Glendale man will serve 16 months

Glendale NewsPress
LATimes.com
Jan 29 2005

Glendale man will serve 16 months

Ara Gabrielyan sentenced in stalking case after following
ex-girlfriend with tracking device he attached to her car.

By Jackson Bell, News-Press and Leader

GLENDALE – A Glendale man was sentenced Friday to 16 months in prison
for following his ex-girlfriend using a Global Positioning
System-enabled cell phone attached to her car, one of the first
stalking cases of its kind in L.A. County, officials said.

Ara Gabrielyan, 33, pleaded no contest to one count of stalking and
two counts of making criminal threats, officials said. Gabrielyan
faces deportation to Armenia, his home country, upon completing his
prison term, prosecutors said.

Gabrielyan was arrested Aug. 29 after his former girlfriend, Gayanne
Indezhan, reported to Glendale Police that she allegedly spotted him
trying to change the cell phone’s battery under her car, authorities
said. He was accused of following Indezhan, a 35-year-old Glendale
woman, for six months leading up to the arrest.

Andrew Flier, Gabrielyan’s defense attorney, believes that he will
only serve up to four months of his sentence since he has nearly
eight months in credit for time already served in jail. Flier also
said Gabrielyan’s family wants him to return to his home country.

“We are happy about this because he is a nice man, and the more we
would have fought the case, I think the worse it would have been for
him,” he said.

Gabrielyan was reportedly using the phone as a tracking device, and
would unexpectedly turn up while she was at a bookstore or traveling
to Los Angeles International Airport, police said.

During a preliminary hearing earlier this month, Indezhan testified
that Gabrielyan could not accept that their relationship of two years
was over and would call her continually throughout the day.

Gabrielyan never physically attacked her, but she feared for the
safety of herself and her children the month leading up to his
arrest, Indezhan testified. She said he threatened to kidnap and
impregnate her as well as kill both of them so they could be together
“in eternity.”

“He told me that he was going to crash my car, then did it,” she
said. “He told me he was going to break into my house, and did it.
Then he said he was going to kill me. Did I have that guarantee? No,
but I was afraid he would do what he was going to say.”

Remembering Auschwitz

Trinidad & Tobago Express, Trinidad and Tobago –
Jan 28, 2005

Remembering Auschwitz

Our Opinion

While we know that some citizens will remember events and understand
the significance of the 60th anniversary of the liberation of
Auschwitz, observed, we point out, and not celebrated, this past
week, we are also certain that many of today’s generation may be
unaware of Auschwitz and what it means.

Some will not even be aware of the enormity of the horror of the
Holocaust. It was the industrialised murder of a people employing
many technicians of death at the instigation of a psychopath and his
circle-it was genocide, the product of totalitarianism, of some very
demented people, and widespread European anti-Semitism.

Auschwitz was a death camp in Poland, a place to which human beings
from different parts of Europe were transported in cattle cars and
systematically murdered in mass gassings of men, women, children,
infants and babies, simply for being Jewish.

The 20th century saw two major conflicts. The second, World War II,
killed about 50 million people, the majority being innocent
civilians. Warfare is as old as the first civilisations millennia ago
but genocide, as far as we can see, is a relatively recent
phenomenon. The dividing line between legitimate warfare in defence
of a people’s or a nation’s boundaries or space and the systematic
elimination of a people is vague. Peoples have always collectively
suffered at the hands of others, whether by conquest, enslavement,
occupation or in conventional or legitimate warfare, their suffering,
injury and deaths now euphemistically called collateral damage.

Genocide, however, is different. It is an attempt to destroy another
people. In the past century there were the noted examples of the
expulsion of the Herrero people into the deserts of Namibia and
similar treatment of the Armenians by the Turks. Citizens may recall
the massacres of the Pol Pot regime in Cambodia and the slaughter in
Rwanda in Africa, as well as the victims of Shabra and Shatila,
Palestinian refugee camps, and Srebenica, a Bosnian UN declared safe
city, and the current conflict in Darfur, described by Colin Powell
as genocide. These killings were all directed at recognisable ethnic
groups.

The Holocaust however was different in more than one way. The sheer
numbers are probably beyond the comprehension of most readers. It
consumed six million souls. Its methodology singled it out. It
consisted of the systematic serial collection of Jewish nationals of
several European countries, their transportation to purpose-built
facilities designed to kill human beings en mass, after either
enslaving them in factories or simply stripping them of their pitiful
material possessions and even their hair, and removal of gold teeth
after gassing them.

At Auschwitz over 1.5 million, mainly Jews, were so murdered, with
the daily tally often rising to two or more thousands. What also
singles it out is that the mass murder was not civil or internecine
warfare within a state but rather the actions of a state beyond its
boundaries, a state born of elections. No one can deny that mass
murder on this scale had not been carried out by large numbers of
compliant individuals.

Citizens by now may not be aware of the one side effect of
anti-Semitism on our history. Several Jewish families from Germany
and Austria, Poland and Czechoslovakia fled even to places such as
Trinidad with nothing more than their humanity, culture and what they
could carry and made new lives for themselves and families. One such
family name is Stecher, with which most are familiar. The Express
reminds its readers of Auschwitz and the tragedy of European Jewry
and joins with the rest of the world in observing the 60th
anniversary of the horror of genocide. A lesson for all.

Although considered a classic, Verdi’s ‘Aida’ misses the mark

San Bernardino Sun, CA
Jan 29 2005

Although considered a classic, Verdi’s ‘Aida’ misses the mark

By David Mermelstein
Correspondent

Verdi’s “AIDA” has been called one of three perfect popular operas.
Yet even placement in such a pantheon cannot protect it from
indifferent productions, something the Los Angeles Opera proved on
Saturday night with its revival of Pier-Luigi Pizzi’s sad-sack
production, first presented at the Dorothy Chandler Pavilion in
September 2000.
Compounding the disappointment was a cast that seldom impressed,
headed by American soprano Michele Crider – making a wan company
debut – in the title role. And if that wasn’t enough to make a weary
opera-goer want to drown himself in the Nile, then surely Peggy
Hickey’s bizarre and risible choreography was. Her weirdly homoerotic
“battle” between Egyptians and Ethiopians is among the most
embarrassing things ever to find its way onto the Chandler stage.

Granted, “Aida” is not easy to mount. Spend too much money – as New
York’s Metropolitan Opera has – and the production looks bloated. But
spend too little – as is clearly the case here – and the whole
enterprise seems a big waste.

Pizzi’s set – with its sliding panels and large columns – reminds one
of the kinds of department stores that once lined Wilshire Boulevard.
So the multicolored costumes, seemingly pinched from a road-company
“Tannhauser,” don’t quite fit. Of course, not everyone on stage is
wearing much, anyway. The dancers are barely dressed at all, for
instance.

Perhaps if the singing were better, these elements would matter less.
But Crider’s unremarkable voice, often overwhelmed by the orchestra,
did little to capture attention, except when she jerked toward
shrillness. And she appeared unmoved by Aida’s woeful circumstances –
strange given that a princess who becomes a slave and then loses her
beloved to her mistress actually has reason to complain.

As Radames, the object of Aida’s affection, tenor Franco Farina trod
the stage solidly. If he wasn’t a heroic hero, then at least he
wasn’t a silly one. His singing tried to be forceful but was too
often clotted.

Aida’s rival, Amneris, sung by the Russian mezzo-soprano Irina
Mishura, generated the most heat. She proved a compelling singer, her
voice often surprisingly light and supple. And she smartly played
Amneris less as a witch than as a powerful woman unwilling to be
denied her prerogatives.

Georgian baritone Lado Ataneli – as Aida’s father Amonasro – and
Armenian bass Arutjun Kotchinian – as the high priest Ramfis – also
sang impressively. Too bad director Vera Lucia Calabria didn’t know
what to do with them.

Making his company debut in the pit, Israeli conductor Dan Ettinger
showed promise. And though he could sometimes be fussy, his command
of the ballet music was pleasantly fresh. In a more pleasing staging,
his contributions might have had even more of an impact.

The Los Angeles Opera lays claim to several productions worth
reviving. But this one ought to share the fate of Aida and Radames
and be sealed in a tomb.

AIDA
Our rating:
Where: Dorothy Chandler Pavilion, 135 N. Grand Ave., Los Angeles.
When: 7:30 tonight, Wednesday and Feb. 10, 16 and 19; 2 p.m. Sunday
and Feb. 5 and 13.
Tickets: $25 to $190. (213) 972-8001.
In a nutshell: An indifferent revival of a disappointing production
undermines a Verdi masterpiece.

www.losangelesopera.com.

WFP Emergency Report No. 5 of 2005

ReliefWeb
Jan 28 2005

/HMYT-693SJL?OpenDocument

WFP Emergency Report No. 5 of 2005
This report includes:
(A) Headlines

(B) Middle East, Central Asia and Eastern Europe: (1) Armenia

(C) Eastern & Central Africa: (1) Burundi (2) Congo, DR (3) Eritrea
(4) Ethiopia (5) Kenya (6) Rwanda (7) Somalia (8) Sudan (9) Tanzania
(10) Uganda

(D) West Africa: (1) Chad (2) Cote d’Ivoire (3) Guinea (4) Liberia
(5) Mauritania

(E) Southern Africa: (1) Regional (2) Angola (3) Lesotho (4) Malawi
(5) Mozambique (6) Namibia (7) Swaziland (8) Zambia (9) Zimbabwe

(F) Asia: (1) Regional: Asia Tsunami (2) Bangladesh (3) Indonesia (4)
Korea (DPR) (5) Maldives (6) Myanmar (7) Sri Lanka (8) Thailand

(G) Latin America and Caribbean: (1) Guyana flood emergency (2)
Bolivia (3) Colombia (4) Cuba (5) Ecuador (6) Guatemala (7) Haiti (8)
Nicaragua

>From David Kaatrud, Chief of the Analysis, Assessment and
Preparedness Service of the United Nations World Food Programme
(ODA); available on the Internet on the WFP Home Page (),
or by e-mail from [email protected], Chief of the Emergency
Preparedness and Response Branch (ODAP). For information on
resources, donors are requested to contact [email protected]
at WFP Rome, telephone +39 06 6513 2009. Media queries should be
directed to [email protected], telephone +39 06 6513 2602. The
address of WFP is Via Cesare Giulio Viola 68, Parco dei Medici, 00148
Rome, Italy.

(A) Headlines

(a) As a major player in the UN relief effort in the Indian Ocean
region, WFP is appealing to governments for USD 256 million to feed
one-and-a-half million people.

(b) In Indonesia, the humanitarian community has begun planning a
six-month sea, land and air operation to deliver 15,000 tons of
relief aid per month to an estimated 750,000 internally displaced
persons.

(c) In Sri Lanka, one month after the tsunami, the humanitarian
situation has stabilized – immediate humanitarian needs have
generally been met in all sectors.

(d) During the past week, WFP continued to distribute food to over
two million drought-affected people in Kenya.

(e) An outbreak of cholera in Bujumbura, Burundi has killed at least
five people and infected another 105 in the past two weeks.

(f) The Government of Angola has banned the entry of GM grain into
the country unless prior authorization is given by the Minister of
Agriculture.

(g) Despite the good harvest in Ethiopia, some 2.2 million people
will require emergency food assistance in 2005.

(h) The security situation remains tense in the Darfurs after several
violent incidents in West and South Darfur.

(i) In the Democratic Republic of Congo, various armed factions
continued to prey on farmers in eastern DRC, with kidnappings and
rape widespread, and food security adversely affected.

(j) Nearly 300,000 refugees, IDPs, and ex-combatants are expected to
resettle in the interior parts of Liberia.

(k) WFP urgently needs USD 180 million to feed to 4.9 million
families vulnerable to food insecurity and HIV/AIDS in Lesotho,
Malawi, Mozambique, Swaziland, Zambia and Zimbabwe in 2005.

(B) Middle East, Central Asia and Eastern Europe: (1) Armenia

(1) Armenia

(a) On January 26 WFP announced a USD 135,600 donation from Greece
for food assistance to 110,000 impoverished Armenians. Funding
shortfalls had forced WFP to temporarily cut off food aid to 30,000
vulnerable Armenians in the autumn of 2004.

(b) WFP’s current PRRO in Armenia began halfway through 2004, and
includes relief distribution; school feeding and food for training
programs; rehabilitation and reconstruction; and building community
assets such as irrigation and drinking water networks, schools,
kindergartens and hospitals through food for work.

(c) The PRRO targets a total of 110,000 people per year in the
capital Yerevan, as well as four provinces, including Gegharkunik,
Lori, Shirak and Tavush. WFP’s total costs in Armenia for the current
operation are USD 11.5 million, including the 21,660 tons of food.
WFP faces a shortfall of USD 6.7 million through June 2006.

[parts omitted]

http://www.reliefweb.int/rw/RWB.NSF/db900SID
www.wfp.org

Glendale Man Sentenced in Stalking Case

KABC, CA
Jan 28 2005

Glendale Man Sentenced in Stalking Case

PASADENA – A Glendale man accused of keeping track of his ex-
girlfriend by attaching a cell phone equipped with a
satellite-enabled tracking system to her car was sentenced today to
16 months in prison.
Ara Gabrielyan, 33, pleaded no contest to stalking and making
criminal threats, said Deputy District Attorney Debra Archuleta, head
of the Stalking and Threat Assessment Team.

Pasadena Superior Court Judge Teri Schwartz immediately sentenced
Gabrielyan to 16 months in state prison.

Gabrielyan, who was arrested last Aug. 29, also faces deportation to
Armenia when he completes his prison term, according to the
prosecutor.

Glendale police said Gabrielyan attached a cell phone with a Global
Positioning System to the bottom of his ex-girlfriend’s vehicle to
keep tabs on her whereabouts.

The woman — who had broken off her relationship with Gabrielyan
nearly two years before — became suspicious when she started running
into him at various locations, police said. The woman contacted
police after spotting him under her car, where he apparently tried to
change the battery that powered the cell phone, according to police.

Turkey, Armenia: A Major Thaw In the Long Freeze

Turkey, Armenia: A Major Thaw In the Long Freeze

Stratfor.com (Strategic Forecasting Inc.)
Feb 01, 2005

Summary

Armenia and Turkey have made stunning announcements that indicate a
melting in the long diplomatic freeze between them. Such unprecedented
progress suggests an end to the stalemate is on the horizon, if still
off in the distance. With Turkey’s drive for EU membership providing
the impetus, both governments now have far more to gain from
normalizing relations than they stand to lose by angering nationalist
opponents to those relations.

Analysis

Mustafa Safran, chairman of the Turkish Education Ministry’s
commission on textbooks, says the country’s newest history textbooks
will include references to the controversial Armenian “genocide.”
Armenia has long insisted that Turkey acknowledge that it committed
genocide against more than 1 million Armenians in 1915, a charge
Turkey has denied — so vehemently, in fact, that the topic has been
taboo until recently. Textbooks, however, will now include both
Armenian and Turkish version of the events so students can make up
their own minds, Safran said.

This essentially amounts to an astounding change in Turkish foreign
policy and an enormous concession to Armenia. Diplomatic relations
between the two have been frozen since, in the wake of Armenian
independence from the Soviet Union, Turkey closed its border with
Armenia — this was done in a show of support for its Turkic brethren
in Azerbaijan over Yerevan’s role in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict
that began in 1988.

Complementing Safran’s surprise announcement was a statement the same
day, Jan. 28, from Armenian Foreign Minister Vartan Oskanian on a
Turkish radio station. Oskanian said Armenia no longer considers
Turkish acknowledgement that the 1915 events constituted genocide as a
precondition for normalized relations. Oskanian added that Armenia
would renounce all claims to territory now within Turkish borders and
that the re-opening of borders between the two countries would be
enough to re-establish normal ties. These two announcements are
tantamount to an earthquake in the old foundation of relations between
these two longtime adversaries, and their simultaneous presentation
likely signals coordination — revealing that a serious push is on.

It is probably no coincidence that these announcements came so soon
after Turkey received its invitation to begin negotiations on
membership to the European Union. The two sides have been holding
high-level secret meetings for several years, sources close to the
talks say, to avoid having nationalists on either side scuttle
negotiations before they can make progress. Turkey’s EU drive likely
has given those negotiations a strong shove forward.

According to EU membership requirements, Ankara need not restore
relations with Yerevan in order to join. Given that some EU members
are likely to try to delay Turkey’s accession as long as possible,
Turkey will need to be squeaky-clean in order to get in, and that
makes normal relations with Armenia a necessity. If the road to
Brussels goes through Yerevan, then Ankara has all the motivation it
needs to normalize relations.

For its part, Armenia also announced recently that it hopes to join
the Union in the future. If it is sincere, this makes peace with a
prospective member imperative for Yerevan as well, not to mention the
resolution of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. Hopes of EU membership
are even further off for Armenia than for Turkey, but Armenia has
convincing reasons to bury the hatchet.

In spite of their closed borders, trade between Turkey and Armenia
totaled $125 million in 2004, and the Armenian government believes
that figure would jump to $500 million almost instantaneously if the
border were re-opened. For a country with an estimated 2004 gross
domestic product of $3.5 billion, this is an enormous difference. That
trade would no doubt grow further if economic ties were allowed to
develop between the two countries, to the benefit of both sides.

More significantly for Armenia, an open door to Turkey would finally
release it from the economic prison it has been in since its borders
with Turkey and Azerbaijan were slammed shut. With the borders closed,
Yerevan has been forced to subsist on Georgia’s dilapidated
infrastructure to get goods to and from the West, which makes for a
significantly slower, and more expensive, trip than if it could go
through Turkey. Also, with access to Turkey, goods would pass through
a large market along the way to the West.

The political ramifications for Armenia are equally significant as the
economic ones, if not more so. An open border with Turkey would reduce
Armenia’s reliance on Russia for either its political or economic
well-being. Furthermore, Armenia would find less of a need for close
relations with Iran — its economic lifeline to the south and no
friend to Ankara — if it had more stable ties to the West. Better
relations with Turkey also likely would give a push to negotiations
with Azerbaijan over Nagorno-Karabakh. In short, normal diplomatic and
trade relations with Turkey would reshape Armenia’s strategic position
and offer it a political independence that it has not had for a very
long time.

Potential stumbling blocks, however, remain. The Turkish military has
been the guardian of Turkish national interests since the days of
Ataturk and can always bring the works to a grinding halt. The
military high command has repeatedly demonstrated its willingness to
allow the elected government to take steps to move the country toward
EU membership, which is in keeping with Ataturk’s Western-oriented
philosophy. If, however, it perceives an unnecessary step or
concession, such as one on Nagorno-Karabakh, the military could
quickly make its presence felt again. As long as Turkish Prime
Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan does only what is necessary for EU
membership, which includes normal relations with Armenia, the military
should stay on the sidelines.

On the Armenian side, the biggest stumbling block to Turkish-Armenian
rapprochement at this point appears to lie outside the two countries.
The Armenian lobbies in the United States and France are highly
successful and influential. They exercise their influence not only
through their control of significant remittances to Armenia, on which
the country depends economically, but also through their influence on
the governments of their respective countries. The sources say the
Armenian diasporas in the United States and France continue to be
vehemently opposed to a deal with Turkey that does not include
recognition of the events of 1915 as genocide.

These diasporas played a decisive role in the rise to power of
nationalist Armenian President Robert Kocharian in 1998 after his
predecessor, Levon Ter-Petrosian, began talking to Ankara. Since they
do not have the political and economic interests that the residents of
Turkey and Armenia have, these expatriates tend to act strictly on
emotional grounds and have little interest in the practical benefits
of normalized relations.

It comes as no surprise, then, that the day after Oskanian’s Jan. 28
statement, French Foreign Minister Michel Barnier demanded that Turkey
recognize the genocide of 1915 — a comment the Turks will never take
sitting down. Sympathy in France tends to be in Armenia’s favor, but
it is a virtual certainty that phone calls from influential Armenians
— in a tizzy about Yerevan’s overtures — played a role in eliciting
such a high-level response so soon. The fact, however, that Kocharian
is so publicly stepping out on a limb and risking the wrath of
important supporters abroad indicates there is enough political will
at home for him to absorb criticism from his supporters abroad.

Although bumps on the road are inevitable, opponents to normalized
relations on either side likely are fighting a losing battle. The
prospect of EU membership has altered the calculations of the
Turkish-Armenian dispute, and the power politics now point toward a
normalization of relations. In October, Turkey will officially begin
its negotiations to enter the EU, and the disputes with both Cyprus
and Armenia are destined to be resolved if Turkey is sincere in its
desire to join. With renewed Turkish willingness to negotiate, and
great benefits awaiting Armenia, the incentive to overcome any
obstacles is far greater now than it has been in the past, and that
makes normalized relations a strong possibility in the future.

(Stratfor: Predictive, Insightful, Global Intelligence)

‘Imperial Reckoning’, ‘Histories of the Hanged’: White Man’s Bungle

New York Times Book Review
January 30, 2005

‘Imperial Reckoning’ and ‘Histories of the Hanged’: White Man’s Bungle
By DANIEL BERGNER

IN a war-ravaged town in Sierra Leone a few years ago, I listened as five
men debated the idea of recolonization, which many of their countrymen
favored. They sat in a derelict shed, the office of a building contractor
who’d lost all his equipment to rampaging soldiers. He was lucky to be alive
and unmutilated; factions in the civil war had cut off the hands of
civilians, then let them live as the ultimate message of terror. Amid the
ruin of their nation, only one of the five men objected to the idea. ”We
had segregation, right over there,” he said, pointing toward the desolate
grounds of a secondary school, his voice rising in outrage. ”We couldn’t go
to that school!” To which the contractor, white-haired and old enough to
have spent his childhood under British rule, said, ”At least there was
school for Africans.”

The men spoke during extreme times in their country; their desperation had
reached this pitch after 10 years of anarchy. But despair pervades the
continent. ”The average African,” Moeletsi Mbeki, deputy chairman of the
South African Institute of International Affairs and brother of South
Africa’s president, declared recently, ”is poorer than during the age of
colonialism.” Yet for anyone tempted, even fleetingly, to look to the past
for solutions to Africa’s problems, two new books, ”Imperial Reckoning,”
by Caroline Elkins, and ”Histories of the Hanged,” by David Anderson, give
warning.

Focusing on the final decade of British rule in Kenya (ending in 1963), both
writers evoke a period when, especially in Elkins’s view, the colonial
pretense of civilizing the dark continent gave way to the savagery of
imperial self-preservation. Some 40,000 whites lived in Kenya by the early
1950’s, drawn by promises of long leases on fertile land and native labor at
low wages. ”Whatever his background,” Anderson, a lecturer in African
Studies at Oxford, writes, ”every white man who disembarked from the boat
at Mombasa became an instant aristocrat.” But by midcentury, many of the
natives, particularly those of the Kikuyu tribe, refused to play their
assigned role. The Kikuyu had been put off their most arable land by white
farmers. They, like other Kenyan tribes, had been banished to ethnic
reserves too small to sustain them. They were forced to carry passbooks as
they searched for work from the governing race. In 1952, stirred partly by
their displacement and partly by British efforts to prohibit traditional
Kikuyu customs, a Kikuyu secret society, the Mau Mau, launched a rebellion,
attacking white-owned farms and brutally killing perhaps a hundred whites
and 1,800 of their African supporters. In retaliation, the British carried
out a campaign that, Elkins suggests, amounted to genocide.

Anderson’s book, meant as a kind of requiem for the ”as yet unacknowledged
martyrs of the rebel cause: the 1,090 men who went to the gallows as
convicted Mau Mau terrorists,” never manages to render a vivid martyr.
Examples of colonial judicial corruption and hypocrisy are thoroughly
explored, but little room is left for character. Elkins, a history professor
at Harvard, also neglects individual portraits, but she develops an
unforgettable catalog of atrocities and mass killing perpetrated by the
British. ”Imperial Reckoning” is an important and excruciating record; it
will shock even those who think they have assumed the worst about Europe’s
era of control in Africa. Nearly the entire Kikuyu population of 1.5 million
was, by Elkins’s calculation, herded by the British into various gulags.
Elkins, who assembled her indictment through archives, letters and
interviews with survivors and colonists, tells of a settler who would burn
the skin off Mau Mau suspects or force them to eat their own testicles as
methods of interrogation. She quotes a survivor recalling a torment
evocative of Abu Ghraib: lines of Kikuyu detainees ordered to strip naked
and embrace each other randomly, and a woman committing suicide after being
forced into the arms of her son-in-law. She quotes an anonymous settler
telling her, ”Never knew a Kuke had so many brains until we cracked open a
few heads.” Her method is relentless; page after page, chapter after
chapter, the horrors accumulate.

Yet for all its power, ”Imperial Reckoning” is not as compelling as it
should be. With so much evidence of atrocity, Elkins often forgoes
complexity and careful analysis. Not only are the colonists barbaric in
their treatment of the Kikuyu, but, as she has it, they are basically
barbarous in private as well, maintaining ”an absolutely hedonistic
lifestyle, filled with sex, drugs, drink and dance.” More important, there
is the case that Elkins apparently wishes to make — for genocide. ”Mau
Mau,” she writes, ”became for many whites in Kenya, and for many Kikuyu
loyalists as well, what the Armenians had been to the Turks . . . and the
Jews to the Nazis. As with any incipient genocide, the logic was all too
easy to follow.” According to the official statistics, the British killed
11,503 Mau Mau adherents. By contrast, Elkins estimates that ”somewhere
between 130,000 and 300,000 Kikuyu are unaccounted for.” She reaches her
figures by reviewing colonial censuses taken in 1948 and 1962; she compares
the increase in the Kikuyu population to the larger increases in three other
Kenyan tribes. It’s a fragile means to support her case, partly because
we’re left wondering whether the other tribes also grew more swiftly than
the Kikuyu during earlier periods.

Unfortunately, Elkins’s prosecutorial zeal in a sense precludes a true
”imperial reckoning.” For British rule brought crucial benefits that
persist — among them modern education and a degree of infrastructure — as
well as violent oppression to its subjects. A thorough reckoning would
provide, by way of paradox, not only a more deeply insightful but a more
deeply wrenching work of imperial history.

Daniel Bergner’s ”In the Land of Magic Soldiers: A Story of White and Black
in West Africa” won an Overseas Press Club Award and a Lettre Ulysses Award
for the art of reportage.

46 Loan Programs

46 LOAN PROGRAMS

Azat Artsakh – Nagorno Karabakh Republic (NKR)
31 Jan 05

In 2004 the NKR Fund for Development of Small and Medium- Size
Business worked out and implemented a program for encouraging small
and medium-size business providing for financial and investment aid to
small and medium-size business owners through privileged loans, as
well as information and consulting. To fulfill these goals the fund
worked out a system of measures to be taken for the implementation of
which 200 million drams were provided from the State Budget 2004. In
the framework of the program about 10 small and medium-size business
owners from Nagorni Karabakh participated in the first economic forum
of the CIS Chamber of Commerce and Industry and EXPO 2004 held in
Yerevan in June 2004. According to the executive director of the fund
Vladimir Sayadian, recently business directories, reference books have
been published to provide information, methodological aid, consulting
in working out business plans, a web site was created. V. Sayadian
said, the amount of the loans provided in the framework of financial
and investment aid totaled 188 million drams. In 2004 111 applications
for loan were submitted of a total of 566675 thousand drams the most
part of which was for orcharding. 43 applications for loan referred to
orcharding and viticulture. 39 were for cattle breeding and fish
breeding. 15 applications referred to industrial production, 8 food
processing and production, 6 services. Of the 111 applications for
loan the fund financed only 31. On the whole, in 2004 the fund granted
46 loans totaling 181147.6 drams.

SRBUHI VANIAN.
31-01-2005

BBC TV documentary “Places that don’t exist” (Includes NK)

s/places-that-dont-exist.s
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HOLIDAYS IN THE DANGER ZONE:
PLACES THAT DON’T EXIST

Part 1: Tuesday 1 February 2005 9pm-10.30pm; 12.30am-2am;
Saturday 5 February 7.30pm-9pm
Part 2: Wednesday 2 February 2005 9pm-10pm; 12.45am-1.45am; Sunday 6
February 11.40pm-12.40am; 2.40am-3.40am

There are almost 200 official countries in the world, but there are dozens
more breakaway states which are determined to be separate and independent.
All of the breakaway states have declared independence after violent
struggles with a neighbour. Some now survive peacefully, but others are a
magnet for terrorists and weapons smuggling, and have armies ready for a
fight.

In these two programmes Simon Reeve visits six such places: Somaliland,
Trans-Dniester and Taiwan (part one); Nagorno-Karabakh, South Ossetia and
Abkhazia (part two).

Interview: Simon Reeve

BBC Four: Was there one country that was the starting point for thinking
about these “places that don’t exist”?

Simon Reeve: Yes. A friend of mine mentioned that he was doing business with
some Somalilanders. I said, “Somaliland? Where’s that?” He said it was a
country in the north of Somalia and to my shame I didn’t know anything about
it. I found out that it’s a functioning state within Somalia. It seemed
extraordinary to me that there is no real government in Somalia but the
world recognises it as a country, and then there’s Somaliland which has
elections and a functioning democracy, but the world doesn’t recognise it as
a proper country. It just seemed a very strange situation. I discovered that
there were all these other countries, some of which I’d vaguely heard of,
some I hadn’t. Then of course there’s Taiwan, which everybody has heard of,
but not everybody knows isn’t recognised as a proper state. It has no seat
at the United Nations and no major countries have an embassy there.

BBC Four: What are the main negative factors affecting these countries
because they are not recognised?

SR: It leaves a lot of these people in limbo. Many people can’t get proper
passports and it’s difficult for them to travel because no other governments
recognise their country. To many of them I also think it’s a bit of an
insult that they’ve built a functioning state and yet the rest of the world
won’t recognise their existence. From our perspective I think it’s better to
bring them inside the international community. When they are outside it
doesn’t give international organisations the chance to keep an eye on what’s
going on. For example, Interpol can’t efficiently operate in Trans-Dniester
because it doesn’t recognise it exists. There are great concerns about the
risks of arms manufacturing there, but nobody can really find out the truth
because they can’t go there.

BBC Four: I got the impression that you enjoyed Trans-Dniester because it
was in such a Soviet time warp.

SR: All the places we went to were fascinating, but Trans-Dniester was very
unusual because it did feel like stepping back in time. I didn’t go to the
old Soviet Union, I was a bit too young then, but Trans-Dniester is how I
imagine it would have been. Indeed, people there said that they didn’t
really want to change when the Soviet Union collapsed, didn’t want to be
become a Western European state, and didn’t want McDonald’s and Starbucks.
They’d kept things pretty much the way they were, so it was a fascinating
place to visit precisely because of that.

BBC Four: Did you have a favourite?

SR: The whole thing was a great adventure frankly and a chance to go to
places that very few people get to visit, and to show people countries
they’ve never even heard of. Somaliland was perhaps the highlight because it
was incredible to see what the people had achieved with virtually nothing.
That was a very moving experience and the people were quite inspirational.
They rebuilt their country after a devastating civil war with very little
help from the outside world, but with sheer hard work and a belief in their
own national identity they’ve been able to build a functioning state.
Speaking on a personal level I find it very sad that their requests for
international recognition fall on deaf ears. This is a country which has
virtually no foreign debt. Now that’s rare in Africa and it’s primarily
because they aren’t recognised so the IMF won’t give them loans. It also
means that there’s not a lot of money sloshing around in the government
coffers so there’s not much corruption. We met the president of Somaliland,
which was quite interesting. He made the point that he runs the country on
just a few million pounds a year. It seems incredible to us that they can do
such things, but everybody accepts that they’ve got less money.

BBC Four: And a least favourite?

SR: Each country was very different and had something special about it.
Everywhere we went we met truly wonderful characters who were brimming with
hospitality. But Nagorno-Karabakh was a place that made me quite sad because
everywhere you went, on both sides, people loathed the other side. There
didn’t seem to be much hope for any improvement for the people there. With
people still in trenches facing the opposition in Azerbaijan – there’s the
threat of war there at any moment.

BBC Four: These programmes always have surreal moments, but this series
seemed to have even more than your last one. Are there any that stick in
your mind that were particularly bizarre or unexpected?

SR: I actually got quite emotional when I saw the Chinese tourists trying to
look at the Taiwanese propaganda. I was more emotional about it off camera
than I was on camera. It just seemed such an extraordinary situation. You
had tourists from a country which is emerging as one of the world’s great
economic, and potentially military, super-powers. They are very keen to find
out what’s happening in the rest of the world, including just over the water
in Taiwan. For years they’ve been able to see these small signs on the
horizon which have been spouting out Taiwanese propaganda, and then as soon
as they try to get close to the signs to see what they say, the Taiwanese
coast guard turns them back. It was a very weird situation.

BBC Four: I enjoyed your encounter with Mr Big Beard in Somalia.

SR: Yes, buying a Somali diplomatic passport from Mr Big Beard in a
Mogadishu back street market was a fairly weird experience.

BBC Four: Mogadishu did seem genuinely hairy.

SR: It is a very, very dangerous place. It seems to have been virtually
abandoned by the rest of the world precisely because it is so dangerous.
That just condemns the people who live there to almost perpetual suffering.
It actually made me think of Afghanistan in terms of how the rest of the
world was involved there at one point. There was foreign involvement in both
Afghanistan and Somalia in the 1980s and then in the early 90s the
international community pulled out of both countries. It was still pretty
bad when the rest of the world was in Somalia, but then they pulled out and
the inhabitants have been left to suffer on their own ever since. I think
there is the potential for similar problems to those in Afghanistan if the
rest of the world doesn’t get involved properly in Somalia.

BBC Four: There also seemed to have been a lot of instances when the camera
had to be pointed at the ground to avoid your filming being noticed.

SR: There were a few times when filming became dangerous. The countries we
were in are inherently lawless by their very nature. They exist in a vacuum
of their own. There is no British embassy you can turn to. You take
somewhere like Trans-Dniester, which is quite clearly functioning as a
country, but the international community does not operate there and there’s
no one to turn to if you get into trouble. So you are entirely dependent and
at the mercy of the local government and the local security people or secret
police. You do have to be responsible and careful. If someone points a gun
at you, you point your camera the other way, and if they tell you to stop
filming, then you have to make a judgement on whether you are going to get
into a lot of trouble if you do carry on.

BBC Four: I realise that they are all very different, but where do you think
these countries are going?

SR: All of these countries have sought independence after a war or major
conflict and the threat of a future war hangs over them. Taiwan is the most
serious for the rest of the world, because if Taiwan and China go to war, it
will drag in other countries in the region, and possibly even the United
States. I think Somaliland is a likely candidate for international
recognition. The government and the people there have done so much to build
a functioning country that it does make you wonder how the rest of the world
can ignore them. It’s a real African success story.

http://www.bbc.co.uk/bbcfour/documentaries/feature

Karabakh government developing new economic programme for 2006-2012

Karabakh government developing new economic programme for 2006-2012

Arminfo, Yerevan
1 Feb 05

STEPANAKERT

The government of the Nagornyy Karabakh Republic NKR is drawing up a
new economic development programme for 2006-2012, Prime Minister
Anushavan Danielyan has said in an interview with a correspondent of
Arminfo news agency.

Prime Minister Danielyan attributed the need for a new programme to
stable growth in macroeconomic indicators. “In 2000, the NKR
government developed a programme of economic reforms divided into
periods. The years 2000-2002 were a period of active reform, 2003-2005
were years of sharp economic growth, and we describe 2006-2010 as
years of promising economic development,” the prime minister said.

“Today I can confirm that the first two phases are nearing completion,
and we are not only assessing the reforms of previous years but also
setting new objectives in the run-up to the decisive phase, bearing in
mind the achievements and omissions of previous years.”

Passage omitted: previous years’ figures