UAF Reaches $400 Million Mark In Relief Supplies to Armenia

PRESS RELEASE

UNITED ARMENIAN FUND
1101 N. Pacific Avenue # 301
Glendale, CA 91202
Tel: 818.241.8900
Fax: 818.241.6900

For Immediate Release

28 February 2005

UAF Reaches $400 Million Mark
In Relief Supplies to Armenia

Glendale, CA – The United Armenian Fund’s 132nd airlift arrived
in Yerevan on February 27, delivering $3.2 million of humanitarian
assistance.

The UAF itself collected $2.6 million of medicines and medical supplies
for this flight, most of which were donated by the Catholic Medical
Mission Board ($2.4 million) and AmeriCares ($196,000).

Other organizations which contributed goods for this airlift were:
Medical Outreach for Armenians ($170,000); Nork Marash Medical Center
($101,000); Armenian General Benevolent Union ($80,000); Armenian
Eye Care Project ($31,000); Harut Chantikian of New Jersey ($26,000);
Dr. Stephen Kashian of Illinois ($23,000); and Fund for Armenian Relief
($22,000).

Also contributing to this airlift were: Innotech Projects
Inc. ($19,000); American University of Armenia ($17,000); Glendale
Ghapan Sister City Association ($17,000); Howard Karagheusian
Commemorative Corp. ($16,000); Bay Area Friends of Armenia ($11,000);
and Armenian Gospel Mission ($11,000).

Since its inception in 1989, the UAF has sent $400 million of
humanitarian assistance to Armenia on board 132 airlifts and 1,153
sea containers.

The UAF is the collective effort of the Armenian Assembly of America,
the Armenian General Benevolent Union, the Armenian Missionary
Association of America, the Armenian Relief Society, the Diocese of
the Armenian Church of America, the Prelacy of the Armenian Apostolic
Church of America and the Lincy Foundation.

For more information, contact the UAF office at 1101 North Pacific
Avenue, Suite 301, Glendale, CA 91202 or call (818) 241-8900.

###

U.S. State Department Releases 2004 Human Rights Country Reports

Bureau of International Information Programs, U.S. Department of
State. Web site:
Feb 28 2005

U.S. State Department Releases 2004 Human Rights Country Reports

Introduction says aim is to show needed tasks, potential for
cooperation

The U.S. Department of State released its annual Country Reports
on Human Rights Practices on February 28. The 2004 reports, which
provide individual analyses of the human rights situations in 196
countries, are designed to assess human rights conditions worldwide.
The reports, according to their introduction, demonstrate that the
United States “has stepped forward with its democratic allies to
reaffirm our commitment to human rights and democracy.”

Citing human rights in improvements in Afghanistan, Iraq and Ukraine
– countries which have recently experienced national elections and
increased citizen participation – the introduction says unhindered
citizen participation in government creates “momentum for the
improvement of human rights practices for all people participating
in them.”

According to the reports, several countries — including Burma, Iran,
North Korea, Sudan and Venezuela — continue to severely restrict
fundamental human rights enshrined in the Universal Declaration
of Human Rights, including freedom of speech, press, assembly,
association, religion and movement.

The purpose of the reports, however, is not simply to bring to light
human rights achievements and violations but, rather, to “illuminate
both future tasks and the potential for greater cooperation in
advancing the aspirations of the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights,” the introduction says.

The complete 2004 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices can be
found at:

Following is the text of the Introduction to the reports:

(begin text)

INTRODUCTION TO THE COUNTRY REPORTS ON HUMAN RIGHTS PRACTICES FOR 2004

On September 17, 2002, President Bush presented a new National Security
Strategy for the United States based on the principle that promoting
political and economic freedom and respect for human dignity will build
a safer and better world. To guide and focus the national effort that
had grown out of the war on terrorism, the strategy outlined a series
of fundamental tasks which, among others, required our Government
to champion aspirations for human rights and build democracy. In
his second inaugural address on January 20, 2005, President Bush
elaborated on that principle: “The survival of liberty in our land
depends on the success of liberty in other lands. The best hope for
peace in our world is the expansion of freedom in all the world.”

The United States and its international partners worked with many
countries during 2004 to expand freedom by helping to protect the
political rights of their citizens and to advance the rule of law in
their societies. In a few cases, where concerns centered on the rights
of the people to choose their own governments, dramatic developments
focused global attention on their struggles and landmark achievements.

In the past three years since the removal of the Taliban regime,
the people of Afghanistan have worked to diminish terrorism and
improve security; to bridge traditional ethnic, religious, and tribal
divides; to craft a new constitution faithful to their values and
way of life; to extend fundamental rights to women and minorities;
and to open their society to unprecedented political competition and
freedom of expression. The international community responded to this
undertaking by helping to register voters across a geographically
scattered, largely illiterate population; by educating cadres of
Afghan election workers and political participants in the conduct of
elections and campaigns and by joining with Afghan forces to provide
security during pre-election preparations and during the actual
voting. In the presidential election, which took place in October,
18 candidates vied for the votes of the 10 million registered Afghans,
more than 40 percent of whom were women. Despite threats and attacks
before the vote and serious technical challenges, more than 8 million
Afghans–including more than 3.2 million women–cast ballots to
chose their leader in a truly democratic election for the first time,
with a majority selecting President Hamid Karzai.

In Ukraine, the presidential election campaign was marred by government
pressure on opposition candidates and by widespread violations and
fraud during the voting. The Kuchma government engaged in fraud and
manipulation during the presidential election in both the first and
second round of voting on October 31 and November 21. The Government
censored media outlets and journalists to influence news coverage,
which sparked the so-called “journalist rebellion” among reporters
who refused to follow government directives. Eventually, popular
demonstrations against the official results of the flawed November
21 vote gradually swelled into an “Orange Revolution,” the campaign
color associated with opposition leader Viktor Yushchenko, who was
widely believed to have won the election.

Respect for human rights in Ukraine took a decided turn for the
better when, on December 3, the country’s Supreme Court invalidated
the runoff election as fraudulent, vindicating the observations of
many domestic and international monitors about numerous violations
of electoral procedures, harassment of opposition candidates, heavily
biased coverage in government-controlled media, and widespread voting
and counting fraud. In the court-mandated repeat election on December
26, the people of Ukraine selected their new President. International
observers of that vote, won by Yushchenko, noted the improvements
in media coverage, increase in transparency of the voting process,
decrease in government pressure to support a particular candidate,
and fewer disruptions at the polls. The new President expressed a
strong commitment to democracy, the rule of law, and observance of
human rights.

In Iraq, people faced a series of difficult tasks as they prepared
to choose their own leader through democratic elections, while the
severity and ubiquity of terrorist attacks expanded the dimensions of
the challenges. First, the Iraqi Governing Council achieved consensus
on a framework for the transition of sovereignty back to Iraqi
authorities under the aegis of the rule of law and clearly defined
procedures by which Iraq’s citizens would be able to choose their own
authorities and construct their own constitutional order. In March,
the approval of the Transitional Administrative Law (TAL) achieved
these objectives and paved the way for the second step, the transition
of sovereignty from the Coalition Provisional Authority to the Iraqi
Interim Government (IIG) on June 28.

Working with the assistance of the United Nations and other
international advisors, the IIG established the Independent Electoral
Commission of Iraq, an independent election authority that established
procedures for registration of and voting by Iraqis and expatriates in
14 other countries. On August 15 – 18, the National Conference convened
and elected a 100-member Interim National Council. Elections for the
Transitional National Assembly, the country’s legislative authority and
the first step in the formation of an Iraqi Transitional Government,
were scheduled to take place on January 30, 2005. According to the TAL,
the transitional government will draft a permanent constitution that
is to be ratified by August 2005, and new elections are to be held
for a permanent government under that Constitution by December 2005.

We believe events like these elections will increase the prospects for
peace, provide a solid grounding for self-government in these countries
and help create momentum for the improvement of human rights practices
for all people participating in them. Yet progress along this path
will not be easy or rapid, at least at first, as the 196 detailed
reports in this volume amply demonstrate. In a number of cases,
these reports will show that human rights practices may actually have
eroded despite the successful completion of internationally accepted
elections, as has occurred in some respects with the judiciary and
the media since the voting that took place last year in Venezuela.

It was in part the recognition of the complexity and difficulty
of the task of promoting human rights that led Congress in 1977 to
institutionalize the Department of State’s process of compiling these
annual Country Reports on Human Rights Practices. By providing this
compendium of witness to the global human rights experience, we hope
that the record of this work in progress will help illuminate both
future tasks and the potential for greater cooperation in advancing
the aspirations of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

The Year in Review: Democracy, Human Rights and Labor

Behind the detail of 196 country reports contained in the pages that
follow, the developments and experiences in certain countries stand
out due not only to the intensity of the human rights problems but also
to our involvement with the victims and their governments during 2004.

The Government of Sudan’s human rights record remained extremely
poor as it continued to restrict freedom of speech, press, assembly,
association, religion and movement. It arrested and harassed those
who exercised these rights.

At year’s end, there were more than 1.5 million Internally Displaced
Person (IDPs) in the Sudanese Province of Darfur, and another 200,000
civilians had fled into Chad, where the U.N. High Commissioner
for Refugees (UNHCR) coordinated a massive refugee relief effort.
Approximately 70,000 people reportedly died as a result of the violence
and forced displacement.

Despite the Government’s repeated commitments to refrain from
further violence in Darfur, the atrocities continued. Government and
government-supported militias known as the Jinjaweed routinely attacked
civilian villages. Typically, the Jinjaweed, often in concert with
regular government forces, conducted attacks under cover of military
aerial support. In September, after carefully reviewing a detailed
study conducted by independent experts covering the experience of more
than 1,100 refugees, Secretary of State Colin Powell concluded that
genocide had been committed against the people of Darfur, saying that
“Genocide has been committed in Darfur and that the Government of
Sudan and Jinjaweid bear responsibility and that genocide may still
be occurring.”

Government forces in that region routinely killed, injured, and
displaced civilians, and destroyed clinics and dwellings intentionally
during offensive operations. There were confirmed reports that
government-supported militia also intentionally attacked civilians,
looted their possessions, and destroyed their villages.

At the same time, year-end developments in negotiations related to
the North-South conflict provided hope for peace and improvement of
human rights practices in other areas of Sudan. By year’s end, the
State Department saw significant movement on the preliminary accords
between the Government and the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement
Army after 21 years of low intensity conflict.

In response to the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea’s (North
Korea) continued brutal and repressive treatment of its people, the
United States Congress enacted the North Korea Human Rights Act of
2004. The Act seeks to address the serious human rights situation in
North Korea and to promote durable solutions for North Korean refugees,
transparency in provision of humanitarian assistance, a free flow of
information, and a peaceful reunification on the Korean peninsula.

In Belarus, police abuse and occasional torture of prisoners and
detainees continued. The security forces arbitrarily arrested and
detained citizens for political reasons; in addition, individuals
were sued and sentenced to jail terms for such political crimes
as “defamation” of state officials, often interpreted to include
criticism of their policies. The Government of Belarus persisted
in discounting credible reports regarding the role of government
officials in the long-term disappearances of a journalist and
well-known opposition political figures and failed to conduct full,
transparent investigations into these disappearances. Instead,
the Government appointed Viktor Sheiman, linked to disappearances
by credible evidence in a Council of Europe report, as Head of the
Presidential Administration, thus perpetuating a climate of abuse
with impunity.

In Burma, the Junta ruled by decree and was not bound by any
constitutional provisions providing any fundamental rights. Security
forces carry out extrajudicial killings. In addition, disappearances
continued, and security forces raped, tortured, beat, and otherwise
abused prisoners and detainees. Arbitrary arrests and incommunicado
detention were frequent. Security forces also regularly infringed on
citizens’ privacy, forcibly relocated populations, and conscripted
child soldiers.

The Government of Iran was responsible for numerous killings during
the year, including executions following trials that lacked due
process. There were numerous reports that security forces tortured
prisoners and detainees. Additionally, there were arbitrary arrests,
extended incommunicado detention, poor and overcrowded prisons,
lack of access to counsel, punishment by the lash, and violation of
personal privacy.

China’s cooperation and progress on human rights during 2004 was
disappointing. China failed to fulfill many of the commitments it
made at the 2002 U.S.-China Human Rights Dialogue. However, at the
end of the year, working level discussions on human rights, which had
been suspended when the U.S. supported a resolution on China’s human
rights practices at the U.N. Commission on Human Rights (UNCHR),
were resumed. During 2004, the government continued to arrest and
detain activists, such as individuals discussing freely on the
Internet, defense lawyers advocating on behalf of dissidents and
the dispossessed, activists arguing for HIV/AIDs issues, journalists
reporting on SARS, intellectuals expressing political views, persons
attending house churches, and workers protesting for their rights.
Abuses continued in Chinese prisons. The Government continued
its crackdown against the Falun Gong spiritual movement, and tens
of thousands of practitioners remained incarcerated in prisons,
extrajudicial reeducation-through-labor camps, and psychiatric
facilities. The National People’s Congress amended the Constitution to
include protection of human rights, yet it is unclear to what extent
the Government plans to implement this amendment.

In Saudi Arabia, there were positive developments in a few areas,
including a government-sponsored conference on women’s rights and
obligations and the formation of the first formal human rights
organization permitted in the Kingdom. In October, the Government
issued an executive by-law entitling some long-term residents to apply
for citizenship, and by year’s end, voter and candidate registration,
albeit only for men, was well advanced for municipal elections
scheduled for February 2005.

The record of human rights abuses and violations for Saudi Arabia,
however, still far exceeds the advances. There were credible reports of
torture and abuse of prisoners by security forces, arbitrary arrests,
and incommunicado detentions. The religious police continued to
intimidate, abuse, and detain citizens and foreigners. Most trials
were closed, and defendants usually appeared before judges without
legal counsel. Security forces arrested and detained reformers. The
Government continued to restrict freedoms of speech and press,
assembly, association and movement, and there were reports that the
Government infringed on individuals’ privacy rights. Violence and
discrimination against women, violence against children, discrimination
against ethnic and religious minorities, and strict limitations on
worker rights continued.

In contrast to developments in a number of countries that increased
direct citizen control over government authorities, in Russia changes
in parliamentary election laws and a shift to the appointment, instead
of election, of regional governors further strengthened the power of
the executive branch. Greater restrictions on the media, a compliant
Duma (Parliament), shortcomings in recent national elections, law
enforcement corruption, and political pressure on the judiciary also
raised concerns about the erosion of government accountability.

Racially motivated violence and discrimination increased, despite
considerable legislative prohibitions. Authorities failed to
investigate actions against minorities while subjecting them to
more frequent document checks, targeting them for deportation from
urban centers, and fining them in excess of permissible penalties or
detaining them more frequently. Government institutions intended to
protect human rights were relatively weak.

The Government of Zimbabwe has conducted a concerted campaign of
violence, repression, and intimidation. This campaign has been marked
by disregard for human rights, the rule of law, and the welfare of
Zimbabwe’s citizens. Torture by various methods is used against
political opponents and human rights advocates. War veterans,
youth brigades, and police officers act with sustained brutality
against political enemies. The Mugabe regime has also targeted other
institutions of government, including the judiciary and police.
Judges have been harassed into submission or resignation, replaced by
Mugabe’s cronies. The news media have been restricted and suppressed,
with offending journalists arrested and beaten. Land seizures continue
to be used as a tool for political and social oppression, and opponents
of these destructive policies are subject to violent reprisals.

Respect for human rights remained poor in Venezuela during 2004,
despite the Government victory in an August referendum to recall
President Chavez. Opponents charged that the process was fraudulent,
but Organization of American States (OAS) and Carter Center
observers found that the official results “reflected the will of the
electorate.” Throughout the year, the Government increased its control
over the judicial system and its interference in the administration
of justice. Nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) were subject to
threats and intimidation by government supporters. In December, the
legislature passed laws that erode freedom of the media, freedom of
speech, and which in effect make criticism of the government a criminal
offense. The U.S. Government sanctioned the Venezuelan Government for
continuing to fall short in efforts to combat trafficking in persons.

Fidel Castro added another year to his record as the longest
serving dictator in the world. The Government retained its stance of
rejection of all democratic processes and continued its harassment
and intimidation of pro-democracy activists, dissidents, journalists
and other professionals and workers seeking to undertake economic
activities not controlled by the state. The majority of the 75
dissidents sentenced to long jail terms in 2003 remained incarcerated
despite international protests, and the authorities arrested 22
additional human rights activists and sentenced them for acts such as
“contempt for authority.” Addressing abuses in Cuba continued to be
a priority for the United States as a member of the UNCHR.

During its 2004 session, the UNCHR formally adopted a U.S.-sponsored
resolution on Cuba, as well as resolutions on Turkmenistan, North
Korea and Belarus for the second year in a row. A resolution on Burma
was approved by consensus. With such member countries as Zimbabwe,
Cuba, Sudan, and China, which fail to protect their own citizens’
rights, the 2004 session of the UNCHR fell short in several respects.
The Commission failed to adopt resolutions on the human rights
situations in China, Zimbabwe and Chechnya. The United States continued
to emphasize the need to improve the functioning of the Commission,
especially by supporting the inclusion of more countries with positive
human rights records.

The United States believes that democratically elected governments are
more likely to respect their citizens’ human rights. For this reason,
the United States collaborated with other participating countries of
the Community of Democracies (CD), a network of democratic countries
working together to promote, solidify, and advance democracy throughout
the world. In 2004, the U.S. joined other CD countries to help launch
the formation of a democracy caucus, a group of like-minded countries
that coordinates more closely in the UNCHR and other UN settings to
advance goals consistent with democratic values. At the UNCHR, the
United States – jointly with Peru, Romania and East Timor – introduced
and succeeded in having adopted a resolution to enhance the UN’s role
in promoting democracy. Among the resolution’s recommendations is a
call for the establishment of a mechanism – a “Focal Point” – within
the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, dedicated to
helping new and emerging democracies access UN resources available
to support them.

In addition to its support for the creation of the UN democracy caucus,
the CD sought to support the development of democratic institutions
and values through projects linking democratic countries. It sent a
multinational delegation of democracy practitioners to East Timor to
share best practices with Timorese officials. Likewise, a group of
Iraqi, election-related officials traveled from Iraq to Lithuania
to observe and learn about election processes. Unifying democratic
voices against violations of basic human rights–rights that have
been codified in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and that
that were reaffirmed in the CD’s Warsaw Declaration and Seoul Plan
of Action–is an essential way to maintain pressure on governments
that deny and violate the rights of their own citizens.

Institutional changes:

In Qatar, the process of constitutional change continued with
the Emir’s approval of the draft of a new constitution that voters
overwhelmingly had approved in 2003. Although the Emir’s family will
maintain hereditary rule, the new constitution, expected to be enacted
in June 2005, contains a number of human rights provisions.

In Pakistan, President Musharraf continued as Chief of the Army Staff,
despite his promise to step down by year’s end.

In Africa, the Central African Republic (CAR) enacted a new
constitution and took a number of other steps to further an announced
transition to democracy under President Bozize, who seized power in
a March 2003 coup. In Guinea-Bissau, following a military coup in
September 2003, the military installed a civilian government. In both
cases, the stabilization of post-coup situations has been accompanied
by a decline in the number of reported violations of human rights.

Turkey’s desire to meet the EU Copenhagen Criteria to begin the
accession process moved the Government to pass an important package
of reforms, including a new, relatively more liberal penal code and a
set of constitutional amendments to combat honor killings and torture;
expand the freedom of religion, expression, and association; and reduce
the role of the military in government. However, implementation of
these reforms lagged. Security forces continued to commit numerous
abuses, including torture, beatings, and arbitrary arrest and
detention, although observers noted a decrease in such practices and
the European Committee for the Prevention of Torture reported that
local authorities were making efforts to comply with the Government’s
“zero tolerance” policy on torture Honor killings continued. The
Government relaxed some restrictions on the use of Kurdish and other
languages, but restrictions on free speech and the press remained.

The year witnessed increasing efforts by some governments to
fight corruption. Costa Rica was the most ambitious in actually
investigating former high-level officials, as it launched separate
investigations for misuse of funds, kickbacks, and illegal contracts
by three former presidents. In Africa, anti-corruption campaigns
focused on pecuniary as well as human rights abuses by officials.
Gambian President Jammeh’s campaign centered on curbing official
corruption to restore international credibility, and the work of
the Commission of Inquiry led to the dismissal of a number of top
officials and some prosecutions for economic crimes. Kenya created
an anti-corruption czar, and the Government opened a number of
investigations into allegations of extrajudicial killings. In Zambia,
a Police Complaints Authority instituted in 2003 to combat police
misconduct, continued investigations into complaints.

Political rights:

Regrettably, with the exception of Georgia and Ukraine, political
developments in Eurasia continue to remain a serious concern.
Progress continues to be measured largely in terms of civil society
development. More and more NGOs, opposition parties, and citizens are
willing to organize and advocate for government accountability. In
Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan, opposition parties are unable to
register. At the same time, governments of the regions are drawing the
wrong lessons from Ukraine and Georgia and attempt to stifle civil
society by harassing democracy NGOs through bureaucratic obstacles
and specious legal means.

In Georgia, the progress that international observers noted in last
January’s presidential election set the stage for “the most democratic
elections in Georgia’s history” in parliamentary voting in March.

Other governments in the region have made some limited progress in
improving electoral processes by drafting new election codes. New
election laws introduced in Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan are
an improvement in some areas, but in all three countries, the laws
continue to fall short of international standards. Likewise, elections
in 2004 in Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan marked limited improvements
over previous ones, but domestic and international observers raised
questions about voting irregularities, abuse or harassment of
opposition candidates, or limitations on equal access to the media.

In Belarus, the Government continued to deny the citizens the right
to change their government through a democratic political process. A
seriously flawed referendum on October 17 removed constitutional
term limits on the presidency. In advance of the referendum and
the equally flawed parliamentary elections held simultaneously,
the Government suspended independent newspapers and disqualified
many parliamentary candidates. The Government used excessive force
and in some cases beat and arrested political leaders who peacefully
protested electoral fraud and the journalists covering the protests.
During the year, the Government also shut down a number of major
registered NGOs that focused on political rights, and state security
authorities increasingly harassed those that remained.

In October, Bosnia and Herzegovina held its first self-administered
municipal elections since the signing of the Dayton Peace Accords.
The elections were judged to meet international democratic standards.

A notably high voter turnout in a series of three elections in
Indonesia paved the way for the transition in political power there
from a defeated incumbent to an elected opposition leader. The process
also marked the defeat of military and police candidates who stood
for seats in Parliament.

In noteworthy elections in Africa, the incumbent political parties
of Ghana and Mozambique gained re-election in processes that were
judged generally free and fair. Sierra Leone held its first local
government elections in 32 years, although there were irregularities
in some areas.

In Burundi, concern focused on the delay in holding elections and the
progress of the country’s transition to democracy. The Transitional
Government failed to hold the local and national elections that are
stipulated by the Arusha Peace and Reconciliation Agreement, and
at the end of the year it also delayed indefinitely a referendum on
a draft constitution. The Maoist insurgency and the deadlock among
Nepal’s political parties also prevented the holding of elections
there during the year and helped deepen the country’s political crisis.

In Rwanda, greatly circumscribed political rights were further
limited when leading human rights organizations were either shut
down or effectively dismantled. The action was justified as part of
a campaign against “divisionism,” according to a government report
that accused human rights groups, journalists, teachers, and churches
of promoting an “ideology of genocide.”

The Iranian Government’s respect for the freedom and political
participation of its citizens continued to deteriorate. Elections
that were widely perceived as neither free nor fair were held for
the 290-seat Majlis (Parliament) in February. The conservative,
cleric-dominated Guardian Council excluded virtually all reformist
candidates, including 85 incumbent members of parliament. Reasons cited
included not showing “demonstrated obedience” to the current system of
government. As a result of the seriously-flawed elections, reformers
were reduced to a small minority of the parliament. Meanwhile, the
conservative backlash against reformist trends and parties continues.

Internal and other conflicts:

The Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Sierra Leone completed
public hearings in which approximately 10,000 citizens participated
to air grievances as victims or provide confessions from the civil
war. The Commission suggested legal, political and administrative
reforms to the Government. The Government also released numerous
children who had fought as child soldiers. By year’s end, the UN
Mission to Sierra Leone (UNAMSIL) had handed over responsibility
countrywide to the Sierra Leone Armed Forces and the Sierra Leone
Police, as UNAMSIL began preparations to withdraw by June 2005 as
stipulated by its Security Council mandate.

After being elected in a runoff at the end of 2003, Guatemalan
President Oscar Berger “re-launched” the 1996 Peace Accords as a
national agenda and symbolically apologized to citizens on behalf of
the State for human rights violations committed during that country’s
protracted civil war. The Government also reduced the size of the
military, eliminated some major commands and units and reduced the
military budget. In August, the military made public a new doctrine,
which includes provisions on the importance of protecting human rights.

As a result of negotiations throughout the year, the Government
of Colombia demobilized approximately 3,000 fighters from the
paramilitary United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia (AUC in November
and December). In addition, hundreds of municipal officials returned
to their towns after the government established a permanent police
presence in every urban center in the country. As a result, rates
for homicides, kidnappings, and other violent crimes decreased.

In Haiti, domestic conflict continued throughout the year. The
political impasse, combined with increasing violence between pro-
and anti-Aristide factions, culminated on February 29, when President
Aristide submitted his resignation and left the country. Despite the
presence of UN peacekeeping forces, the constitutionally-established
Interim Government remained weak. In September, pro-Aristide
partisans in Port-au-Prince launched a campaign of destabilization
and violence known as “Operation Baghdad.” This campaign included
kidnapping, decapitation and burning of police officers and civilians,
indiscriminate shootings, and the destruction and incineration
of public and private property. The violence prevented the normal
functioning of schools, public markets, the seaport, and the justice
system in Port-au-Prince for several weeks.

A series of conflicts continued to trouble South Asia. In Jammu and
Kashmir and the northeastern states of India, violence continued,
and security forces committed abuses with impunity, including killing
both armed forces and civilians. In Sri Lanka, both the Government
and the terrorist organization, Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam,
violated the ceasefire. In Nepal, the disappearance of persons in
custody remained a very serious problem, and government security
forces continued to have broad authority to arrest and detain
individuals suspected of sympathizing with the Maoist insurgents.
Security forces also used arbitrary and unlawful lethal force. As
the Maoist insurgency continued, rebel militants tortured civilians,
while government agents forcibly conscripted children as soldiers
and conducted bombings that killed civilians.

The Great Lakes region of central Africa, which encompasses the
Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), Rwanda, Burundi and Uganda,
has been plagued by civil war, large-scale interethnic violence,
and massive human rights abuses associated with them for well over
a decade due to the continuing presence of armed groups and militia
that move between the countries. These groups compete with one another
for strategic and natural resources and inhabit an environment of
shifting alliances. Among the most worrisome groups in the eastern
Congo are those who took sanctuary in the region after the 1994 Rwandan
genocide. This same group continues to oppose the Government of Rwanda
and launch cross-border campaigns, as well as attack civilians in
the DRC and commit numerous other abuses. There are also armed groups
in the region who oppose the governments and peace process in Uganda
and Burundi.

While prospects for peace in the Great Lakes region are promising,
human rights abuses are almost routine. Children are the primary
victims and are forcefully recruited, abducted, and turned into
soldiers, although some of the governments have made progress in
demobilizing child soldiers in their ranks. Some militia groups are
predominantly comprised of children. Women and girls are particularly
vulnerable, as rape increasingly is used as a weapon of war. The
region is a home to approximately five million of the world’s 25
million internally displaced persons and hosts a number of refugees.
The United States is actively pursuing talks between the DRC,
Uganda and Rwanda. We continue to monitor the situation in all the
countries in the region by focusing attention on the threat posed by
armed groups.

In Cote d’Ivoire, an attack on the rebel positions and an air strike
on French peacekeeping troops in November broke the tenuous 18-month
ceasefire between the Government and rebels. Despite the embargo
and threat of sanctions, the Government has threatened to pursue
a military solution to the conflict. President Bush determined that
Cote d’Ivoire, once one of the United States’ largest trading partners
in the region through the Africa Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA),
was ineligible for AGOA this year due to concerns about the security
situation and the general decline in the rule of law that make it a
hostile place for foreign investment.

In Russia, the September attack on the Beslan school in North
Osettia and the ongoing disappearances of civilians detained by
security forces underscored the extent to which both sides in the
expanding conflict in the North Caucasus continue to demonstrate
little respect for basic human rights. There were credible reports of
serious violations, including politically motivated disappearances
and unlawful killings, by both the government and Chechen rebels.
Individuals seeking accountability for these abuses also continued to
be targeted, and Chechen rebels continued to attack Russian civilians,
including a bombing of a Moscow subway.

Integrity of the person:

After years of controversy, the Chilean Supreme Court upheld an appeals
court decision to lift the judicial immunity of former President
Augusto Pinochet. On December 13, a prosecuting judge indicted Pinochet
for crimes committed as part of “Operation Condor” during the 1970s.

In Central African Republic as the process of transition to civilian
rule continues, the government disbanded the Security Investigation
Division, a military intelligence unit that was accused of committing
numerous human rights abuses, including torture, rape and extortion,
during 2003. In December 2003, President Bozize reconvened the
permanent military tribunal after an eight-year suspension. The
tribunal considered cases on a variety of alleged human rights abuses
including extrajudicial killings, rape and armed robbery.

North Korea remains one of the world’s most repressive and brutal
regimes. An estimated 150,000-200,000 persons are believed to be
political prisoners in detention camps in remote areas, and defectors
report that many prisoners have died from torture, starvation, disease,
exposure, or a combination of causes. The regime also subjects citizens
to rigid controls over many aspects of their lives.

In Egypt, the 1981 Emergency Law, extended in February 2003 for an
additional 3 years, restricted many basic rights. The security forces
continued to mistreat and torture prisoners, which resulted in at least
10 reported deaths in custody at police stations or prisons during the
year. Arbitrary arrest and detention and prolonged pretrial detention
remained serious problems. Dismal prison conditions persisted.

Widespread use of torture by the Government of Syria resulted in
at least 8 deaths during the year. Arbitrary arrest and detention,
prolonged pre-trial detention without trial, fundamentally unfair
trials in the security courts, and deteriorating prison conditions
all persisted. Throughout the year, the security services conducted
mass arrests of Kurds in Hassakeh province, Aleppo, Damascus,
and other areas. On March 12, security forces in Qamishli, in the
northeastern Hassakeh province, opened fire on a crowd at a soccer
match after clashes between Arab and Kurdish fans erupted. In the
days of rioting that followed, dozens were killed, as many as 2,000
Kurds were detained, and nearly 300 Kurds remained in custody and were
awaiting trial before the State Security Court and Military Court at
year’s end. The Government also continued to withhold information on
the welfare and whereabouts of persons who have been held incommunicado
for years.

In Uzbekistan, torture was routine in prisons, pretrial facilities,
and local police and security service precincts, and members of
the security forces responsible for documented abuses were rarely
punished. However, the government took some notable steps to address
torture and establish police accountability. It created preliminary
procedures within some divisions of the Ministry of Internal Affairs
for investigating and disciplining officers for human rights abuses and
allowed NGO access to its prisons and to train prison guards in human
rights practices. The Government also cooperated with international
forensic experts to take part in investigations of deaths in custody
in which torture had been alleged.

Freedom of the press:

A conservative backlash to democratic demands in Iran extended into
a number of areas beyond explicit questions of political rights. For
example, the investigation into the 2003 death of a Canadian/Iranian
photographer who suffered a brain hemorrhage after sustaining
injuries while in an Iranian prison stagnated during 2004. The
Government also gradually suppressed all independent domestic media
outlets and arrested or intimidated their journalists into silence.
In 2004 the last forum for free debate, weblogs, came under pressure
when the government began arresting their creators and forced them
to sign false confessions.

The increase in government pressure and control of media in Russia
continued to weaken freedom of expression and independence of the
media there, as a trend of increasing control and harassment of the
press was noted in a number of Eurasian countries, especially Belarus
and some countries in Central Asia. The Russian approach centered
on use of controlling ownership of broadcast media to limit access
to information on sensitive issues, such as Chechnya. Government
pressure also increased self-censorship of journalists.

In Togo, after the Government undertook formal political consultations
with the European Union, it adopted a new press code with mixed
results. It eliminates prison sentences for most journalistic
offenses, but maintained them for inciting certain actions, such
as ethnic hatred or violation of the law, as well as for publishing
under a false name. The law also sets standards of professionalism
for journalists and requires independent newspapers to ensure that
at least one third of their staff meet the Government’s standards.

While Algeria experienced its first contested democratic election in
2004, leading to the reelection of President Bouteflika, the Government
acted to increase restrictions on the media. The use of defamation
laws and government harassment of the press significantly increased,
leading to the imprisonment of several journalists for terms from
two to 24 months, closure or suspension of two newspapers, and more
self-censorship by the press.

In Venezuela, international organizations and domestic journalists
charged the government with encouraging a climate of hostility toward
the media. Administrative acts, combined with a new law passed in
December, created a climate of hostility toward the independent media
with increasing threats of prosecution.

Freedom of religion:

These issues are discussed in depth in the Annual Report on
International Religious Freedom, released in September 2004,
while these Country Reports further highlight and update important
developments.

The International Religious Freedom Act requires that those countries
that engage in particularly severe violations of religious freedom
be designated as Countries of Particular Concern (CPC). In September
2004, the Secretary of State re-designated Burma, China, Iran, North
Korea, and Sudan as CPCs, and designated for the first time Eritrea,
Saudi Arabia, and Vietnam.

With the cessation of government-sponsored violations of religious
freedom under Saddam Hussein, the Secretary acted to remove Iraq’s CPC
designation in June 2004. Since the liberation of Iraq by coalition
forces, there have been no governmental impediments to religious
freedom, and the Iraqi Transitional Administrative Law provides for
“freedom of thought, conscience, and religious belief and practice.”

The Government of Saudi Arabia’s actions in the area of religious
freedom were disappointing. Throughout 2004, senior U.S. officials
engaged Saudi authorities in an intense discussion of religious
practices, and in September, the Secretary of State designated Saudi
Arabia as a “Country of Particular Concern” under the International
Religious Freedom Act for particularly severe violations of religious
freedom. The Government rigidly mandates religious conformity.
Non-Wahabi Sunni Muslims, as well as Shia and Sufi Muslims, face
discrimination and sometimes severe restrictions on the practice
of their faith. A number of leaders from these traditions have been
arrested and imprisoned. The government prohibits public non-Muslim
religious activities. Non-Muslim worshippers risk arrest, imprisonment,
torture, or deportation for engaging in religious activities that
attract official attention. There were frequent instances in which
mosque preachers, whose salaries are paid by the government, used
violent language against non-Sunni Muslims and other religions in
their sermons.

Vietnam continued to restrict freedom of religion and the operation
of religious organizations other than those approved by the State.
The Government failed to issue a nationwide decree banning forced
renunciations of faith, did not end the physical abuse of religious
believers, continued to hold a significant number of religious
prisoners, and although it permitted the re-opening of some churches
closed in the Central Highlands in 2001, it refused to allow
the re-opening and registration of hundreds of others. However,
following CPC designation, some improvements in religious freedom
were evident. Some religious leaders expressed cautious optimism
about a new Ordinance on Religion that the Government released in
November, and in December, the Evangelical Church of Vietnam North
(ECVN) held its first National Congress in 20 years and named a new,
independent leadership board.

Among the gains in freedom of religion covered by the Country Reports,
the Jehovah’s Witnesses in Armenia succeeded in October to register
with the government after they had experienced a string of rejected
applications. In Bosnia and Herzegovina, a new state-level law on
religious freedom passed both houses of the legislature. The law
provides comprehensive rights to religious communities and confers a
legal status upon them they had not held previously. And in Georgia,
there were fewer reports of violence against minority religious groups
this year.

Treatment of minorities, women and children:

On December 30, the Department of State completed its Report on Global
Anti-Semitism, July 1, 2003-December 15, 2004. Drawing extensively
on material from our embassies, NGOs and accounts submitted for these
Country Reports, this separate compendium was prepared in accordance
with a separate legislative provision.

In the Czech and Slovak Republics, discrimination against Roma
persisted, although both governments made efforts to improve the
situation through such measures as revising legal norms and recruiting
Roma to serve as community liaisons with the police forces or as
health assistants.

In Croatia, the restitution of property to mostly Serb refugees has
improved significantly, although local obstruction to the return of
minority groups remained a problem. In Kosovo, acts of violence against
the minority Kosovo Serb population and other non-Serb minorities took
place during a series of riots over two days in March, demonstrating
the continued tenuousness of minority rights there.

In Thailand, the government’s human rights record was marred by
abuses committed by security forces against Muslim dissidents in the
southern part of the country. On April 28, elements of the police
and military killed more than 100 persons while repelling attacks by
Muslim separatists in Yala, Pattani, and Narathiwat provinces. On
October 25, 78 Muslim detainees being transported to an army camp
died from asphyxiation after police and military forces stacked them
into overcrowded truck beds.

In Afghanistan and Iraq, women made unprecedented strides in exercising
political rights by voting, holding public office and standing for
election as candidates. In education and other areas as well, women
made increasing strides in achieving basic rights. In Pakistan, special
women’s police stations with all female staff have been established
in response to complaints of custodial abuse of women. Additionally,
while honor killings continued in Pakistan, new legislation stiffened
penalties for honor killings and criminal proceedings for the blasphemy
laws and Hudood ordinances were changed to reduce abuses.

In a number of countries, one of the most significant problems related
to the abuse of women and children is the failure of the state to
combat vigorously against conditions that engender the trafficking
of women and children.

In Burma, women and girls from villages were trafficked for
prostitution at truck stops, fishing villages, border towns, mining and
military camps. Burmese men, women and children are also trafficked
to other countries. Government economic mismanagement and forced
labor policies worsen the situation.

In the United Arab Emirates (UAE), women and girls are used as
prostitutes and domestic servants, and young boys are exploited as
camel jockeys. A recent documentary on camel jockeys notes the very
young age at which abuse often begins, the harsh conditions that may
lead to serious injuries or death, and the malnutrition, physical and
sexual abuse by employers. The Government has pledged and taken some
measures of limited effectiveness against these practices.

State promotion of tourism drives the predatory interests that promote
sex tourism and sexual exploitation of underage girls for prostitution
in Cuba.

The booming oil sector in Equatorial Guinea contributes to making
the country both a transit point and destination for trafficking of
women for prostitution.

The estimates of the number of Indians trafficked into forced labor
and the sex trade runs into the millions, in addition to thousands of
Nepalis and Bangladeshis trafficked to India for sexual servitude.
Trafficking in persons in India is a significant problem, and some
government officials participated in and facilitated the practice.
While India continues to lack a national law enforcement response
to its trafficking in persons problem, some progress has been noted
in individual states and the central government recently expressed a
commitment to establishing and implementing a national anti-trafficking
policy.

Violence and discrimination towards vulnerable groups continued
to be a problem in Tanzania. In August, the semi-autonomous island
of Zanzibar outlawed homosexuality and set severe penalties in its
autonomous island territory. On mainland Tanzania, 4 million women
and girls have undergone female genital mutilation (FGM), and despite
a law partially outlawing the practice, police rarely enforced the
law and the average age of the practice appeared to have decreased
in an effort to avoid detection.

Worker rights:

In Iraq, the exercise of labor rights remained limited, largely due to
violence, unemployment, and maladapted labor organizational structures
and laws, although, with international assistance, some progress was
underway at year’s end. According to the Brussels-based International
Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU), workers reported organizing
unions in workplaces where they were forbidden under the laws of the
former regime and revitalized union structures previously dominated
by the Ba’ath party. The International Labor Organization (ILO)
provided technical assistance to Iraq throughout the year to help
bring its labor laws into line with international labor standards,
rebuild the capacity of the Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs,
establish emergency employment services, and put in place training
and skills development programs.

In April, a Commission of Inquiry appointed under Article 26 of the
ILO Constitution visited Belarus to investigate a complaint that the
Government was systematically violating its obligations under the
ILO’s fundamental Conventions on freedom of association and protection
of the right to organize and bargain collectively, both of which it
has ratified. The Commission’s report, issued in October, concluded
that the country’s trade union movement was subject to significant
government interference. The Commission recommended that the government
take all necessary steps to register independent unions, amend laws
and decrees restricting freedom of association, protect independent
trade unionists from anti-union discrimination, and disseminate the
Commission’s conclusions and recommendations. It stated that most of
these recommendations should be implemented by June 2005 at the latest.

Under the leadership of President Bush the United States has stepped
forward with its democratic allies to reaffirm our commitment to human
rights and democracy. We rest upon the principle that nations governed
by free people will be the cornerstone for the development of a world
that is more peaceful for all. The execution of our democratic duty
depends on the determination and passion of its promoters. Let the
following Country Reports serve as an indicator of the progress made
and as a guide for the challenges ahead.

(end text)

(Distributed by the Bureau of International Information Programs,
U.S. Department of State. Web site: )

From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

http://usinfo.state.gov
http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/hrrpt/2004/index.htm
http://usinfo.state.gov

Dubai: ”Armenia: Land and Culture”: Presentation by Gulizar Jonian

“Armenia: Land and Culture”: Presentation by Gulizar Jonian

Azad-Hye, Dubai
Feb 28 2005

AZAD-HYE (28 February 2005): “Cross-Culture” is a women group based
in Abu Dhabi, which deals with cultural and social subjects. It hosts
lectures, seminars and presentations for its members and guests.

The last presentation was prepared in January 2005 by Nelly Lama having
the topic: “The Damascene Pilgrimage Caravan en Route to Mecca and
Medina.” Her talk was of special interest, as it took place during
the time of the Haj (Islamic pilgrimage). Spouse of the Lebanese
Ambassador to the UAE Mrs. Dalal Berro hosted the event.

March presentation of “Cross-Culture” will be a talk with visual
support by Mrs. Gulizar Jonian on “Armenia: Land and Culture”. It will
take place on 2nd March 2005, at 10:00 a.m. in the Millennium Hotel,
Abu Dhabi, UAE

Armenia, with its strategic location, has been at the crossroads of
history and cross-cultural interaction, which attracted countless
invaders and conquerors.

Gulizar will offer glimpses of the historical background of Armenia
from prehistoric to modern times, with special emphasis on its people
and language, unique alphabet, art and architecture, culture and
religion, which should provide an interesting overview of Armenia
and its rich cultural traditions.

Gulizar Jonian is a businesswoman, architect and individual of many
talents, whom many of you know as the very capable Coordinator of
“Women in Abu Dhabi” (WIAD). She received a BSc degree in architecture
from the University of Baghdad. Gulizar has worked in the fields
of business, architecture and real estate. Besides doing extensive
charity work in Canada and the UAE, she has been a publisher of
children’s books. Gulizar is active also in the IBWG (International
Business Women’s Group Abu Dhabi ), an active group of 140 members
with multinational forum, where businesswomen are able to network
and assist each other in their day to day activities.

Azad-Hye.com wishes success to Gulizar Jonian and expects that the
Armenian Council of Abu Dhabi or the Armenian Cultural Association
take note of this event and invite her to present the same and other
valuable lectures to the Armenian public. Maybe it is a sort of
national paranoia, but we rarely have the courage to acknowledge our
own talented people. Jesus was quoted saying in the Gospel of Thomas
“No prophet is accepted in his own village”. As the first nation that
officially accepted Christianity we seem to be faithful to the spirit
of these words.

Ex-pupil Armen Lucas visits the Armenian College in Calcutta

Ex-pupil Armen Lucas visits the Armenian College in Calcutta

Azad-Hye, Dubai
Feb 28 2005

The Armenian College, one of the oldest Armenian schools in the
world, was established on April 2, 1821 in Calcutta, India. Since
then it has played a significant role in shaping the future of
thousands. The whole Indian Armenian community life is reflected in
the story of the College. The College has a neat “unofficial”
website, dedicated to all the boys and girls who attended the
Armenian College and the Davidian Girls’ School of Calcutta. Many of
these former pupils are scattered all over the world pursuing
successful careers, mostly in Australia, the USA and Iran. The goal
of the site is to collect material related to the school and make it
known to the public. It is designed by Vardan Hovhannisyan, Peter
Osipof and Zorab Ohanessian, all ex-pupils of the Armenian College.

Since lot has been said lately about the mismanagement of the
Community affairs in Calcutta (see previous postings under “Indian
Armenians”), it is a good idea to have a look at the forum hosted in
the same website.

Armen Lucas, an ex-pupil writes about his impressions after paying a
visit to his beloved old time School:

Our visit to the Armenian College:

We, all 4 of us visited Mrs. Sonia John, strictly by appointment, at
the Armenian College. We had a firm appointment, and were initially
asked to wait at the gate by the Chaprasees. We were finally shown in
to the big office, shared by Mrs. Sonia John and her secretary,
Coleen Blanche. The interview took 3.5 hours, and we asked ALL the
questions which you had asked us to put to her.

I will first report on the Q and A, and then will put forward our
views. Our kids, Karineh, aged 20 and Stefan, aged 17 were also
present during the interview, but they left half way through to go
and talk to the Hye kids, and play basketball with them, and visit
their dormitories, etc. They enjoyed their tour of the school, and
the kids also enjoyed meeting the 2 strangers from Europe, and
speaking Armenian with them.

1. I asked about the teaching staff, and was told that they only had
3 Armenian staff, from Hayastan. There were also a few Indian
teachers. During the last 2 older classes the kids had to attend an
Indian High School, but they could sleep in the College…because
they didn’t have competent teachers for the bigger kids. She also
added that she thought it was good for the bigger kids to mix with
kids from the outside world, as they were too protected within the
confines of the school.

2. Sports: The kids had sports organised normally every afternoon,
and also had an official Sports Day, when prizes were given and
special food was organised for them.

3. I asked for OLD photos for sports dating back to your time, but
these were not made available to me. There were school almanacs, but
it was difficult to dig out the info.

4. The current student body consisted of: 60% Hayastansis, and 40%
Parskahays. Sonia John informed us that the kids were allowed to
return to their respective countries once EVERY 3 YEARS. Most kids,
she alleged had come from broken and poor homes, and a few had
returned to the School very disturbed after visiting their
families…

5. No class photos were made available to us. We did however take a
lot of photos ourselves, and these will be forwarded to you via the
internet shortly.

6. The school appeared to be run efficiently, in a very strict
manner. Discipline is considered very important, and no unruly
behaviour of any kind is tolerated. The kids appeared to be, looking
from the outside, perfectly happy, but remember, we were only there
for a total of 4 hours.

7. The current Principal could be considered to be Sonia John, but
the Head master is an Indian guy. An ex. student called Michael J.
Stephen is the Asst. manager, and he was very helpful to us.

Our views: We had a visit by Arsham Sookias every morning for
breakfast at our hotel; he seems to be a really decent chap…quite
harmless. We also met Haik Sookias at the Calcutta races on X’mas
day. Both brothers are pretty upset at having been ousted from the
Armenian committees of the Church as well as from the Armenian
College School. I was unable to discover the real reason why this
huge rift took place. The Sookias brothers had their opinions, and
Sonia John had hers. Sonia alleged that the Sookias brothers were
trying to stop the continuation of the Armenian College as a fully
functioning institution of learning for Armenian kids. She also
accused Haik Sookias of trying to sell the School to Indians by
having them on the Board…?

Sonia also alleged that she had had a lot of interference and
malicious gossip from an old boy called Galstaun, who lived in
Calcutta; this had resulted in Court cases and lots of back-biting
and very negative publicity against the School and also against Sonia
in person. The Sookias brothers alleged that Sonia was a power-hungry
authoritarian, and that she just wanted to rule ALL the Armenian
Committees on her own, without interference. It was also alleged that
Sonia had got rid of 2 or 3 Armenian priests from Calcutta…having
accused them of all sorts of wrong-doings.

All in all, we considered this extraordinary situation as being very
unfortunate for the students, and not at all beneficial to the small
community.

I questioned Sonia about the various accusations of her squandering
Armenian Church money to Indian charities, and associations, and she
freely admitted that she had done so, but gave her reasons that she
thought it wise to give money back to India, for showing kindness
towards the Armenians… She had also given a lot of money to various
Charities, like : 2 X Heart Wards, Sir Cachik Paul Chater Ward, an
Eye Hospital, and various Cancer Wards. She had also created a
Garekin 1 Scholarship Fund for post graduate students to study at
various universities in India.

All the kids were given Rs. 1500 each every X’mas for shopping money.
Sonia considered the security of the school as being very important,
and nobody was allowed IN or OUT of the school without her express
permission.

At this stage an old boy and his wife turned up and asked to be let
in. The Chaprasees kept them waiting for ages at the gate, and they
were finally allowed in to the waiting room, and after an hours wait,
they left, without seeing the school, or Sonia John! Sonia’s reaction
was that she thought they wanted money! The infirmary had 14 beds.
There is a man from Armenia called Souren Babakhanyan who works there
as a sports and general teacher; we met him.

It is our opinion that it is a real shame that Sonia decided to oust
the Sookias brothers from the various Committees; she now runs the
Church Committee and all it’s huge pot of money…ON HER OWN. We feel
this is a dangerous precedent, and is absolutely not being run in a
democratic manner. Sonia is obviously, in her opinion, doing a lot of
good work for the school, but we got the feeling that she ran it as
an authoritarian, without any semblance of communication without any
one else in the outside world. This undemocratic manner of
single-minded management technique is a dangerous precedent, as there
is no one else to control the decisions she makes with the College,
as well as with the vast funds held in the kitty of the Church. Sonia
said she sends her ‘Hisab (Accounts), to the Armenian Church in
Hayastan on a yearly basis.

We examined the Armenian Sports Club, and regret to inform you that
it was in a very run-down state, and appeared to be totally
neglected. This will be particularly sad news for all you Rugger
players out there.

The Armenian Old Peoples home is being run by our very own Uncle
Charlie Sarkies, (father of Margaret and Joe Sarkies), known to all
as Uncle Cha Cha. We visited him and we spent some precious time
together; he is doing sterling work in looking after the Church, the
Old peoples home with it’s nursing staff, as well as the Armenian
cemetery, all of which we visited. Uncle Charlie, as Manager of the
Old People’s home, also comes under the authority of Sonia John.
Thus, it would appear that Sonia is running THE WHOLE SHOW, SINGLE
HANDED. It is a pity that she does not permit any form of dissension;
nor does she permit anyone else on to HER committees. This form of
single-rule policy, I repeat is very dangerous, and in our opinion
should not be permitted.

There is no doubt that Sonia believes she is doing a good job;
however, after interviewing the Sookias brothers, Uncle Charlie, and
Sonia John, we think there should be a fairer method of management
than the one she imposes on all 3 committees. Other older Armenians
who have a great deal of experience of running these committees
should be consulted before making momentous decisions re. the School
and giving away Armenian Church funds …willy-nilly. I believe a
FAIRER, MORE DEMOCRATIC method of MANAGEMENT should be adopted.

Sonia John informed us that she was abundantly aware of all the
accusations being made against her, from Armenians all around the
world, and she said she had no intention of going on line to defend
herself, as she felt she had not done anything wrong. It made me very
sad to witness this rather messy scenario; it is a pity the Armenian
community in Calcutta, as small as it is, cannot get together to
combine their forces to keep this very small community together,
without constant bickering and false accusations.

I volunteered the services of Zohrab as the future new Principal of
the College, and she asked about his qualifications. She said she
welcomed him to apply for the post, should he feel he was suitable.

Please feel free to circulate this letter to all your friends, so
they can catch up with currents events about their wonderful old
school. I will be sending you some lovely photos shortly. I am sorry
I was not able to only give you positive opinions, but we must report
back in an honest fashion, as we found the situation. I have brought
back a year-book from the Armenian College for you, and will be
pleased to post it to you if you send us your full postal address.

Barevnerr from all 4 of us,
Hasmick and Armen

From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

Armenia: Country Reports on Human Rights Practices – 2004

Armenia
U.S. Department of State
Country Reports on Human Rights Practices – 2004
Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
February 28, 2005

Armenia is a republic with a Constitution that provides for the separation
of powers; however, the directly elected president has broad executive
powers that are not balanced by the legislature (National Assembly) or the
judiciary. The President appoints the Prime Minister, most senior government
officials, and judges at all levels. In March 2003, President Robert
Kocharian was re-elected for a second 5-year term in elections marred by
serious voting irregularities. The May 2003 parliamentary election was
flawed similarly and did not meet international standards. The Constitution
provides for an independent judiciary; however, in practice, judges were
subject to pressure from the executive branch, and corruption was a problem.
The National Police and the National Security Service are responsible for
domestic security, intelligence activities, border control, and the police
force. Both operate independently of any government ministry. The civilian
authorities maintained effective control of the security forces. Some
members of the security forces committed a number of human rights abuses.
The slow but steady transition from a centralized command economy to a
market economy continued. The country’s economy remained primarily
agricultural with manufacturing and expanding service sectors. The country’s
population was approximately 3 million. During the year, gross domestic
product grew an estimated 10.1 percent. The inflation rate was 7 percent;
unemployment was estimated at approximately 20 percent, and, in most
sectors, wages kept pace with inflation. There was a high degree of
corruption, income inequality, and continued consolidation of wealth into
the hands of a select few. Approximately 43 percent of the population lived
below the official poverty rate, a 7 percent decrease from previous years,
and there was a large shadow economy.

The Government’s human rights record remained poor; although there were some
improvements in a few areas, serious problems remained. Security forces beat
pretrial detainees, and impunity remained a problem. There were instances of
arbitrary arrests and detentions. In April, police used excessive force to
disperse an opposition rally, detained opposition politicians, and raided
opposition party offices. During the year, the Government helped to create a
civilian prison monitoring board and permitted independent monitoring of
prison conditions. There were reports that the Government limited the right
to privacy. There were some limits on press freedom. Journalists engaged in
self-censorship to avoid problems with government authorities, and there
were some instances of violence against journalists. The law places some
restrictions on religious freedom. In October, the Government approved the
registration of Jehovah’s Witnesses as a legal entity. While the Government
took steps to limit trafficking in persons, violence against women and
trafficking of women and children remained problems. Societal harassment of
homosexuals and Yezidis was also a problem.

RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1
Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Arbitrary or Unlawful Deprivation of Life
There were no reports of politically motivated killings by the Government or
its agents; however, there were some deaths in the military as a result of
mistreatment.
The Military Prosecutor’s Office reported six deaths; however, the cause of
the deaths was unknown. Each case was investigated, but the Prosecutor did
not announce final results.
There was one cease-fire violation along the border with Azerbaijan. In
June, cross-border fire and shelling in the Tavush region resulted in a
number of casualties on both sides.
During the year, there were a few deaths due to landmines, although reliable
statistics were difficult to obtain. All sides involved in the
Nagorno-Karabakh conflict used landmines, which have been laid along the
540-mile border with Azerbaijan and along the line of contact.
b. Disappearance
There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment
The Constitution prohibits such practices; however, government security
forces employed them. Witnesses reported numerous cases of police beating
citizens during arrest and interrogation while in detention. Most cases of
police brutality went unreported because of fear of police retribution.
Police used excessive force to disperse protestors after an 8-hour political
rally on April 12 and 13; some journalists were among those beaten (see
Sections 2.a. and 2.b.). Human rights nongovernmental organizations (NGOs)
also reported claims by detainees that police beat them during pretrial
detention.
In July, a law went into effect that changed the Soviet-era definition of
mental illness. Although there have been no reported cases of wrongful
psychiatric commitment, the law closes an apparent legal loophole that made
unwarranted commitment possible. Under the new law, a person can only be
forcibly committed by a court order and only if a panel of psychiatrists
finds the person to be mentally ill and a danger to the community.
Although there was no reliable or current reporting on the full extent of
military hazing, human rights NGOs reported that soldiers continued to
complain of frequent hazing. In 2003, a local NGO estimated that there were
30 hazing incidents. Homosexuals and Yezidis, a non-Muslim, Kurdish,
religious-ethnic group, also reported that they were singled out for hazing
by officers and other conscripts (see Sections 2.c. and 5). Military
officials did not take any significant measures to limit or stop the hazing.
Mikael Danielyan, director of a human rights organization, was beaten by
four unidentified persons near the entrance to his home (see Section 4). At
year’s end, there was no progress in the investigation of an attack on
opposition politician Ashot Manucharian.
Prison conditions remained poor and posed a threat to health. Holding and
detention cells were overcrowded, and most did not have toilets. Prison
authorities did not provide most inmates with basic hygienic supplies.
According to the newly formed Civil Society Monitoring Board (CSMB),
prisoners remained at a high risk to contract tuberculosis, and adolescents
held in juvenile facilities rarely were provided with the schooling required
by law. The CSMB also reported that, in certain jails, prisoners paid bribes
to move into single occupancy cells and to obtain additional comforts. In
some prisons, monitors noted that prisoners had difficulty mailing letters
and that some prison officials did not facilitate family visits adequately.
Men, women, and juveniles were held in separate prisons, and pretrial
detainees were held separately from prisoners. CSMB monitors reported that
female prisoners had more freedom of movement, and that their facility was
cleaner and better equipped and maintained than prisons for men.
The Government permitted independent monitoring of prison conditions by
local NGOs and international human rights groups such as the International
Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC). In June, the Ministry of Justice (MOJ)
authorized the CSMB to visit prisons without giving advance notice; however,
the National Police Ministry did not allow some local monitoring groups to
visit holding cells where detainees could be kept for up to 3 days without
charge and where most abuse was believed to occur.
The ICRC and CSMB had access to all detention facilities, including holding
cells, prisons, and local police stations to conduct independent monitoring
and to meet with detainees and prisoners. Both reported that prisoners spoke
freely and openly about their treatment and prison conditions.
d. Arbitrary Arrest or Detention
The Constitution prohibits arbitrary arrest and detention; however, in
practice, the authorities continued to arrest and detain criminal suspects
without legal warrants. Impunity was a problem.
The police and the National Security Service (NSS) are jointly responsible
for domestic security, intelligence activities, border patrols, and the
police force. Both are independent government ministries that lacked
training, resources, and established procedures to implement reforms or to
prevent incidents of abuse. Prisoners reported to local and international
monitoring groups that police and NSS authorities did little to investigate
allegations of abuse. As a result, impunity was a serious problem.
Corruption also remained a large problem in the police force and security
service.
To make an arrest, prosecutors and police must first obtain a warrant from a
judge except in cases of imminent flight risk or when a crime is in
progress. Judges rarely denied police requests for arrest warrants, and
police sometimes made arrests without a warrant, often on the pretext that
detainees were material witnesses.
There is no bail system; however, a prisoner may be released to a form of
house arrest under certain circumstances and at the discretion of the court;
however, most defendants remained in detention.
The law also requires police to inform detainees of their right to remain
silent, to make a phone call, and to be represented by an attorney from the
moment of arrest and before indictment; however, in practice, police did not
always abide by the law. Police often questioned and pressured detainees to
confess prior to indictment when they did not have an attorney present.
According to the law, a detainee must be indicted or released within 3 days
of arrest, and this procedure was followed in practice. Police sometimes
restricted access to detainees by family members.
During protest rallies in the spring, arbitrary detention was a problem.
According to the country’s Human Rights Ombudsman and a human rights NGO,
between April 13 and 15 police detained and questioned 115 individuals in
connection with an April 12-13 protest rally. Approximately 35 were held in
detention for up to 15 days under a Soviet-era law that prescribes
administrative detention (see Section 2.b.).
On May 20, police detained up to 25 opposition activists in anticipation of
an opposition rally. According to media reports and opposition sources, the
authorities fined and released some of the activists; however, more than a
dozen were detained for up to 10 days under the administrative detention law
for using foul language and insulting police officers. In most of these
cases, defense attorneys were not allowed to meet with detainees until after
court proceedings were completed. The rallies took place as planned, and
they proceeded peacefully.
Lengthy pretrial detention remained a problem. According to the law, a
suspect may not be detained for more than 12 months
pending trial; however, in practice, this provision was not always enforced.
Both prosecutors and defense attorneys frequently requested trial
postponements on the grounds that they required more time to prepare for
trial.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial
The Constitution provides for an independent judiciary; however, in
practice, courts were subject to political pressure from the executive and
legislative branches, and corruption was a problem. Unlike in previous
years, lengthy public trials were not a problem.
The Constitution provides for a three-tier court system. The highest court
is the Court of Cassation. There are also two lower-level courts: The Court
of Appeals; and courts of the first instance. Most cases originate in courts
of first instance; appeals are lodged with the Court of Appeals and the
Court of Cassation. The Constitutional Court rules on the conformity of
legislation with the Constitution, approves international agreements, and
decides election-related questions; however, it can only accept cases
proposed by the President, approved by a two-thirds majority of Parliament,
and cases on election-related issues brought by candidates who ran for
parliament or president. These limitations, combined with the judiciary’s
lack of independence, prevented the Constitutional Court from ensuring
compliance with the human rights safeguards provided by the Constitution.
Under the Constitution, the Council of Justice, which is co-chaired by the
President, the Prosecutor General, and the Justice Minister, appoints and
disciplines judges for the courts of first instance, Courts of Appeals, and
the Court of Cassation. The President appoints the other 14 members of the
Justice Council and 4 of the 9 Constitutional Court judges. This authority
gives the president dominant influence in appointing and dismissing judges
at all levels.
The Constitution requires that all trials be public except when government
secrets are at issue. Juries are not used in trials; a single judge issues
verdicts in all courts except the Court of Cassation and the Constitutional
Court, where a panel of judges presides.
Defendants are required to attend their trials unless they have been accused
of a minor crime not punishable by imprisonment.
They also have access to a lawyer of their own choosing, and the Helsinki
Association reported that the Government provided a lawyer to defendants who
requested legal counsel; however, individuals often chose to defend
themselves. More than half of all defendants chose to argue their own case
in court due to the perception that public defenders colluded with
prosecutors.
Defendants may confront witnesses and present evidence. Defendants and their
attorneys may examine the Government’s case in advance of trial. Judges
generally granted requests by defendants for additional time to prepare
their cases.
The Constitution provides for the presumption of innocence; however, in
practice this right was not always observed. Prosecutors often did not begin
a trial if they believed they would not obtain a guilty verdict. As a
result, defendants remained in detention during extended pretrial
investigations. Both defendants and prosecutors have the right to appeal.
The law does not allow detainees to file a complaint prior to trial to
address alleged abuses committed by the Prosecutor’s Office, the police, or
other security forces during criminal investigations. Failure to testify is
a criminal offense; detainees must obtain permission from the police or the
Prosecutor’s Office to obtain a forensic medical examination to substantiate
a report of torture. Defense lawyers may present evidence of torture in an
effort to overturn improperly obtained confessions; however, defendants
stated that judges and prosecutors refused to admit such evidence into court
proceedings even when perpetrator(s) could be identified.
There is no military court system; trials involving military personnel take
place in civilian courts, but they are handled by military procurators.
Military prosecutors performed the same functions as their civilian
counterparts and operated in accordance with the criminal code.
In April, a court of appeals upheld the convictions of some of the
defendants who were convicted for murder and terrorism in the 1999 attacks
on the National Assembly. In December 2003, a Yerevan district court
sentenced six persons to life in prison; a seventh received a 14-year
sentence.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference with Privacy, Family, Home, or
Correspondence
The Constitution prohibits unauthorized searches and provides for the right
to privacy and confidentiality of correspondence, conversations, and other
communications; however, the Government did not always respect these rights
in practice.
Under the law, authorities must obtain permission from a judge, on the basis
of compelling evidence, to wiretap a telephone or to intercept
correspondence; however, in practice the law was not strictly enforced and
some judges arbitrarily granted permission.
In May, an opposition leader complained that authorities had tapped his
telephone.
The law also requires authorities to obtain search warrants, and allows the
judiciary to exclude evidence obtained without a legal warrant. In several
cases, judges refused to issue warrants because of a lack of compelling
evidence and excluded evidence from trials that was obtained illegally.
Unlike the previous year, there were no reports of forced conscription of
ethnic Armenian refugees from Azerbaijan, who by law are exempt from
military service. However, police, at times, maintained surveillance of
draft age men to prevent them from fleeing the country.
Section 2
Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press
The Constitution provides for freedom of speech and of the press; however,
the Government partially limited freedom of speech, and there were several
incidents of violence, intimidation, and self-censorship.
On April 12, according to several media reports, police detained a man in
the capital for attempting to announce an opposition rally scheduled for
later in the day. He was detained and released after questioning.
Most newspapers were privately owned with the exception of Hayastani
Hanrapetutyun and its Russian-language version Respublika Armenia. The state
printing house and distribution agency, which published many of the
country’s newspapers, functioned as commercial enterprise with no apparent
government intervention. No newspaper was completely independent of
patronage from economic or political interest groups or individuals.
According to the Yerevan Press Club, total newspaper circulation in the
country was 60,000, an increase of 20,000 from the previous year. There were
27 newspapers available in the capital, 6 of which were published daily and
the remainder less frequently.
Because of low newspaper circulation, most persons in the country relied on
television and radio for news and information. Nationwide, there were more
than 20 radio stations and more than 40 television broadcasters; most were
privately run. In the capital and other regional cities, private television
stations offered generally independent news coverage of good technical
quality; however, the substantive quality of news reporting on television
and radio varied due to self-censorship by journalists and the stations’
dependence on patronage.
Senior officials within President Kocharian’s office continued to
significantly influence state television news coverage by providing policy
guidance to Public TV of Armenia. While the news reporting on Public TV was
mostly factual, it avoided editorial commentary or criticism of the
Government. For example, it provided little coverage of the April 12 and 13
political demonstrations in the capital (see Sections 1.d., 2.b. and 3).
In March 2003, Kentron TV, a new, national television channel affiliated
with a widely distributed newspaper with ties to the opposition, was awarded
a broadcast frequency that belonged to A-One Plus, one of the country’s last
independent television stations. Some critics of the decision, made by the
National Commission on Radio and Television, said A-One Plus lost its
broadcast license in 2002 because of sharp critical coverage of President
Kocharian’s administration.
In October, Kentron television chose to discontinue program collaboration
with Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty. Kentron’s director stated that agents
of the Government had not contacted his station about the program but that
it felt pressure to replace the program. In the past, Kentron TV replaced
on-air personalities for lacking objectivity and being too political.
Major media outlets in the country were generally pro-government. For
example, during the 2003 presidential election campaign, the majority of the
media, including Public TV of Armenia, most private television stations, and
the major state-funded newspaper, all provided heavily biased news coverage
that favored incumbent President Kocharian.
International media outlets operated freely in the country. Local stations
rebroadcast several Russian television stations and CNN, and authorities did
not censor the few international newspapers and magazines that were
available in the country.
Harassment of journalists was a problem. At an April 5 opposition rally, men
in civilian clothing smashed the video cameras of at least four journalists,
assaulted several reporters, and destroyed filmed footage of the events.
According to eyewitness accounts, police stood by and did not intervene to
stop the attacks. On June 10, a court found two men guilty of the attack;
each was ordered to pay a fine of $188 (100,000 Dram).
On April 13, police beat at least three journalists and destroyed or
confiscated their video cameras after an opposition rally. The journalists
maintained that they had identified themselves to police as working
reporters.
On August 24, a journalist was assaulted after photographing a luxury villa
owned by a Member of Parliament as part of a report he and a colleague were
preparing. In October, a court of first instance sentenced a man to 6 months
in jail for the assault.
There also were unconfirmed reports of incidents of harassment and
intimidation of journalists outside the capital.
There was no official censorship; however, there were continued reports of
intimidation of journalists, and some print journalists continued to
practice self-censorship to avoid problems with the Government and because
of pressure from official sources.
In June, the Government repealed a provision in the criminal code that
punished libel of a public official with up to 3 years’ imprisonment;
however, violations were still considered to be a criminal offence. The
revised code increased financial penalties for libel as well as the penalty
for libeling a government official.
The Government did not restrict access to the Internet or academic freedom.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association
The Constitution provides for freedom of assembly; however, there were some
limits on this right.
In March and April, authorities denied several requests from opposition
parties for permits to organize rallies and demonstrations in the capital
and other cities. The Government did not interfere when small rallies took
place without permission. However, between April 13 and 15, police detained
and questioned 115 persons in connection with an April 12 and 13 protest
rally that attracted an estimated 7,000 persons; approximately 35 persons
were detained for up to 15 days (see Sections 1.d. and 3).
On April 13, at approximately 2:00 a.m., police used excessive force to
disperse hundreds of protesters who remained in front of the National
Assembly and had blocked a major city street for more than 8 hours. A number
of protesters sought treatment for injuries at a local hospital, some of
which were caused by police use of flash grenades, water cannon, and batons.
Police also beat several journalists who covered the opposition rallies (see
Section 2.a.) and ransacked opposition party offices after dispersing the
protestors.
On April 28, the National Assembly passed a law that lifted the requirement
to obtain a government permit to organize rallies or demonstrations.
Organizers now must only notify authorities in advance of their plans for
such events. However, the new law, which took effect in June, limits the
locations where demonstrations can be held without permission. For example,
demonstrations in front of government offices, monuments, and venues where
another rally or public event is taking place still require a police permit.
The law also empowers police to break up illegal rallies and demonstrations,
particularly those that encourage violence and the overthrow of the
Government.
The Constitution provides for freedom of association; however, there were
some limits on this right. Registration requirements
for all political parties, associations, and secular and religious
organizations remained cumbersome, exacting, and time-consuming. In 2003,
the Government compelled some human rights and political organizations to
revise their bylaws several times before approving their registration
application; however, during the year, no human rights groups or political
organizations reported problems with registration.
c. Freedom of Religion
The Constitution provides for freedom of religion; however, there were some
restrictions in practice. The Armenian Apostolic Church has formal legal
status as the national church, and enjoys some privileges not afforded to
other faiths.
The law grants specific rights to minority religious groups that register
with the National Registrar. Religious organizations that are not registered
cannot publish newspapers or magazines, rent meeting places on government
property, broadcast television or radio programs, or sponsor official
visitors.
In October, the State Registrar registered the Jehovah’s Witnesses as a
legal entity. The group had applied for registration 13 times since 1995. In
November, senior members of the Armenian Apostolic Church called on the
Government to reverse the registration, saying the group’s activities ran
counter to the country’s interests. The Government ignored these requests.
The law prohibits “proselytizing,” which is not defined in the law, by
minority religions and bans foreign funding for foreign-based churches;
however, neither ban was enforced and members of Jehovah’s Witnesses
reported gains in membership.
Unregistered religious organizations may not import large shipments of
religious literature; only small quantities were allowed into the country
for private use. The law also requires all religious organizations, except
the Armenian Apostolic Church, to obtain prior permission to engage in
public religious activities, travel abroad, or to invite foreign guests to
the country; however, in practice, no travel restrictions were imposed on
any religious denomination.
The Jewish community reported several incidents of verbal harassment during
the year. The director of ALM TV frequently made anti-Semitic remarks on the
air, and the Union of Armenian Aryans, a small, ultranationalist group,
called for the country to be “purified” of Jews and Yezidis.
In May, Jewish groups complained to government authorities about the
distribution of anti-Semitic literature. Authorities said the imported
literature apparently violated the Law on Distributing Literature Inflaming
National Hatred and recommended that the groups file a complaint with the
Prosecutor General’s office. However, neither police nor Jewish groups were
able to identify the importers, and Jewish leaders had not taken any formal
action by year’s end.
On September 17, offices of the Jewish community in Yerevan received a
message that vandals had damaged the local memorial to the victims of the
Holocaust. Several photographs of the memorial were taken, and the vandalism
was reported immediately to the local police, the Ministry of Religious
Affairs, and the government-owned television channel. A television crew
arrived at the site together with an official from the Jewish community in
Yerevan and discovered that the memorial had been wiped clean, apparently by
the park guard. There was no further investigation into the incident.
Yezidi leaders reported that police and local authorities subjected their
religious community to discrimination and that a small ultra-nationalist
group, the Union of Armenian Aryans, had called for the country to be
“purified” of Yezidis (see Section 5, National Minorities).
According to observers, the general population viewed “nontraditional”
religious groups with suspicion and expressed negative attitudes about
Jehovah’s Witnesses, because they refused to serve in the military and
misunderstood their proselytizing practices. Jehovah’s Witnesses continued
to be targets of hostile sermons by some Armenian Apostolic Church clerics
and experienced occasional societal discrimination.
As a result of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict with Azerbaijan, most of the
country’s Muslim Azeri population had left by 1991. The few remaining
Muslims in the country kept a low profile. There was no formally operating
mosque, although one surviving 18th century mosque in the capital remained
open for Friday prayers. Although it was not registered as a religious
facility, the Government did not create any obstacles for Muslims who wished
to pray there. Approximately 1,000 Muslims resided in the capital.
In June, a new law on Alternative Military Service, took effect to exempt
conscientious objectors from the draft, and, by year’s end, the National
Assembly completed all legal requirements to implement the law. However, 10
members of the Jehovah’s Witnesses remained in prison for refusing
compulsory military service as conscientious objectors before the law went
into effect; 3 others were in pretrial detention for draft evasion or
desertion, and 17 others who were imprisoned, were released to house arrest
after serving one-third of their sentences.
For a more detailed discussion, see the 2004 International Religious Freedom
Report.
d. Freedom of Movement Within The Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and
Repatriation
The Constitution provides for these rights; however, in practice, there were
some restrictions on these rights.
The Government generally did not restrict internal movement, and citizens
had the right to change their residence or workplace; however, corruption
and an inefficient bureaucracy hindered citizens’ efforts to register
changes.
In April, human rights groups reported that police stopped cars from
entering the capital in an attempt to prevent opposition members from
attending protest rallies.
The law requires authorities to issue passports to all citizens, expect for
convicted felons; however, an exit stamp may be denied to persons who
possess state secrets, are subject to military service, are involved in
pending court cases, or whose relatives have lodged financial claims against
them. An exit stamp is valid for up to 5 years and may be used without
limit. Men of military age must overcome substantial bureaucratic obstacles
to travel abroad.
The Constitution does not prohibit forced exile; however, there were no
reports that the Government employed it.
In December, the Norwegian Refugee Council reported that 4,077 internally
displaced persons (IDPs) lived in the country.
During the country’s war with Azerbaijan, the Government evacuated as many
as 65,000 persons from the border region, but most returned or settled
elsewhere. Of the 4,077 remaining IDPs, almost two-thirds could not return
to their villages, which are surrounded by Azeri territory. Others chose not
to return because of a collapse of industry near the border and a fear or
landmines. IDPs enjoyed full rights as citizens, but the Government has not
created any special programs to help them adjust to their new surroundings.
There were no reports of abuse of IDPs.
The law provides for the granting of asylum or refugee status to persons in
accordance with the 1951 U.N. Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees
or its 1967 Protocol, and the Government has established a system for
providing protection to most refugees. In practice, the Government provided
protection against refoulement, the return of persons to a country where
they feared persecution. The Government grants refugee status or asylum;
however, during the year, no refugees were granted asylum; 10 were denied
asylum.
The Government cooperated with the office of the U.N. High Commissioner for
Refugees and other humanitarian organizations in assisting refugees and
asylum seekers.
Since 1988, the Government has accepted as many as 360,000 refugees from
Azerbaijan. In February 2003, the law on refugees was amended to improve
temporary protection for an estimated 12,000 ethnic Armenian refugees from
Chechnya and Abkhazia.
During the year, the Government also provided temporary protection to
approximately 96 individuals who did not qualify as refugees under the 1951
Convention/1967 Protocol. Most of these individuals were ethnic Armenians
fleeing war in Iraq.
There was an established procedure to recognize asylum, but border officials
had little training on asylum issues, which, at times, caused delays at
airports and land borders.
Ethnic Armenian refugees from Azerbaijan are eligible for citizenship upon
request, and other ethnic Armenians can generally receive resident status
and citizenship after a slightly longer process.
Unlike in the previous year, there were no reports of harassment of
refugees.
Section 3
Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their
Government
The Constitution provides citizens with the right to change their government
peacefully; however, the right was restricted in practice due to continued
flaws in elections.
International observers found both the 2003 presidential and parliamentary
elections to be well below international standards. There were serious
irregularities, including ballot box stuffing, discrepancies in vote counts,
partisan election commissions, and wide use of public resources to support
the incumbent president.
Authorities harassed opposition supporters, including arrests. Unlike in
previous years, there were no reports of punitive job dismissals. In
Yerevan, more than 200 persons were detained between the 2 rounds of the
presidential election in February and March 2003 for participating in
unsanctioned campaign rallies.
Opposition candidates filed several legal complaints with the Constitutional
Court challenging the results of the presidential election. In March 2003,
the high court said it had identified irregularities and criticized the
Government’s handling of the electoral process; however, it ruled that there
was no constitutional basis to change the outcome of the election.
>>From March through May, opposition groups demonstrated in the capital and
other major cities to demand a referendum on the mandate of the President.
At the height of a protest on April 12, approximately 10,000 individuals
gathered in front of the National Assembly. Police used excessive force to
disperse some 1,000 protesters in the early morning hours of April 13 (see
Section 2.b.).
Of the 131 seats in the National Assembly, 96 were occupied by
pro-government parties or deputies that make up the governing coalition.
Unaffiliated deputies held 17 seats, most of whom voted frequently with the
pro-government bloc. Opposition candidates and parties secured 22 seats; a
few of the unaffiliated deputies voted with the opposition.
Corruption was perceived to be widespread. According to an opinion survey
released in September by a local research institute, a large majority of
citizens believed that corruption exists “in all spheres and at all levels”
in the country. A similar survey in 2003 indicated that citizens believed
that corrupt authorities were not truly committed to fighting corruption.
In January, the Government adopted an ambitious anti-corruption strategy,
and, in March, the President appointed a special commission to implement it.
During the year, the commission primarily focused on establishing its
internal organizational procedures.
In 2003, the Government adopted the Law on Freedom of Information, which
provides for access to information as well as its dissemination and
transparency; however, the law was rarely followed, and most journalists and
officials remained unaware of its provisions.
There were 6 women in the 131-seat Parliament but no women in the cabinet.
There were no ethnic minority representatives in the Cabinet or in
Parliament.
The country’s population is homogeneous; at least 98 percent were ethnic
Armenians. Minorities are not prohibited from running for election, and some
have done so.
Section 4
Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental
Investigation of Alleged Violations of
Human Rights
A number of domestic and international human rights groups generally
operated without government restrictions, investigating and publishing their
findings on human rights cases. Government officials were somewhat
cooperative and responsive to their views.
During the year, more than 20 local religious and human rights organizations
operated in the country.
The Government was generally cooperative with international NGOs, and there
were no reports of government harassment of other international human rights
NGOs.
On March 30, the director of a human rights organization, Mikael Danielyan,
was beaten by four unidentified persons near the entrance to his home.
According to Danielyan, the attack was triggered by an interview with an
Azerbaijani newspaper. According to observers, some local groups interpreted
his remarks about the country’s authorities as traitorous. Danielyan
reported the attack to authorities and to the country’s Human Rights
Ombudsman. The Prosecutor General opened an investigation into the case, but
Danielyan refused to cooperate with the investigation. At year’s end, there
was no significant progress in the investigation (see Section 1.c.).
In March 2003, the Helsinki Citizen’s Association suspected that a fire at
one its regional offices was caused by arson; however, an investigation
later showed the fire began as a result of faulty wiring.
In June, the Government cooperated with a commission from the Parliamentary
Assembly of the Council of Europe, which reviewed the human rights situation
in the country. The commission reported that, while the Government has made
some progress, the most important areas for reform in the near future are
election laws, the constitution, and the judiciary.
In February, the President appointed the country’s first Human Rights
Ombudsman, amid questions by numerous human rights NGOs and the Council of
Europe about the ombudsman’s independence from the Government. During the
year, the Human Rights Ombudsman created a public working group focused on
securing the rights of minority religious groups. Local organizations
attended the working group meetings.
However, according to a report released in December, which was sponsored by
the U.N. Development Program (UNDP), the ombudsman’s office suffered from
internal disorganization and a perceived lack of independence from the
Government during its first year of operation. The ombudsman acknowledged
the report’s recommendation to improve the office’s operations.
Section 5
Discrimination, Societal Abuses, and Trafficking in
Persons
The Constitution prohibits discrimination based on race, gender, disability,
language, or social status; however, there was societal discrimination
against women, ethnic minorities, and persons with disabilities.
Women
There is no law banning domestic violence against women, and few cases of
spousal abuse or other violence against women were reported during the year;
however, such violence was believed to be widespread.
While there is no recent information on the extent of the problem, a 2001
survey conducted found that 45 percent of respondents acknowledged that they
were subjected to psychological abuse, and 25 percent considered themselves
victims of physical abuse.
Most cases of domestic violence were not reported to police because victims
were either afraid of physical harm and feared that police would return them
to their husbands or were embarrassed to make family problems public.
Several NGOs in the Yerevan and Gyumri areas and in Martuni provided shelter
and assistance to battered women; however, it was rare for battered women to
have psychological or legal counseling.
Rape and spousal rape are illegal and carries a maximum 15-year prison
sentence. By year’s end, authorities registered 52 cases of rape and
attempted rape and no deaths in connection with rape. According to the
Prosecutor General’s office, authorities identified and prosecuted 51
suspects in rape cases.
Trafficking in women for sexual exploitation was a problem (see Section 5,
Trafficking). Prostitution and sex tourism is not illegal, but operating
brothels is prohibited. Operating a brothel or other forms of pimping is
punishable by 1 to 10 years’ imprisonment.
According to the NGO Hope and Help, there were between 5,000 and 6,000
prostitutes in the country, and approximately 1,500 of them were registered
in the capital.
The law does not specifically prohibit sexual harassment, although articles
in the criminal code address different aspects of sexual harassment such as
lewd acts or indecent behavior. Many of these offenses are not clearly
defined, but punishments range from fines to imprisonment. Some offenses are
actionable under civil law. However, societal norms did not consider cases
of sexual harassment worthy of legal action.
The law provides men and women with equal status; however, gender
discrimination existed and was a continuing problem in the public and
private sector.
For example, although the law states that women should receive equal pay for
equal work, a recent survey in Yerevan reported that, overall, women earned
40 percent of what men earn.
Women generally were not afforded the same professional opportunities as men
and often were relegated to more menial or low-skill jobs. The law prohibits
discrimination in employment and hiring because of pregnancy; however, the
extremely high unemployment rate made it difficult to gauge how effectively
the law was implemented. More women than men were enrolled in university and
postgraduate programs, but all doctoral candidates were men.
Children
The Government is committed to protecting children’s rights and welfare;
however, it did not have the economic means to fulfill its commitment.
Education is free, universal, and compulsory through age 14; it is then
optional through age 16 (complete secondary education). According to a 2003
U.N. Development Program survey, 84.3 percent of students completed
schooling through age 14, and 36.7 percent studied through age 16. Girls and
boys received equal educational opportunities; however, many facilities were
impoverished and in poor condition. Some teachers were known to demand
bribes from parents in return for good or passing grades for their children.
Access to education in rural areas remained poor, and children’s work in
fields during harvest season took precedence over school.
In the Yezidi community, a high percentage of children did not attend
school, partly for family economic reasons and partly because schools lacked
Yezidi teachers and books in their native language.
Free health care was available for all children through age 8 for treatment
of some diseases and for emergency care, but care often was of poor quality,
and the practice of demanding overt or concealed payment of fees for medical
service continued. Boys and girls had equal access to health care.
Child abuse was a problem; however, the Prosecutor General’s office did not
report any cases of child abuse during the year.
Trafficking in girls for the purpose of sexual exploitation was a problem
(see Section 5, Trafficking).
Child labor was a problem (see Section 6.d.). However, there was no reliable
or current reporting on the extent of the problem.
In 2003, the Ministry of Social Welfare estimated that there were 130
homeless children in Yerevan. In 2002, a local NGO reported that nationally
there were approximately 900 homeless children and that the number continued
to grow. Abuse of street children did not appear to be a serious problem.
A number of international agencies, such as UNICEF, World Vision, the World
Bank, and the OSCE, worked with the Government and local groups to upgrade
and improve schools, integrate children with special needs into schools, and
to facilitate government efforts against trafficking of children.
Trafficking in Persons
The law prohibits trafficking in persons, and offenses committed for
“mercenary purposes” are crimes according to a law that took effect in
August 2003; however, trafficking in persons from, through, and to the
country remained a problem. There were reports that border guards and some
prosecutors were complicit in trafficking.
Violations of the law are punishable by fines of up to $12,195 (6.5 million
drams), correctional labor up to 2 years, or imprisonment for up to 8 years,
if the crime was committed under aggravated circumstances. In December 2003,
police arrested two men in connection with trafficking six women into the
country. On June 28, three of the persons were sentenced to between 2 and 4
1/2 years’ imprisonment.
On October 4, police detained a man for allegedly trafficking 11 women to
engage in prostitution in Turkey. The same day, police arrested a woman for
allegedly recruiting women to be trafficked to the United Arab Emirates.
Both were charged with pimping, which may carry a lighter penalty than
trafficking. No one was charged under the trafficking statute during the
year.
A governmental Interagency Commission, the National Police, and the National
Security Service are responsible for coordinating and implementing
anti-trafficking policy and for combating trafficking. The Government
actively sought bilateral cooperation with several trafficking destination
countries and regularly shared information with these partners.
The authorities reported that the country is a source and transit point for
women and girls trafficked primarily for sexual exploitation to the United
Arab Emirates, Turkey, Russia, Uzbekistan, Greece, and other European
countries. However, there were reports that the country was also a
destination point for trafficked women for sexual exploitation, particularly
from Ukraine and Uzbekistan.
There were no reliable estimates on the number of individuals who were
trafficked. Trafficking organizations typically recruited victims with the
promise of high paying work in another country. Once in the country of
destination, victims were deprived of their travel documents, locked in
hotel rooms, and told that they must “repay” the cost of their travel. There
were reports about women who were encouraged to become recruiters for
trafficking rings with a promise of keeping a percentage of their
“earnings.” Trafficking victims were at greatly increased risk of sexually
transmitted diseases, and some reported incidents of physical violence.
Victims reported that some border guards were bribed or worked with the
traffickers. In 2002, a criminal group of police employees and employees of
the country’s international airport was uncovered. The group allegedly
assisted traffickers using fraudulent documents to traffic citizens to the
UAE for sexual exploitation. The officials allegedly received proceeds
regularly from some traffickers working in the UAE. The Prosecutor General
opened a criminal investigation into the case. Two police officers and two
airport officials were convicted for abuse of power in the case. No
prosecutions were reported during the year.
The International Organization for Migration (IOM) and a local NGO, Hope and
Help, with funding from foreign governments, operated an assistance program
for trafficking victims. The Government did not offer financial assistance,
but referred victims to these organizations.
Upon their return, many victims feared societal stigma and discrimination.
Government officials did not require victims to aid in finding and
prosecuting traffickers; however, they worked with victims who were willing
to report their cases.
NGOs and the Government increased trafficking prevention activities,
primarily through education and mass media programs to raise public
awareness. The Government trained its consular corps to identify signs of
trafficking. The Government also collaborated with police in destination
countries to apprehend traffickers. Authorities also established a hot line
to connect victims with police; however, it only worked in certain parts of
the country.
Persons with Disabilities
There was discrimination against persons with disabilities in employment,
education, access to health care, and in the provision of other state
services.
The Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs was responsible for protecting the
rights of persons with disabilities; however, the ministry lacked the
resources to fulfill this responsibility.
It focused primarily on legislative remedies, which were seldom enforced.
For example, the law and a government decree mandated accessibility to
buildings for persons with disabilities; however, in practice, very few
buildings and other facilities were accessible to persons with disabilities.
Institutionalized patients often lacked medication, and care was
substandard. Hospitals, residential care, and other facilities for persons
with serious disabilities were substandard.
National/Racial/Ethnic Minorities
The population was approximately 98 percent ethnic Armenian. The Government
did not discriminate against the small, officially recognized “national”
communities, although the economic and social situation of such groups has
deteriorated substantially since independence in 1991. National communities
recognized by the Government included Russians, Ukrainians, Belarusians,
Jews, Kurds, Yezidis, Assyrians, Georgians, Greeks, and Germans. Several
hundred Azeris or persons of mixed Azeri heritage maintained a low profile
to avoid possible societal discrimination.
The Constitution grants national minorities the right to preserve their
cultural traditions and language, and the law provides linguistic minorities
with the right to publish and study in their native language. There were
token publications in minority languages. By law, all children of citizens
must be educated in Armenian-language schools. Virtually all students,
including members of the Yezidi and Greek communities, attended
Armenian-language schools, with very few classes available in their native
tongues.
Yezidi leaders continued to complain that police and local authorities
subjected their community to discrimination. The Yezidis, whose number had
been estimated at 30,000 to 40,000 by their leaders, speak a Kurdish dialect
and practice a religion derived from Zoroastrianism, Islam, and animism.
Yezidi leaders cited numerous incidents of unfair adjudication of land,
water, and grazing disputes; hazing of Yezidi conscripts in the army; and
poor police response to serious crimes committed against Yezidis (see
Sections 1.c. and 2.c.). On occasion, Yezidi children reported hazing by
teachers and classmates. Members of the Yezidi community had tried
previously to address their grievances with the Presidential Advisor on
National Minorities, but they claimed that all their attempts have been
ignored. According to Yezidi community leaders, appeals on their behalf with
respect to alleged discrimination were raised at all levels of the
Government; however, no government responses were forthcoming.
Other Societal Abuses and Discrimination
Military officers targeted homosexuals for hazing. The Helsinki Association
reported cases of police harassment of homosexuals through blackmail,
extortion, and, on occasion, violence.
Unofficial reports suggested that during a routine police investigation,
police threatened to make one homosexual’s sexual orientation public. The
man later alleged that police revealed his homosexuality to his employer,
and, shortly thereafter, he quit his job.
Section 6
Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association
The Constitution provides employees with the right to form and join trade
unions, but employees did not exercise this right in practice. The law
stipulates that the right to form associations, including political parties
and trade unions, may be limited for persons serving in the armed services
and law enforcement agencies. In practice, labor organization remained weak
because of high unemployment and the weak economy.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively
Although the law provides for the right to organize and bargain
collectively, in practice, there was no collective bargaining. Factory
directors generally set pay scales without consulting employees. Labor
disputes were arbitrated in regular or economic courts.
The Constitution provides for the right to strike; however, workers rarely
exercised this right because workers did not have the financial resources to
maintain a strike.
There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor.
The law prohibits forced and compulsory labor, including by children;
however, there were reports that such practices occurred (see Section 5,
Trafficking).
d. Prohibition of Child Labor and Minimum Age for Employment
Under the law, the minimum age of employment is 16; however, in some cases,
with the permission of the child’s parents and labor union, children may
work from age 14 in non-dangerous situations. The law was unevenly enforced
by local community councils, unemployment offices, and, as a final board of
appeal, the courts. Children under the age of 18 are prohibited from working
overtime or in harmful and dangerous conditions, at night, and on holidays.
There were reports that children worked in family businesses and on family
farms, which is not forbidden by law. Children were also observed on the
streets of Yerevan selling newspapers, flowers and working in local markets.
According to the Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs, some children were
involved in family businesses, as well as in other business activities, such
as agriculture, where such activity is not prohibited by law.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work
The Government sets the minimum wage by decree. The monthly minimum wage of
$24 (13,000 drams) did not provide a decent standard of living for a worker
and family. Approximately 43 percent of the population lived below the
poverty line of about $2 (1,000 drams) or less per day. An estimated 15.9
percent of the population was considered extremely poor, with a daily income
of less than $1 (500 drams).
There was a large shadow economy. As much as 40 percent of overall economic
activity, and in some areas, such as retail, as high as 80 percent, took
place without being recorded or taxed by local authorities.
The law defines the workweek as 40 hours and provides for mandatory rest
periods and overtime compensation. In December, the Government passed
legislation that would reset the levels of overtime compensation and limits
on required overtime. The Ministry of Labor and Social Welfare oversees
workers’ rights health and safety but took few affirmative steps to enforce
statutory regulations. National unemployment of 20 percent or more and low
wages were a problem.
Workers had the right to remove themselves from dangerous work and
situations that endangered health and safety; however, in practice, doing so
would likely jeopardize their future employment, especially those persons
who worked in the shadow economy.

ANKARA: European Court of Justice rejects Armenians’ Claims

European Court of Justice rejects Armenians’ Claims

Journal of Turkish Weekly, Turkey
Feb 28 2005

Armenians are using every possible chance to scratch the image of
Turkey. The lobbying efforts that Armenians struggle should be spent
on new energy sources for Armenia. Otherwise Armenia’s nuclear plant
may destroy the lives of millions of Armenians.

The Court of Justice of the European Communities has decided at its
sitting presided by judge Koen Lenaerts, to reject the Armenian
community’s appeal urging European Union not to admit Turkey to
its ranks until the so-called “genocide” allegedly inflicted upon
Armenians by the Ottoman government in 1915 is recognized.

Having described the related resolutions adopted by the Parliamentary
Assembly of the Council of Europe and a few European parliaments in
1887 as political but not legal, the court has not accepted any of the
Armenians’ arguments, and, moreover, obliged the Armenian community
to cover the court expenses.

According to Turkish political commentators, time for Armenian
worldwide propaganda is over, and the voice of Azerbaijan and Turkey
are heard louder and louder around the world

News compiled by JTW with a reference from AzerTac

BAKU: Turkey demands closing of Armenian atomic power station

AzerTag, Azerbaijan
Feb 28 2005

TURKEY DEMANDS CLOSING OF ARMENIAN ATOMIC POWER STATION
[February 28, 2005, 17:02:20]

Taking into account the danger, which the Armenian atomic power station
represents, and its location in the seismic zone, Turkey has demanded
closing of the station. In this connection, Turkey has directed an
official statement to the European Union and the International Atomic
Energy Agency (ÝAEA).

In turn, the European Union also has demanded closing of the atomic
power station in Armenia. Armenia, referring that 30 percent of the
electric power consumed in the country are made at this station,
has stated that it will function until 2016.

Having considered the said statement unsatisfactory, Turkey has lifted
the question in the International Atomic Energy Agency. Having noted,
that concern of Turkey is clear, this structure has declared carrying
out of wide audit on the mentioned question.

Before the International Atomic Energy Agency carried out corresponding
audit in Iraq. It is expected that now such audit will be carried
out in Iran. The states, which hamper work of the experts of Agency
or not carrying out the decisions of the said structure, will face
with the most serious economic sanctions.

–Boundary_(ID_fv1uFRrL/2WDDOTYi/a+xw)–

U.S. rejects reports it opposes Karabakh’s return to Baku

U.S. rejects reports it opposes Karabakh’s return to Baku

Interfax, Russia
Feb 28 2005

YEREVAN/BAKU. Feb 28 (Interfax) – U.S. officials made a statement
denying assertions that Washington, which one of the mediators working
to resolve the Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict, is against returning
Nagorno-Karabakh to Azerbaijan.

These assertions were made following Armenian media reports which
cited U.S. Ambassador John Evans’s statements made at a meeting with
the Armenian community in Los Angeles.

The U.S. ambassador was quoted as saying that although the U.S.
respects the territorial integrity of states, everyone understands
that giving Karabakh back to Azerbaijan would be a disaster.

In the wake of this statement, the U.S. Embassies in Yerevan and
Baku on Monday circulated statements saying that Evans’s assertions
reflected only his personal point of view.

BAKU: Aliyev receives prosecutor general of Kazakhstan

AzerTag, Azerbaijan
Feb 28 2005

PRESIDENT OF AZERBAIJAN ILHAM ALIYEV RECEIVES PROSECUTOR GENERAL OF
KAZAKHSTAN RASHID TUSUPBEKOV
[February 28, 2005, 18:10:55]

President of the Azerbaijan Republic Ilham Aliyev on February 29 at
the Presidential Palace received Prosecutor General of the Republic
of Kazakhstan Rashid Tusupbekov.

Head of the Azerbaijan State expressed satisfaction with the existing
relations between two countries, including the development of
strategic cooperation in the political, economic, humanitarian and
others spheres. President Ilham Aliyev noted that after Azerbaijan
has gained state independence, the kind friendly links between the
nationwide leader of Azerbaijan Heydar Aliyev and President of
Kazakhstan Nursultan Nazarbayev have played exclusive role in
foundation of intensive relations in the current phase. And
participation of the Kazakh President at the funerals of the
Azerbaijani nationwide leader was highly appreciated by the People of
Azerbaijan, Mr. Aliyev underlined.

And currently, warm relations between the presidents of Azerbaijan
and Kazakhstan give strong pulse to expansion of bilateral
cooperation, head of the Azerbaijan State said. Reminding his
successful visit to Kazakhstan last year, President Ilham Aliyev said
the signed documents have brought closer the two countries.

Noting that Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan play significant role in the
political processes in the region, in realization of global economic
projects, President Ilham Aliyev underscored that the two states
constantly support each other in the global questions either. From
this standpoint, Kazakhstan, basing on the international legal
principles, always backed fair position of Azerbaijan in settlement
of the Armenia-Azerbaijan, Nagorno Karabakh conflict, which is highly
appreciated by the people of Azerbaijan.

President Ilham Aliyev has evaluated as a good example of cooperation
the signing of document on division of Caspian seabed and
transportation of hydrocarbon reserves. Underlining his consent with
the high level of cooperation between the numerous state and
law-enforcement bodies, including prosecutor service bodies,
President Ilham Aliyev said the prosecutor bodies play great role in
strengthening of sovereignty and ensuring stability. Head of the
Azerbaijan State expressed confidence for further development of
cooperation between the prosecutor bodies of two states.

Prosecutor General of Kazakhstan Rashid Tusupbekov conveyed greetings
and high considerations of President Nursultan Nazarbayev to the
President of Azerbaijan Ilham Aliyev, saying Mr. Nazarbayev attaches
great importance to the relations with Azerbaijan. The friendly ties
between the nationwide leader of Azerbaijan Heydar Aliyev and
President of Kazakhstan Nursultan Nazarbayev have set solid ground
for the fraternal relations between the two peoples, Mr. Tusupbekov
emphasized.

Noting that presence of socio-political stability in Azerbaijan and
Kazakhstan has prompted high development of economic sphere in both
countries, Rashid Tusupbekov said he was eyewitness of notable
economic development during his visit to Azerbaijan, stressing that
he was deeply impressed by scale of the works at the Sangachal
terminal and quick development in the construction field in Baku.

Dwelling on successful cooperation of the prosecutor bodies of both
countries, the guest said that the agreement on rendering legal
assistance signed during his visit in Baku was a good example of
these links. These relations will play important role in expansion of
cooperation between the prosecutor bodies, as well as promote
settlement of global issues, effective combat against extremism and
terrorism, he stressed.

Feb 28 2005

German Christian Democrats Abuses the Armenian Issue to Prevent
Turkey’s EU Bid

Christian Democrats Submits ‘Armenian Motion’ to Parliament

Jan Soykok (JTW), 28 February 2005 – Germany’s Christian Democrats
(CDU) who oppose Turkey’s European Union (EU) membership have once
again brought the so-called Armenian ‘genocide’ allegation to the top
of the agenda in Germany.

CDU presented a parliamentary motion, which demands a review of
Turkey’s role in the killing of Armenians about 100 years ago though
there was no state called ‘Turkey’ in these years.

The German government pressure to increase freedom of expression
regarding the so-called Armenian ‘genocide’is expected to be included
in the motion.

Experts noted that the Christian Democrats Party, which is against
Turkey’s full membership to EU, aims to impede Turkey’s bid.

Spokesman for the party’s foreign relations, Friedbert Pflueger
claimed that the word “genocide” is not used intentionally and that
they aim to make Turkey face up to its past.

Members of the CDU who stand affirmation on Turkey’s privileged
membership claim they have aimed to return to normal diplomatic
relations between Turkey and Armenia.

“FUL OF PREJUDICES”

Turkish Ambassador to Germany Mehmet Ali Irtemcelik said that the
motion is full of “prejudices, mistakes, serious misinformation, and
one-sided expectations”. The European Court of Justice had recently
overruled a similar initiative. An Armenian foundation in Europe
began a legal action claiming “Turkey’s membership is contradicting
EU Laws while refusing acceptance of the genocide.” However the Court
had responded as “The genocide claim is political, it is not legally
binding” and had awarded the expenses of the trial to the plaintiffs,
the Armenian foundation and the two French citizens. The court
remarked during its overruling of the case, that the matter is a
political issue and consequently not legally binding and it stands as
a precedent for any future legal action.

CDU strongly opposes Turkey’s EU bid while the government parties
support Turkey’s membership. The CDU makes co-operation with all
anti-Turkish groups in Europe including the radical Armenian lobbying
groups. The CDU’s anti-Turkish stance disturbs the Turkish community
in Germany because the racist attacks against the Turkish and Muslims
communities in the country have risen. Many CDU politicians claimed
that Europe was a Christian civilasation and there was no room for
Turkey in Europe.

The discriminative policies in germany had caused racist massacres
and genocide in 1940s Germany and it is feared that the CDU policies
could nourish the racist movements in the country. Davut Sahiner,
Turkish expert on diasporas in Germany says “the CDU plays with fire.
They abuse all the problems which can prevent Turkey’s membership.
However they are not sincere. They now use the Armenian issue.
However it will help neither Armenians nor the Germans. Anti-Turkish
CDU policies will undermine the social balances in Germany and will
encourage the racist movements. Similarly the problems between
Turkish and Armenian states will be deepened and the isolation of
Armenia will be worsened. No side will benefit but the selfish
politicians.”

ANKARA: German Christian Democrats Abuses the Armenian Issue toPreve

German Christian Democrats Abuses the Armenian Issue to Prevent Turkey’s EU Bid

Journal of Turkish Weekly, Turkey
Feb 28 2005

Christian Democrats Submits ‘Armenian Motion’ to Parliament

Jan Soykok (JTW), 28 February 2005 – Germany’s Christian Democrats
(CDU) who oppose Turkey’s European Union (EU) membership have once
again brought the so-called Armenian ‘genocide’ allegation to the
top of the agenda in Germany.

CDU presented a parliamentary motion, which demands a review of
Turkey’s role in the killing of Armenians about 100 years ago though
there was no state called ‘Turkey’ in these years.

The German government pressure to increase freedom of expression
regarding the so-called Armenian ‘genocide’is expected to be included
in the motion.

Experts noted that the Christian Democrats Party, which is against
Turkey’s full membership to EU, aims to impede Turkey’s bid.

Spokesman for the party’s foreign relations, Friedbert Pflueger claimed
that the word “genocide” is not used intentionally and that they aim
to make Turkey face up to its past.

Members of the CDU who stand affirmation on Turkey’s privileged
membership claim they have aimed to return to normal diplomatic
relations between Turkey and Armenia.

“FUL OF PREJUDICES”

Turkish Ambassador to Germany Mehmet Ali Irtemcelik said that the
motion is full of “prejudices, mistakes, serious misinformation, and
one-sided expectations”. The European Court of Justice had recently
overruled a similar initiative. An Armenian foundation in Europe
began a legal action claiming “Turkey’s membership is contradicting
EU Laws while refusing acceptance of the genocide.” However the
Court had responded as “The genocide claim is political, it is not
legally binding” and had awarded the expenses of the trial to the
plaintiffs, the Armenian foundation and the two French citizens. The
court remarked during its overruling of the case, that the matter is
a political issue and consequently not legally binding and it stands
as a precedent for any future legal action.

CDU strongly opposes Turkey’s EU bid while the government parties
support Turkey’s membership. The CDU makes co-operation with all
anti-Turkish groups in Europe including the radical Armenian lobbying
groups. The CDU’s anti-Turkish stance disturbs the Turkish community
in Germany because the racist attacks against the Turkish and Muslims
communities in the country have risen. Many CDU politicians claimed
that Europe was a Christian civilasation and there was no room for
Turkey in Europe.

The discriminative policies in germany had caused racist massacres
and genocide in 1940s Germany and it is feared that the CDU policies
could nourish the racist movements in the country. Davut Sahiner,
Turkish expert on diasporas in Germany says “the CDU plays with fire.
They abuse all the problems which can prevent Turkey’s membership.
However they are not sincere. They now use the Armenian issue.
However it will help neither Armenians nor the Germans. Anti-Turkish
CDU policies will undermine the social balances in Germany and will
encourage the racist movements. Similarly the problems between Turkish
and Armenian states will be deepened and the isolation of Armenia
will be worsened. No side will benefit but the selfish politicians.”