The growth of IT has become a synonym for Armenia’s development in the last decades. Given that the country has had a rather strong position in the IT sector since the collapse of the Soviet Union, it appears to be natural to observe the industry flourishing. In the 2000s, the primary agents of change were the branches of multinational companies, such as Synopsys Armenia and others. In recent years, the focus has shifted towards establishing a vibrant and thriving start-up ecosystem. Not even the economic slowdown in 2014-2016, the political upheavals of 2018, the Covid-19 Pandemic, and the 2020 war in Nagorno Karabakh did stop the growth of the IT sector in Armenia. 

The growing number of IT companies in Armenia has created an opportunity for the younger generation to have a more significant influence and earn higher salaries, considering that the current average net monthly salary in Armenia is around $400. Today, a coder with basic knowledge earns between $1200 and $2000 per month, while salaries for senior developers in the sector have started to reach $5000 a month. It is also essential to note that Armenia’s IT sector does not employ just coders. Designers, content writers, project managers, graphic designers, lawyers, marketers, and accountants work in IT companies. While their salaries are often lower than those of coders, they are still relatively high compared to other sectors. 

However, not everything shines in the Armenian IT sector. The number one problem is the shortage of qualified professionals. At the same time, Armenia still faces brain drain, and the most successful start-ups usually leave the country and register themselves in the US to access Western Venture Capital. The latest example is Picsart, the first unicorn with Armenian roots. Some other famous IT companies are being named Armenian only because their founders are Armenians, although they were established outside the country and only have branches in Armenia, like ServiceTitan. 

The Russian invasion of Ukraine has triggered a significant exodus of Russians; some left Russia for political reasons, as they were against the war, and many did not want to compromise their lives. Armenia became one of the primary destinations for Russian migrants due to several reasons. Armenia and Russia enjoy a visa-free regime, and there are many daily flights to Yerevan from multiple Russian cities. Armenia and Russia are members of the Eurasian Economic Union, allowing tariff-free export and import. Perhaps, most importantly, many Armenians have favorable views on Russians. Despite the growing criticism of Russia in Armenia due to its actions or inaction during the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh war, Azerbaijani incursions into Armenia in 2021 and 2022, and the military takeover of Nagorno-Karabakh by Azerbaijan in September 2023, this has not turned into resentment against Russians, as it has focused on the Russian state. 

According to different estimates, up to 100,000 Russians have entered Armenia since February 2022, with two big waves, one in March-April and one in late September-October 2022, immediately after mobilization was declared in Russia. As of October 2023, up to 60,000 Russians remain in Armenia, primarily located in the capital, Yerevan, though a few Russians also live in Gyumri, the second biggest city of Armenia. Most Russians who migrated to Armenia are specialists in the IT sphere. The robust growth of the IT sector in Armenia played a role in influencing their choice, as Armenia can offer them developed infrastructure, including IT business centers and IT parks.  

In early March, when the first large wave of Russians arrived, the local tech community quickly organized events and online groups to integrate the newly arrived tech professionals moving to the country. One telegram group, set up to help those relocating, quickly reached tens of thousands of members.  

Several Russian companies have also opened offices or expanded their current presence in the country. One notable example is Miro, an online whiteboard tool valued at $17.5 billion after closing its $400 million Series C round. Yandex, the Russian tech giant, also opened a new office in Armenia earlier this year. It can be assumed that most of the workforce of these offices are relocated Russians. However, their presence will create future employment opportunities for Armenian tech sector workers as well.  

Meanwhile, it should be noted that not all newcomers started to work in Armenian companies. Some Russian specialists later found opportunities to immigrate to other countries in Europe and North America. Some are still in Armenia working remotely for global companies, and others are working for the Armenia branch of their employers. 

In general, the influx of Russian IT specialists has played a positive role in the further development of the already booming IT sector in Armenia, and, in the long term, it will contribute to the overall economic recovery of Armenia. 

The issue of war crimes committed by Azerbaijan continues to remain at the forefront of the international community’s attention and public scrutiny.  Of particular concern are the incidents following Azerbaijan’s deadly attack on the Republic of Artsakh from September 19th to 21st, resulting in the deportation of the entire Armenian population of Nagorno-Karabakh.

In light of these events, along with Armenia’s recent ratification of the Rome Statute, it is crucial to examine the brutal war crimes committed by the Azerbaijani armed forces in the recent past.

This examination is vital to properly assess the xenophobic policies of the Azerbaijani side and the potential dangers they pose.

The internet, the International Court, and the press have already discussed a series of crimes attributed to the Azerbaijani side. Prominent among these are well-known footages depicting killings in 2020, as well as the execution of Armenian soldiers during the military aggression against Armenia in September 2022.

However, there are lesser-known episodes that require attention to highlight the specific inhumane policies of Azerbaijan, their actual intentions, and the crimes of war.

https://x.com/araratpetrosian/status/1686322885915197441

https://x.com/araratpetrosian/status/1681414849518026768

Particular attention should be given to footage clearly showing signs of torture and executions. These instances might be of a mass scale and have not faced significant resistance from the international community and organisations.

With the hope that following the adoption of the Rome Statute by Armenia, not only can Armenia hold Azerbaijan accountable for many crimes but also potentially prevent a new Azerbaijani adventure, the presence of the International Criminal Court could play a concerning role.

Amidst numerous anti-Armenian statements by Ilham Aliyev, his regime’s fascist position, and the regime’s committed war crimes, the ratification of the Rome Statute serves as another means for Armenia to safeguard its sovereignty.

This move may not fully replace defunct security systems such as the CSTO (Collective Security Treaty Organization) and agreements with Russia. However, it could open a new chapter of accountability for Azerbaijan and its leadership.

In the face of the collapse of the global security system and numerous major regional conflicts, controlling Azerbaijan’s reckless behaviour becomes increasingly challenging.

By Editor-in-Chief “Respublica Armenia” newspaper Ararat Petrosyan.

In an effort to strengthen its defense capabilities, Armenia has recently acquired the cutting-edge Indrajaal anti-drone system from India. This move comes on the heels of previous imports of rocket launchers and missiles from the country, signaling Armenia’s commitment to bolster its military arsenal.

The Indrajaal system, powered by artificial intelligence (AI), represents India’s first foray into the realm of AI-powered anti-drone technology. Designed to counter the increasing threat of unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) or drones, the Indrajaal system provides Armenia with an advanced and comprehensive defense solution.

Unlike traditional anti-drone systems, the Indrajaal system employs a multi-layered, multi-sensor architecture known as Zen Anti-Drone System (ZADS). This innovative system leverages passive surveillance, camera sensors, and jamming techniques to detect, classify, and track drones, effectively neutralizing any potential threat they pose.

At the core of the ZADS is its Counter Unmanned Aerial System (CUAS) called RF Based Drone detector (RFDD). This component utilizes radio frequency (RF) sensors to passively monitor frequencies ranging from 70 MHz to 6 GHz, enabling it to detect and monitor the communication link between the drone and its pilot.

The procurement of the Indrajaal anti-drone system is a significant step forward for Armenia in safeguarding its national security. With the integration of this state-of-the-art technology, Armenia is poised to effectively counter emerging threats from UAVs, ensuring the protection of its airspace and critical infrastructure.

FAQ:

Q: What is the Indrajaal anti-drone system?
A: The Indrajaal system is an AI-powered anti-drone technology acquired by Armenia to counter the increasing threat from unmanned aerial vehicles (drones).

Q: How does the Zen Anti-Drone System (ZADS) work?
A: ZADS utilizes a multi-layered, multi-sensor architecture that combines passive surveillance, camera sensors, and jamming techniques to detect, classify, and track drones.

Q: What is the RF Based Drone detector (RFDD)?
A: The RFDD is a component of the ZADS that employs radio frequency sensors to passively monitor the communication link between the drone and its pilot.

Q: How will the Indrajaal anti-drone system benefit Armenia?
A: The Indrajaal system will enhance Armenia’s defense capabilities by providing advanced protection against UAVs, safeguarding its airspace and critical infrastructure.

Tens of thousands of refugees are sheltered in centres across Armenia and face economic and psychological hurdles.

STEPANAKERT-BASED JOURNALIST

When 86-year-old Julieta Shahbazyan looks around the room she now shares with 23 members of her family, she is overwhelmed by memories. Her new home is a former kindergarten in Artashat, western Armenia; she had previously never left her native village of Aygestan in the Nagorny Karabakh region.

On September 19, Baku launched a 24-hour military offensive in which it regained control of the region. Karabakh is internationally recognised as part of Azerbaijan but since the mid-1990s large areas had been controlled by ethnic Armenians. 

When Shahbazyan fled the fighting, she did not expect that her displacement would be permanent.

“I left the doors of the house open and went out, thinking of returning soon. What I regret the most is leaving  the graves of my relatives behind.” 

Shahbazyan arrived in Armenia on September 28, after a nearly 72 hour-long journey along the Lachin corridor, the serpentine mountain road connecting Karabakh to Armenia. It normally takes about two-and-a-half hours to cover its 90 kilometres, but the large-scale evacuation jammed the only route out with over 100,00 people leaving in just a few days. 

The operation came on the heels of a nine-month blockade that had left Karabakh’s some 120,000 Armenians exhausted, with no access to essential supplies, including food, medication, gas, and electricity.

Artashat’s kindergarten number 6 shelters Shahbazyan and 73 other Armenians from Karabakh. For many, it is the first time war does not loom over them.

“Children are particularly struck by the absence of gunfire,” Karine Harutyunyan, the director of the kindergarten, told IWPR. “Yet, despite our efforts to provide them with the best possible conditions, they still want to return to their homes. [There is] one child, who cries non-stop, saying, 'I want to go back to our home’.”

Collective centres have been set up across the country to accommodate the refugees. Addressing the European Parliament on October 17, Armenia’s Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan highlighted that the government was providing asylum, shelter and support to Karabakh Armenians. Yerevan has funded Karabakh’s state budget since the end of the First Karabakh War in the mid-1990s.

However, refugees and aid workers warn that the state aid programme and the support of international organisations is not even close to addressing the needs of such a large number of people. Centres are in need of everything to support families, many of whom left in a rush, leaving behind their lives, memories and, in many cases, even documents. 

Single parent Hermine Hayrapetyan, 35, is also living in the kindergarten with her daughter, her three sisters and her brother’s families. She is worried about being able to find a permanent home as the 40,000 drams (about 100 US dollars) that the state pledged as a monthly allowance for households are not enough to cover rent costs. 

“Rents are high and landlords often demand several months' rent upfront,” she said.

Madlena Ghahiryan, who shares a room with 16 members of her family, echoed Hayrapetyan’s worries.

“After Azerbaijan invaded Artsakh [as Armenians call Karabakh] in 2020, we didn't live peacefully, but despite the challenges, we managed to repair our house, to have a livelihood, and, during the blockade we braced ourselves for the winter…I prepared pickles, dried beans and greens and ground wheat to create a winter reserve,” explained the 62-year-old nurse, from Khramort village. 

“During the military invasion, I lost contact with my two soldier sons, who were besieged. The important thing is they were eventually found,” she said.

Many refugees lost their homes for the second time after Azerbaijan regained control of large swathes of territory in the 2020 war. 

Hayrapetyan was among them: she and her family had to leave their village in Hadrut region after it fell under Baku’s control in November 2020. She and family first moved to Armenia for safety and returned to Karabakh after the November 9 ceasefire, settling in Stepanakert, the main city, which Azerbaijanis call Khankendi. 

The 35-year-old is frustrated over what she described as the international lack of interest towards the fate of Karabakh Armenians. 

“For nine months [during the blockade] we had nothing, children were starving… European organisations, human rights defenders, NGOs, no one cared to see what was happening, to see how we were surviving. Now they [come in] and fill some forms. I don’t care about their paperwork.”

Hayrapetyan yearns to return to her home, but cannot imagine living with Azerbaijanis. 

“We didn't want to leave. But it will be impossible to live under Turkish [Azerbaijani] rule.  No matter how often they say to the world ‘we are civilised’ they will massacre us, poison us…” she told IWPR. 

Fear and distrust are common among Armenians from Karabakh and are what drove nearly all of them away from their homes. 

‘’We were hungry and there was no food,” Shahbazyan told IWPR, recalling the journey to Armenia. “At one point, Azerbaijani and Russian soldiers approached us and offered sweets to the children. I took the first one and ate it to make sure it wasn't poisoned.”

Hayrapetyan's 14-year-old niece, Marianna, is still grappling with the loss. 

“After the 2020 war, we kept hoping  that we would go back to Tumi, my native village [in Hadrut region]. We did not; then we lost all of Artsakh,” she told IWPR.

“When the shelling started, my mother was making sweets with mulberry jam,” she continued. “The next day was my brother's birthday. I made cards because I couldn't find any other gift for him during the blockade. All that was interrupted by my mother's panicked voice, ‘Let's go down to the basement quickly.’”

Her father had served in Karabakh’s  army, Marianna explained, adding, “We couldn’t  sleep for two nights until we received the news that my father was alive. He was surrounded in the forest, but he couldn't get out. When they said that they should evacuate us, I told my mother that I wouldn’t  leave until my father’s return.”

Alvard Dadayan’s husband also served in the army; he was killed during the first Karabakh war, in the 1990s. The 54-year-old from Stepanakert cannot hold back tears when she recalled that she no longer possessed a photo of husband in military uniform. 

“I had it with me but on the way we were told that they [Azerbaijanis] would check all cars,” she said. “I did not want to put my sons in danger, so I hid his photo under a stone along the way.”

All photos by Siranush Sargsyan; see at the link below

November 8, 2023 - Cristian Bolotnicov Laurențiu Pleșca 

A little-known autonomous republic within Azerbaijan is another consequence of the Stalinist regime’s policy of “divide and conquer”. Having regained control of Nagorno-Karabakh, Baku has not hesitated to express its desire for a direct link with its exclave Nakhchivan, an intention that complicates relations with the EU and western partners.

This exclave, bordered by Armenia, Turkey and Iran, is located in a predominantly mountainous area, with the exception of plains to its west and south-west. It has a population of 461,500, who are mostly Azerbaijanis, and an area of over 5000 square kilometres. As an integral part of Azerbaijan, a country courted by the EU and other European countries for its energy resources, developments in the area cannot go unnoticed. In this article, we will discuss the region’s past and what the future may hold for the autonomous republic.

One of the oldest cities

The name of the region comes from its capital, Nakhchivan, which was founded around 1,500 BC as one of the oldest cities in the area. In the time of Alexander the Great, it was called Naxuana, and in Armenian it is called Naxcawan. In fact, for Armenians the name of the region and the city is linked to the biblical story of Noah’s Ark, as in Armenian it translates as “the place of the first descendants”, i.e. where the survivors of the Great Flood landed after reaching Mount Ararat.

Like other regions in the Caucasus area, it passed through the rule of Persia, Rome, Armenia, Mongolia and Turkey before becoming part of Russia in 1828. The area has been predominantly Azerbaijani in recent centuries. Thus, some sources mention that by 1914, the Armenian population had decreased by 40 per cent, while the number of Azeris in the region had increased by 60 per cent.

The Nakhchivan region was no exception to the chaos and revolution of 1917, as it was the scene of bloody fighting and purges between Armenians and Azeris who disputed its ownership. In 1918, the region was occupied by Ottoman troops, who engaged in massacres, with around 10,000 Armenians falling victim. The Ottomans later withdrew, with British troops moving into the area.

Sovietisation

When the Soviets arrived in the region, the “Democratic Republics” of Armenia and Azerbaijan continued to struggle for dominance in the region. In July 1920, the Red Army invaded and occupied the area. The Nakhchivan Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic was declared, which in turn established close ties with the Azerbaijani SSR. In an attempt to gain political support, Armenia’s Bolshevik leaders promised to integrate Nakhchivan, Nagorno-Karabakh and the Zangezur region into the Armenian SSR. At one point this was supported by Lenin and the Bolshevik leaders in Baku.

However, the Soviets held a referendum in 1921, in which 90 per cent of the Nakhchivan population voted to remain part of the Azerbaijani SSR. The result was confirmed by the treaty of March 16th 1921 between Turkey and Soviet Russia. From 1924, it became an autonomous republic within the Azerbaijani SSR. During the Soviet period, the region’s Azerbaijani population continued to grow steadily, while the Armenian minority decreased from 15 per cent in 1926 to 1.4 per cent in 1979.

On January 20th 1990, the Supreme Soviet of the Nakhchivan ASSR voted to separate from the USSR and integrate into the Azerbaijani constituent state. The same Supreme Soviet would then elect Heydar Aliyev, the future president of independent Azerbaijan, as the leader of the region. Thus, the break-up of the Soviet colossus left the region part of independent Azerbaijan, which was subject to several blockades by Armenia starting in the 1980s and ending in the mid-1990s.

Current importance

Returning to the present, the revival of the Nakhchivan exclave issue has again emerged in the public arena. Of course, this occurred after Azerbaijan defeated fighters from the separatist Nagorno-Karabakh region. However, this is especially true following Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s visit to the region. At the invitation of Azerbaijan’s president, he made a statement stressing the importance of a corridor linking Turkey and Azerbaijan. He also suggested that, without Armenian support, it could cross Iran. Of course, this move has sparked discussion about its geopolitical implications and wider tensions in the South Caucasus region.

Recently, Politico wrote that US Secretary of State Antony Blinken had warned a small group of lawmakers that his department is tracking the possibility that Azerbaijan could soon invade Armenia. Recently, the likelihood of escalated tensions has diminished as Armenia and Azerbaijan have both signaled their intention to sign a peace treaty in the coming months. However, concerns persist. Azerbaijan’s President Ilham Aliyev’s reference to Armenia as ‘West Azerbaijan’ has raised eyebrows, suggesting underlying contentious issues. Meanwhile, Armenia’s efforts to strengthen its ties with Western nations, despite hosting Russian military bases, add a complex layer to the regional dynamics

However, this small territory does indeed have a small border with Turkey. Therefore, if Azerbaijan succeeds in bridging the divide between the mainland and this disconnected territory, it would establish a direct link for Turkey to access the Caspian Sea in the east. At the same time, Azerbaijan would gain a direct link to Turkey, which would give it access to the Black Sea, the Mediterranean and Europe. Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev has also expressed interest in creating a land corridor through Armenia to link his country to Turkey. This ambition is rooted in the region’s historical geopolitical landscape, as the Nakhchivan region is currently separated from the mainland of Azerbaijan.

Of course, Armenia has expressed concern about these developments, fearing that such a corridor could lead to further territorial losses. Armenia has also accused Azerbaijan of undermining the peace process and not fully implementing agreements related to the region. Over the last month, the Guardian has noted that more than 100,000 Armenians have fled Nagorno-Karabakh, which was recently conquered by Azerbaijan.

Creating the Zangezur corridor

The Zangezur corridor is a proposed land and rail route that would establish direct links between Azerbaijan’s Nakhchivan Autonomous Republic and other Azerbaijani regions. This corridor is considered a key infrastructure project that could strengthen links between Turkey and Azerbaijan. In fact, Turkish President Erdogan, as always, wants Turkey to dominate the Black Sea and Caspian region and is keen to turn the Zangezur and Lachin (linking Karabakh and Armenia) transport routes into “corridors of peace”. This peace would naturally benefit Ankara geopolitically and economically.

The possibility of the Zangezur corridor passing through Iran has raised questions. Moreover, Turkey has threatened Armenia that if it does not cooperate with the project, it could lead to the possibility of the corridor route passing through Iran. Erdogan has expressed optimism about Iran’s willingness to participate in the initiative. This is because it could provide a passage from Turkey to Nakhchivan and wider Azerbaijan. This would represent a new and extraordinary territorial configuration, according to the Anadolu news agency.

The Turkish journalist who wrote this article stated that “The Zangezur region was originally part of Azerbaijan, though the Soviets gave it to Armenia in the 1920s, leaving Azerbaijan deprived of a direct overland route to its exclave of Nakhchivan.” The source also notes that the corridor would be near or adjacent to Armenia’s border with Iran, which would concern Tehran regarding the project cutting across its border with Yerevan. Earlier, Erdogan said the opening of the corridor is a “strategic issue” for Turkey and is “very important” for ties between Ankara and Baku.

“In other words, Azerbaijan has become a serious player in a very large transport market. Of course, the realisation of the Zangezur corridor is a historical necessity. That’s why I said it will be done whether Armenia wants it or not. Although in Armenia they perceive it as another threat, we had no such idea. It is simply inevitable. It will happen sooner or later. Of course, we want it to materialise soon,” the Azerbaijani leader said in 2021.

Also, the signing of the construction of the Igdir-Nakhchivan pipeline will create conditions for the supply of natural gas to the Azerbaijani exclave through another route from Turkey. This will supplement (or replace) gas deliveries from Iran.

Instead of conclusions

The European Union has been working to diversify its energy sources and reduce its dependence on Russia for natural gas. Azerbaijan, notably through the Southern Gas Corridor, has become a strategic partner in this effort. As for the US, it has the first opportunity since the fall of the Soviet Union to gain a significant foothold in the South Caucasus by reimagining the region’s security architecture. However, Russia’s involvement in this complex puzzle of regional dynamics adds another layer of complexity to the situation.

Russia, as an important regional actor, has been closely monitoring the situation. Moscow has criticised Armenia’s handling of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict and even accused Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan of pursuing a pro-western agenda. The Zangezur corridor proposal and the potential involvement of Iran highlight the evolving dynamics in the South Caucasus region. It also shows that Russia is still not paying attention to the region, as Armenia, once one of the countries most aligned with Russian policy, has been left to fend for itself because of the war in Ukraine.

President Erdogan’s statements signal Turkey’s commitment to strengthening ties with Azerbaijan and finding alternative routes if Armenia does not cooperate. However, they do not rule out the possibility of new territorial seizures, as claimed in some Armenian circles. As tensions persist, regional actors such as Russia could play a key role in influencing the outcome of these geopolitical manoeuvres, making the situation in the South Caucasus one to watch closely in the coming months.

This article was originally published in Romanian on the website agora.md.

Cristian Bolotnicov is a Moldova-based journalist for Agora.md. He specialises in topics related to politics and history writing in-depth analyses and uncovering underreported issues from politics, justice, economy and technology.

Laurențiu Pleșca is a PhD candidate at the Doctoral School of Political Sciences of the University of Bucharest, researcher for the Romanian Centre for Russian Studies and analyst at German Marshall Fund of the United States. His main research interest is on topics such as Russia’s geopolitics in the Black Sea region, domestic and foreign policy of the former Soviet states (in particular the Republic of Moldova, Ukraine, Armenia, Georgia, Belarus, Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan).