Pope Leo responds to Trump’s criticism: ‘Blessed are the peacemakers’

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Pope Leo XIV on Monday responded to criticism from U.S. President Donald Trump, telling reporters while traveling to Algeria that he has “no fear” of the White House.

“I have no fear of the Trump administration or speaking out loudly of the message of the Gospel, which is what I believe I am here to do, what the church is here to do,” the pontiff told reporters.

“We are not politicians,” Pope Leo said. “We are not looking to make foreign policy … with the same perspective that he might understand it, but I do believe in the message of the Gospel: ‘Blessed are the peacemakers’ is the message that the world needs to hear today.”

 ”I will continue to speak out strongly against war, seeking to promote peace, promoting dialogue and multilateralism among states to find solutions to problems.”

Trump posted on social media calling the pope “WEAK on Crime, and terrible for Foreign Policy.”

Amid the U.S.-Israeli conflict in Iran, the pope has been posting on his account on the social platform X about peace, saying in one post on Saturday that “God does not bless any conflict.”

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Asbarez: ‘Just Like We Entered Karabakh’: Erdogan Threatens Military Action A

Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan


Israel Invokes the Armenian Genocide in Slamming Erdogan

President Recep Tayyip Erdogan of Turkey on Sunday threatened military action against Israel accusing the Jewish State of atrocities being carried out against Palestine and Lebanon. The Turkish leader cited interventions in Karabakh as a blueprint for its proposed attack.

Meanwhile, Israel responded by accusing Turkey of “building its economy on the Armenian Genocide,” calling Erdogan a “megalomaniacal dictator.”

“We must be strong to prevent Israel from doing this to Palestine,” Erdogan told reporters on Sunday. “Just as we entered Karabakh, just as we entered Libya, we will do the same to them,” he added. “There is nothing to prevent us from doing it. We just need to be strong so that we can take these steps.”

This became yet another public admission by Erdogan that Turkey was actively involved and engaged in the 2020 Artsakh War, a fact being downplayed by Turkish diplomatic circles and ignored by the international community.

Earlier in the day, in an address to the International Asia-Political Parties Conference being convened in Istanbul, Erodgan called Israel’s actions “barbaric.”

“The blood-stained genocide network continues to kill innocent children, women, and civilians without any rule or principle, ignoring all kinds of human values,” Erdogan said at the conference.

Sharply condemning Erdogan’s remarks, Israel’s Heritage Minister Amichai Eliyahu accused the Turkish leader of hypocrisy, noting Turkey’s history of territorial aggression in Cyprus and its treatment of minorities, particularly the Kurds, reported MSN.com.

“Turkey, which conquered Northern Cyprus and controls Kurdish territories in the east, dares to lecture us on morality. Turkey, which built its economy on the Armenian Genocide, dares to accuse us of genocide. Turkey, which enforces Islamization by force, dares to speak about human rights,” Eliyahu said in a statement. 

“The hypocritical Erdogan doesn’t impress anyone with this current circus,” he continued, describing the Turkish president as a “megalomaniacal dictator” with “imperialist ambitions” who sees himself as “an Ottoman Sultan while being no more than a pathetic tyrant of a country with a collapsing economy and a dead democracy.” 

Eliyahu’s remarks went further than only criticizing Erdogan, implying that it was time for Israel and Turkey to “close this sad chapter of relations” and vowing to bring a proposal before the Israeli government to sever diplomatic ties with Turkey completely.

Armenia’s Foreign Policy Dilemma: The Pashinyan–Putin Meeting in Context

Special Eurasia
April 9 2026

Armenia’s Foreign Policy Dilemma: The Pashinyan–Putin Meeting in Context

Executive Intelligence Snapshot

Armenia’s leadership is attempting to rebalance its foreign policy between Russia and the West ahead of pivotal June 2026 elections, but Moscow’s warnings and tightening leverage signal a narrowing space for Yerevan’s strategic manoeuvre.

Key Judgments

  1. Russia is increasing political and economic pressure on Armenia to deter deeper EU alignment, signalling readiness to recalibrate bilateral ties.
  2. Pashinyan aims to maintain ties with Moscow and pursue Western integration, yet domestic election concerns limit his options.
  3. The unresolved CSTO dispute and competing connectivity projects heighten strategic uncertainty in the South Caucasus, exposing Armenia to coercive risks from multiple directions.

Situation Overview

  • Nikol Pashinyan’s official visit to Moscow on April 1, 2026, occurred amidst a politically charged atmosphere, as parliamentary elections loomed and his Civil Contract party garnered approximately 25% in opinion polls. He sought to show his ability to handle Yerevan’s ties with Moscow while also appeasing Western-leaning voters.
  • Talks with Putin underscored widening strategic differences, especially over Armenia’s EU ambitions. Moscow argued that EU membership would conflict with the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU), suggesting economic repercussions for Yerevan if it changed its policy.
  • The Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) dispute remained unresolved, with Russia arguing Armenia’s recognition of Azerbaijani sovereignty over Nagorno‑Karabakh/Artsakh in 2022 limited the alliance’s ability to intervene. This position further diminished the Armenian public’s trust in the CSTO.
  • Heightened economic pressures arose because of Russia’s possible imposition of tougher trade laws and intimations of further measures, as stated by Aleksei Overchuk, the Russian Deputy Prime Minister. In response, Armenia suggested it might withdraw from the EAEU and CSTO and is looking into Western-backed transport corridors to decrease reliance on Russian infrastructure.
  • Russia’s proposal to re-establish railway connections close to Armenia’s borders and its desire to maintain control over the country’s rail operations intensified infrastructure competition. The US-backed TRIPP corridor and the EU-supported Trans-Caspian routes provided alternative options, lessening Armenia’s reliance on Russian-controlled infrastructure.

Intelligence Assessment

The Armenian leadership’s objectives include safeguarding long-term sovereignty, decreasing its security dependence on Russia, and aligning the nation with Western political and economic systems. Pashinyan, however, must contend with internal politics where nationalist factions retain considerable influence, and any perceived overextension of strategy could upset the precarious post-Karabakh political accord. Russia aims to halt the diminishing of its sway in the South Caucasus and perceives Yerevan’s ties with the West as indicative of a larger trend of geopolitical expansion.

Moscow still has significant leverage: energy pricing, labour migration flows, trade access, and Russian military facilities in the Caucasian republic. Recent warnings show a readiness to employ economic pressure against Yerevan. Armenia’s signals about possibly withdrawing from Russian-led blocs seem intended to discourage pressure, not to enact a definitive separation. Considering Yerevan’s economic vulnerabilities and the lack of prompt Western security guarantees, the credibility of these threats is questionable.

The most likely scenario is a continued uneasy equilibrium. Armenia intends to strengthen its collaboration with the EU and the US, focusing on areas such as connectivity, digital infrastructure, and defence-related technologies. However, the country will refrain from taking any official actions that could provoke a response from Russia. Moscow will continue with its rhetoric and targeted economic sanctions, but will avoid a complete break, believing that destabilising Yerevan could drive it closer to the West.

A significant escalation of Russian pressure poses the greatest risk, possibly instigated by Yerevan formally joining the EU or changing the status of Russian military bases. A confrontation like this could lead to instability in Armenian domestic politics, strengthen nationalist factions, and jeopardise the precarious peace process between Armenia and Azerbaijan. This situation might also allow Iran or Turkey to increase their influence because of the current regional instability, especially considering the ongoing conflicts involving Iran and the potential for them to spread into the South Caucasus.

Second-order consequences may involve divisions among Armenia’s political leaders, a decline in investor trust for projects connecting the region, and intensified rivalry between Western and Russian endeavours.

Indicators to Monitor

  • Russian economic measures, such as revisions to trade embargoes, energy rate adjustments, or prohibitions affecting Armenian exports and the influx of its labour force.
  • Armenia’s engagement with EU structures, especially any formal steps toward accession or deeper security cooperation.
  • CSTO dynamics, with particular attention to Russian pronouncements on Yerevan’s paused membership and any shifts concerning Russian military installations in the South Caucasus republic.
  • Domestic political shifts in Armenia, particularly polling trends for nationalist or revanchist parties ahead of the June 2026 elections.
  • Developments in regional connectivity, including advancements in EU and US-supported corridors as opposed to rail and transport initiatives proposed by Russia.

EBRD plans €5 billion investment for economies hit by Middle East conflict, i

Economy21:23, 9 April 2026
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The European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD) plans to invest around €5 billion in 2026 in economies affected by the conflict in the Middle East, including Armenia.

According to the bank, Armenia is among the countries not directly involved in the conflict but still exposed to its economic fallout as part of the wider regional chain.

The EBRD said the impact is being felt through disrupted trade routes, energy and commodity shocks, weaker investor confidence, and rising socio-economic pressure.

The bank said its conflict response programme will include support for financial institutions, measures to strengthen private-sector resilience, and investment in infrastructure — areas from which Armenia could also benefit.

EBRD President Odile Renaud-Basso said the bank is prepared to deepen its engagement in countries facing this kind of pressure.

“In a context of growing uncertainty, we are increasing our engagement while maintaining sound banking principles. We are here to support the economies, clients and people of our partner countries in difficult times,” she said.

Under the programme, the EBRD also plans to strengthen energy security, support businesses facing market volatility, and invest in infrastructure and digital solutions.

The bank said its support will also focus on preserving jobs, expanding access to finance, and protecting vulnerable groups.

It added that the scale of investment will remain demand-driven, given the fast-changing nature of the situation.

The EBRD said it will implement the programme in cooperation with international partners to help support economic resilience and sustainable development.

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Samvel Karapetian Snubs Alliance With Ter-Petrosian’s Party

April 06, 2026

Armenia – Former President Levon Ter-Petrosian and businessman Samvel Karapetian.

Former President Levon Ter-Petrosian’s Armenian National Congress (HAK) party announced on Monday its decision to run in the upcoming parliamentary elections on its own following billionaire Samvel Karapetian’s apparent refusal to join forces with it.

Karapetian’s Strong Armenia party is expected to be one of the main opposition election contenders. The HAK openly courted it earlier this year, with Ter-Petrosian lavishing praise on the indicted tycoon and endorsing him for the June 7 polls. Strong Armenia formed instead an electoral alliance with two other, little-known opposition parties last week.

In a statement, the HAK said it has made “all necessary efforts” to become part of Karapetian’s bloc.

“We have demonstrated maximum flexibility, without setting any preconditions for the creation of the alliance,” it said. “For reasons beyond our control, that alliance did not materialize.”

“The Armenian National Congress, therefore, will participate in the elections separately, while at the same time being ready to cooperate with Strong Armenia and other opposition forces both during the election period and after the elections, in forming a coalition in parliament and saving the country from impending threats,” added the statement.

Strong Armenia representatives said last week that Karapetian’s political team is still open to teaming up with more opposition groups. But they made no mention of Ter-Petrosian’s party, which has not been represented in the Armenian parliament since 2017.

Ter-Petrosian, who had led Armenia to independence in 1991, is a vocal critic of Pashinian, having branded the latter as a “nation-destroying scourge” in the wake of Armenia’s defeat in the 2020 war with Azerbaijan. The 81-year-old ex-president has repeatedly denounced Pashinian’s attempts to depose Garegin II, the supreme head of the Armenian Apostolic Church.

Karapetian was arrested and indicted last June just hours after criticizing Pashinian’s campaign. He was moved to house arrest in late December.

Dr. Taner Akçam is keynote speaker at San Diego Armenian Genocide Commemorati

San Diego Union Tribune
Apr 4 2026
Dr. Taner Akçam is keynote speaker at San Diego Armenian Genocide Commemoration event

On Sunday, April 26, at 1 p.m., the San Diego Armenian community will feature renowned professor and scholar Dr. Taner Akçam as the keynote speaker at its 2026 Armenian Genocide Commemoration, to be held at St. Sarkis Armenian Church in Carmel Valley.

Akçam is the inaugural director of the Armenian Genocide Research Program of the Promise Armenian Institute at UCLA. Previously he was the Kaloosdian and Mugar chair in Modern Armenian History and Genocide in the Strassler Center for Holocaust and Genocide Studies at Clark University, according to a news release.

Akçam is widely recognized as one of the first Turkish scholars to write extensively on the Ottoman-Turkish Genocide of the Armenians in the early 20th century. His latest book is Killing Orders: Talat Pasha’s Telegrams and the Armenian Genocide (Palgrave 2018). He last spoke in San Diego in 2018 and is very pleased to be returning to the ever-growing San Diego Armenian community, the news release stated.

The cultural program will feature musical performances by youth and adults of the San Diego Armenian community, and a Q&A with Akçam after his remarks. Refreshments will be served after the event. The church is located at 13925 El Camino Real, San Diego, 92130.

The commemoration committee is co-chaired by Hygan Nalbandian and Sarah Baghdasarian and is comprised of representatives from all San Diego Armenian organizations, including St. Sarkis Armenian Church, and Very Rev. Fr. Pakrad Berjekian, Parish Priest; all St. Sarkis Church organizations, and the San Diego chapters ANCA, ARF, ARS, ASA, Homenetmen, Knights and Daughters of Vartan, and Trex Fraternity, the news release stated.

For more information, contact [email protected].

$240K in youth grants just landed across Armenia through the H. Hovnanian Fami

H. Hovnanian Family Foundation 

E-mail: [email protected]

Phone/WhatsApp: +37498 24 54 84
Website: 
https://hovnanianfoundation.org/en  

Across Armenia, young people are increasingly stepping forward as leaders in their communities, launching local initiatives, exploring careers in science, and building networks that promote healthy lifestyles and civic engagement. Supporting this momentum, the H. Hovnanian Family Foundation has awarded $240,000 in grants to eight initiatives through its fourth-quarter 2025 Youth Empowerment Armenian grant cycle.

These projects will expand opportunities for youth across Armenia in three areas: science, sports and healthy lifestyles, and civic awareness and activism. 

“Interest in this grant cycle was strong. We are encouraged by the diversity of this round’s applicants and awardees, both in geographic representation and fields of focus,” said Anahit Hakobyan, (Grants) Program Manager at the H. Hovnanian Family Foundation. “The eight selected projects span across Armenia and cover activities from math and physics olympiads to GIS mapping, hiking, and civic preparedness.”

The PhysMath Friends Charitable Foundation will expand Armenia’s mathematics and physics Olympiad model to the regions. The project will revise Olympiad curricula, train eight regional instructors to help run newly established Olympiad clubs in Lori, Shirak, Kotayk, and Armavir. Approximately 180 high school students will gain access to advanced instruction and mentorship to prepare them for national and international competitions. 

Hyphen4 Lab will implement a seven-month mapping program in six communities, combining civic learning with practical digital and spatial skills. The project will train university students as fellows to work with TUMO students aged 12-18 conducting community mapping workshops. Together, participants will collect and refine open-access GIS datasets on infrastructure, public spaces, and other local assets, strengthening youth digital literacy while also supporting more informed local planning and dialogue with municipalities.

In Lori the Resilient Stepanavan Foundation will support the development of the Stepanavan Community Sports School, which currently serves 174 youth through wrestling, football, table tennis, boxing, and chess clubs, and will also reach additional participants through amateur volleyball, basketball and table tennis activities. The municipality will continue to cover core operational costs, including maintenance and coaches’ salaries, helping to ensure long-term sustainability.

Girls of Armenia Leadership Sports (GOALS) will carry out a one-year program for 250 girls aged 11 to 15 across 20 communities. Combining intercommunity sports activities with educational workshops, hybrid sessions, and self-guided learning materials, the program is designed to strengthen leadership, teamwork, confidence, and civic awareness. It will culminate in the GOALS Girls Summit in Yerevan in fall 2026, bringing together participants from across Armenia for a national event centered on learning, exchange, and inspiration.

The Boon Scientific-Cultural Foundation (BoonTV), through its project ‘Through the Mountains,’ will engage more than 50 young people aged 16 to 35 in five guided hikes to lesser-known mountain and nature sites in Tavush and Vayots Dzor. Participants will receive training in outdoor safety and skills, while also learning about healthy lifestyles, teamwork, environmental responsibility, and local communities. Implemented in partnership with Armenian Geographic, a five-episode documentary series will be produced for national broadcast and online distribution.

The Information and Education Development Network (INEDNET) will implement a program in 5 to 7 communities to help young people take a more active role in local governance. The project will train 15 to 20 youth leaders aged 16-30 through a seven-day residential program focused on designing community initiatives. With mentorship and municipal engagement, participants will refine their ideas and present them to the public for voting through participatory budgeting processes. 

In Vanadzor and surrounding communities the NGO Center will run a civic engagement program directly involving 60 young people aged 16-30. Through these workshops, simulation games and mentorships, participants will design and implement 20 youth-led community initiatives. A Youth Advisory Council attached to the Vanadzor Municipality will be established to contribute to the co-development of a local youth policy and five-year development plan, helping to institutionalize youth participation at the local level.

The Azatazen Educational NGO will expand its youth programming beyond Yerevan through an initiative serving 300 young people aged 15-20, mostly in the Lori region. The program will provide practical training in first aid, physical and emergency preparedness, outdoor safety, and civic responsibility. By focusing on hands-on knowledge and community resilience, the initiative will equip participants with concrete skills to support personal safety and broader civic preparedness.

Taken together, the selected projects reflect a broad understanding of youth empowerment: one that includes academic opportunities, healthy, active lifestyles, and meaningful participation in community life. While the eight projects differ in format and geography, all aim to equip young people with stronger skills, broader networks, and greater confidence to contribute to Armenia’s future.

Armenia sees rapid growth in solar power installations

Economy12:14, 2 April 2026
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In recent years, Armenia has experienced a sharp increase in the installation of solar power plants, the Public Services Regulatory Commission (PSRC) chief said on Thursday.

“According to the sector development strategy up to 2040, by 2030 we were expected to have solar power plants with a total capacity of 1,000 megawatts in the country. However, by the end of 2025, the existing capacity had already exceeded this target,” Mesrop Mesropyan, Chairman of the PSRC, said during the Cabinet meeting.

“As of March 1 of this year, the total capacity of solar power plants reached 1,141 megawatts, of which 479 megawatts are industrial-scale, and 662 megawatts are autonomous rooftop installations,” Mesropyan added, noting that an additional 170 megawatts of solar power plants will be constructed soon under previously issued licenses.

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Armenian court bans screening of documentary about Declaration of Independence

OC Media
Apr 1 2026

A Yerevan court has banned the screening and distribution of Our Road to Independence, a documentary about Armenia’s Declaration of Independence by its director, Tigran Paskevichyan. The Public TV holds the rights to the film, and has not broadcast or published it since its production in 2020.

The court ruling was issued on 27 March following a case launched in June 2025, by which the Yerevan court recognised Public TV’s exclusive property rights to the film, prohibiting its director, Paskevichyan, from using it in any form, including public screenings.

The court also ordered Paskevichyan to pay ֏40,000 ($100) to the Public TV to reimburse the state fee paid for the initial court proceedings.

The lawsuit concerned the screening of the documentary by Paskevichyan in May 2025, without the Public TV permission.

The two-episode documentary was produced for the 30th anniversary of Armenia’s Declaration of Independence, adopted on 23 August 1990.

According to the case materials, Paskevichyan’s company signed a contract with the Public TV in July 2020 and delivered the finished film in November of the same year. Under the agreement, the filmmaker transferred the film’s property rights to the Public TV, and received ֏4,240,000 ($11,000) in return.

During the court proceedings, Paskevichyan argued that he had previously attempted to discuss the film’s status with the director of the Public TV. He said that a letter he sent to the broadcaster’s director on 3 March 2023 requesting to ‘discuss issues related to the film’ remained unanswered.

Speaking with CivilNet, Paskevichyan stated that he had requested permission to screen the film in his letter.

In court, Paskevichyan also said that when he delivered the documentary in November 2020, as Armenia was defeated in the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War, he had himself proposed postponing its debut screening, ‘considering the moral and psychological state of society’.

Paskevichyan said that after Armenia held snap parliamentary elections in June 2021, the Public TV never aired it or uploaded it to its YouTube channel, despite ‘dozens of opportunities to broadcast the film’.

In a separate Facebook post, Paskevichyan accused the channel of ‘locking away’ the documentary for the past four and a half years.

‘How much must one hate the history and achievements of one’s own country to take such a petty step?’, Paskevichyan wrote, in what appears to be a statement directed at both the management of the Public TV and the Armenian authorities.

‘Nevertheless, I am not discouraged. […] I am used to waiting, being patient, and enduring for as long as necessary’, Paskevichyan wrote in his post.

The filmmaker also recalled that his earlier documentary, Armenia’s Lost Spring, about the violent crackdown on opposition protests in March 2008, faced similar difficulties, but eventually was broadcast by the Public TV.

ECHR rules Armenia violated rights of victims of deadly 2008 protest crackdown

Despite the court ruling, Paskevichyan vowed to continue screening the film in other formats.

The dispute over the documentary comes amid ongoing debates in Armenia about references made to the Declaration of Independence in the country’s constitution. The document states it is ‘based’ on a joint decision made by Soviet Armenia’s Supreme Council and the Nagorno-Karabakh National Council on the ‘reunification’ of the two territories.

Azerbaijani officials, including President Ilham Aliyev, have repeatedly stated in past years that Armenia’s constitution contains territorial claims against Azerbaijan, demanding that Yerevan change it.

While the Armenian authorities have confirmed plans to hold a referendum on changes to the constitution, also hinting that references to the Declaration of Independence would be removed, they have continuously denied that they were doing so under Azerbaijani pressure.

Asbarez: Armenian Court Bans Screening of Film on 1990’s Independence Movement

A scene from the popular demonstration that led to Armenia’s Independence in 1991


A court in Yerevan has banned the screening and distribution of a film about the 1990’s Armenian Independence movement, which has references to the 1988 Karabakh Liberation Movement. The court sided with a lawsuit filed by Armenia’s Public Broadcaster.

The film, “Our Path to Independence” was directed by Tigran Paskevichyan and produced on commission by Public Television of Armenia—the very entity that brought the lawsuit. The court ruling prevents the film from being screened in the public.

The decision effectively prevents audiences from seeing the progression of the 1988 Karabakh movement and the declaration of independence in 1990, Paskevichyan told CivilNet.

The broadcaster argued in court that it owns the rights to the film because it financed the project.

“They say, we paid for it, so we bought it,” the director told Civilnet, adding that he would have accepted such a claim from a private company, but not from the public broadcaster.

The lawsuit was partly based on a screening held on May 2, 2025, at the headquarters of the opposition Armenian National Congress political party. Paskevichyan said he screened the film not only on that date but on multiple other occasions.

Before the legal dispute, the director had asked the broadcaster for permission to screen the film on other platforms but received no response. Despite the ruling, he said he plans to continue organizing screenings.

The chairman of the Public Broadcaster’s Council, Vasak Darbinyan, told CivilNet he was unaware of the case. Other council members could not be reached either.

This is not the first time Paskevichyan has faced obstacles in screening his work. His earlier film, Armenia’s Lost Spring, about the March 1, 2008 violence and the events that preceded it, also struggled to secure venues. He said similar restrictions existed under both former presidents Robert Kocharian and Serzh Sargsian, but described the current situation as unprecedented.

“Something has always been banned under every administration, but reaching the point where you are not even allowed to show your own film is the ultimate low,” he said.

Independence narrative under renewed scrutiny
The controversy comes amid broader political debates over Armenia’s independence narrative. The 1990 Declaration of Independence, which references the unification of Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh, has become a point of contention in both domestic and foreign policy discussions.

Azerbaijan has called the reference a challenge to its territorial integrity and has demanded constitutional changes as part of peace negotiations. Armenian authorities have launched a constitutional reform process, and a new draft is expected to remove references to the declaration.

Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan said in parliament last week that the declaration had embedded a “logic of conflict” in Armenia’s statehood.

“If you build your independence on conflict with all your neighbors, you make it impossible to live in your environment without external help,” he said, adding that such a framework increases dependence on outside actors.

The controversy can also be tied to Pashinyan’s rejection of the concept “historical justice,” which he said continuously paints Armenians as victims and prevents complete acceptance of their status as Armenians.

His reference, made last week, was directed to forcibly displaced Artsakh Armenians, who, he claimed should “settle down” in Armenia and accept their fate, without seeking justice for their displacement, which has been deemed ethnic cleansing by Azerbaijan.

Pashinyan said that by claiming ethnic cleansing Armenia was opening the door to counter claims of the same crimes by others.