly rewarding.”

Besides the June extravaganza, there are a number of concerts and
events throughout the year, including performances by the famous choral
groups Tallis Scholars on Dec. 11, and the Hilliard Ensemble on March
6.

“I’m personally very excited about our Feb. 4 concert, which will be
held in Sanders Theatre,” says Fay. “Hopefully we will be using
Harvard’s fortepiano and one of Harvard’s professors will give a
pre-concert lecture.”

Fay also praises the contributions the University has made to the
festival. “We definitely love working with Harvard,” she says. “It’s a
great resource for us.”

–Boundary_(ID_VTOB91sbfRwHXDgeA0W25w)–

Armenia trying to ‘increase’ population in Upper Garabagh

AzerNews, Azerbaijan
28 Oct. 2004

Armenia is trying to pursue a policy of increasing the number of
Armenian population in Upper Garabagh, Azerbaijan’s region under
Armenian occupation, through internal migration and by granting
privileges to families with many children.

A program on granting privileges to families with three and more
children in the self-proclaimed Upper Garabagh republic was adopted
in 2002.

The ‘statistics committee of Upper Garabagh’ has recently issued a
report saying that the number of families with five and more children
has reached 241 (1,329 children) in Upper Garabagh over the last
nine months.

The “Artsakhbank” has opened 128 accounts holding $115.400 for families
with more than three children.

According to the report, 1,412 babies were born in the self-proclaimed
republic in January-September, or 2.2% over 2003, mostly in Shusha
and Khojavand districts.

Marriage rate increased 24.4%, while divorce rate dropped 18.7%
after the mentioned program was passed, the committee said.

Samvel Dadaian, a department head of the social security ministry in
the self-proclaimed republic said the program on families with many
children requires less money than relocation of population to Upper
Garabagh from other regions.

Pressure group appeals to NATO Secretary General

Assa Irada, Azerbaijan
28 Oct. 2004

The Garabagh Liberation Organization (GLO) has forwarded an appeal to
the NATO Secretary General Jaap de Hoop Scheffer saying that by trying
to attend the NATO events in Baku Armenia aims to hurt the relations
between Azerbaijan and the organization and provoke stand-off and
tensions in the country.

The documents regards as unacceptable inviting Armenia to any event
in Azerbaijan, as this aggressor country perpetrated the Khojali
massacre, killed thousands of Azerbaijanis and currently holds many
Azeri citizens in captivity.

The GLO termed this as an insult to the entire Azerbaijani people
and the memory of war victims and demanded NATO to end the practice
of inviting Armenians to events in Baku.

NATO Secretary General Scheffer is expected to arrive in Baku as part
of his tour over South Caucasus November 4.*

Azeris in Moscow protest occupation of Zangilan District

Assa Irada, Azerbaijan
28 Oct. 2004

The Movement for Azerbaijan held a rally in Moscow on Thursday on the
11th year-anniversary of occupation of Azerbaijan’s Zangilan District
by Armenia.

About 500 Azerbaijanis took part in the protest action, demanding
that the Azerbaijani lands occupied by Armenia be liberated and the
international community end a double standard in its position on
the issue.

The participants of the rally also protested against the international
youth forum scheduled in Upper Garabagh for November.

Earlier, the Movement for Azerbaijan held rallies on central squares
of Moscow and outside the Armenian embassy protesting occupation of
Azerbaijani lands.*
From: Baghdasarian

Upper Garabagh status priority for Armenia in talks

Assa Irada, Azerbaijan
28 Oct. 2004

Determination of the Upper Garabagh status is a priority for Armenia
in the talks over the conflict settlement, the Armenian Foreign
Ministry press spokesman Gamlet Gasparian said in a statement. Armenia
considers all other issues exclusively in view of the future status
of Upper Garabagh.

“Other issues raised by Azerbaijan, including the problem on refugees,
displaced persons and territories, should be discussed directly with
Upper Garabagh. Armenia is interested only in the final resolution
of the Upper Garabagh problem and applies this approach to its
participation in the negotiations.”

Commenting on the statement by the Azeri Foreign Minister Elmar
Mammadyarov that in Astana the Armenian President took a time-out
to analyze the results of the meetings held, Gasparian said the
decision to take a break in the talks was made jointly by the Azeri
and Armenian leaders.

“We have not received a reply yet on the issues Armenia is interested
in”, Gasparian added.*

ARMENIAN FOREIGN MINISTRY REACTS TO UN COMMITTEE’S DECISION

ArmenPress
29 Oct. 2004

YEREVAN, OCTOBER 29, ARMENPRESS: Hamlet Gasparian, a spokesman for
Armenian foreign affairs ministry was asked by Armenpress News Agency
to comment on the UN General Committee’s decision to recommend the
inclusion of an item on the situation in the occupied territories of
Azerbaijan on the General Assembly’s session.

Gasparian said: “Indeed, this issue has been raised at the UN General
Committee. While it has not enjoyed any significant support, it has
received 9 pro and 14 abstained votes from 28 member states. The
countries that voted in support of the issue included mostly members
of the Organization of the Islamic Conference and the Ukraine.

We view Azerbaijan’s move as yet another attempt to divert the
attention of the international community from the core issue of the
conflict, i.e. the status of Nagorno Karabagh.

We should also note that in a statement made on behalf of OSCE Minsk
Group, France’s representative stated that the UN General Assembly is
not an appropriate forum for discussing this issue. He further noted
that Azerbaijan’s move to introduce a new item on the negotiations
agenda might have a detrimental impact on the peaceful regulation
process.”

RELATIONS BETWEEN ARMENIA AND KARABAGH NEED TO BE FORMALIZED, PRESIDENT SAYS

ArmenPress
29 Oct. 2004

YEREVAN, OCTOBER 29, ARMENPRESS: President Robert Kocharian had today
a working meeting with members of the Armenian and Nagorno Karabagh
governments. Kocharian was quoted by his press office as saying that
” relations between the two governments need to be formalized and
coordinated.

According to Kocharian, “some problems must be solved so as to
ensure more coordinated meetings not only between the presidents,
prime ministers, but also between other government members and heads
of departments.”

Kocharian also noted that Armenia and Nagorno Karabagh are in the same
economic field, “therefore all reforms carried out in both must be
reconciled and harmonized to avoid controversies.” The parties have
agreed to set up a joint team to make cooperation more purposeful
and effective.
From: Baghdasarian