April 13, 2026
Weeks ago 168.amthe had written that a meeting was organized with the participation of Levon Barseghyan, chairman of the board of trustees of Shirak State University (SSU), founder and head of Gyumri “Asparez” club, “pro-Westerners” and young people, about which Levon Barseghyan had published asparez.am on the website with the caption “Armenian-Azerbaijani dialogue and Armenia after 2018”.
We learned that it was not a unique event at all, and that Levon Barseghyan, abusing his official position, often organizes meetings of such a propaganda nature, and in fact, brainwashing events.
Remarkable information about the organizational form and content of these meetings reaches us from the ASU. The main coordinator, as we have already informed, is Levon Martirosyan, the dean of the Faculty of Natural Sciences and Mathematics of the University, formerly an active supporter of the ARF, who currently has an unclear political position, perhaps depending on the change in the situation.
But the most remarkable thing is that Levon Martirosyan, after finishing his “mission” and placing the students in the meeting with the Sorosians, tries not to appear in the footage, you’re a man, what do you know, what will happen tomorrow?
By the way, SSU students told us that during the last such meeting Levon Barseghyan and other Syrians present at the meeting actively promoted the thesis of withdrawing the 102nd Russian military base from Gyumri.
In fact, Levon Barseghyan is not retreating. Having suffered an inglorious defeat during the elections of the Gyumri Council of Elders, seeing that the people of Gyumri do not share his ideas in any case, the latter has now decided to spread them among the students.
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5 victims and 3 injured. BMW and Opel cars collided
On April 10, at 11:51, the Ministry of Internal Affairs 112 operational management center was alerted that cars had overturned near Aghin settlement in Shirak marz, and there were children inside. This is reported by the Rescue Service of the Ministry of Internal Affairs.
One combat unit from the fire-rescue squad of the Regional Rescue Department of the Ministry of Internal Affairs went to the scene.
It was found that BMW and Opel cars collided. Five citizens died and three children were taken to the medical center.
The rescuers cut off the power to the cars and brought the bodies closer to the car carrying the bodies.
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Armenia’s Centre for Vocational Education and Training Development joins UNEV
The National Centre for Vocational Education and Training Development (NCVETD) of Armenia has become a member of the UNEVOC Network, UNESCO’s global network for technical and vocational education and training (TVET) institutions.
By reinforcing institutional capacities and supporting skills development, the UNEVOC Network helps improve employability outcomes for young people and adults. The newly designated UNEVOC Centres contribute valuable insights in areas such as policy development, research, and the design of capacity-building initiatives for upskilling and reskilling.
The Global Developments Funds (GDF) from Armenia also earlier joined the network.
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The deputy suggested to the leadership of the Ministry of Defense to bathe once a week
Hayk Sargsyan, deputy of the ruling “Civil Contract” faction of the RA National Assembly, has severely criticized the living conditions prevailing in the armed forces, demanding to ensure the possibility of daily bathing for servicemen.
In a conversation with journalists in the parliament on April 6, the MP said that he has been asking the Minister of Defense to solve the issue of hygiene in the army for two years in vain. According to him, the problem was particularly aggravated back in 2024, when the case of a soldier’s death from pneumonia, which was probably caused by bathing in cold water, was discussed in a closed meeting.
Sargsyan emphasized that the practice of bathing once a week has generally been preserved only in a number of underdeveloped states, while daily bathing is considered the norm in dozens of armies of the world. The deputy noted that this change does not require additional financial costs.
Although conditions have improved in some newly built military units, most servicemen continue to bathe only once a week.
Since the problem is not solved for a long time, the politician came up with a unique proposal. The leadership of the Ministry of Defense should themselves switch to this hygiene regimen and bathe once a week until proper living conditions are ensured for the soldiers.
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Civil Society and Armenia’s 2026 Elections: Oversight, Trust, and Practical C
As Armenia prepares for its parliamentary elections scheduled for June 7, 2026, civil society organizations are once again expected to play an important role in the public sphere. Elections are not only moments of political competition. They also test the quality of institutions, the credibility of public information, and the strength of oversight mechanisms. The Central Electoral Commission has already opened the 2026 election framework online, including procedures for accrediting observer organizations and media representatives, which underlines how early the institutional preparations have begun.[1]
A Watchdog Role Within an Established Legal Framework
Artur Sakunts, head of the Helsinki Citizens’ Assembly Vanadzor Office, views civil society’s role during elections as closely connected to its broader democratic function. In his words, “Civil society’s role during elections is to observe, assess, and contribute to transparency within the framework of the law.” This framing place civil society within the institutional environment rather than outside it. Its role is not to replace formal institutions, but to observe how electoral rules are implemented, to follow developments attentively, and to raise concerns through professional and lawful channels when necessary. In this sense, the watchdog function is primarily about oversight and procedural accountability within the existing legal structure. At the same time, Mr. Sakunts underlines that election observation should not be limited to procedural compliance alone. In his view, it also requires attention to the broader democratic content of the electoral process, including whether political actors participating in elections uphold democratic values in practice. This aspect becomes particularly important in the context of hybrid threats, where the quality of democratic competition may be shaped not only by formal procedures, but also by the extent to which public discourse and political conduct remain consistent with democratic principles.
Observation Is Professional Practice
Election observation in Armenia is conducted by licensed organizations operating with trained teams and established methodologies. It is structured work that requires preparation, coordination, and adherence to clearly defined standards. Zara Hovhannisyan, co-founder of New Justice Culture NGO and board member of Transparency International Armenia, emphasizes this professional dimension. “Professional election observation requires trained teams, licensing, and consistent methodology,” she notes. Public materials from the Central Electoral Commission indicate that observer accreditation procedures are underway, underscoring the institutional character of the process. At the same time, Ms. Hovhannisyan observes that the number of organizations engaged in systematic election monitoring remains limited. Ensuring broad geographic coverage requires considerable resources, making organizational capacity an important consideration.
Both interviewees also refer to concerns about individuals or groups participating in the election environment whose accreditation status or methodological standards may not always be clear. Such situations can create confusion and potentially affect public perceptions of monitoring efforts. Maintaining professional standards therefore contributes not only to the quality of observation itself, but also to the broader credibility of the process.
The Information Environment
Elections are shaped not only by procedures, but also by the information environment surrounding them. Media coverage, political messaging, and digital platforms influence how voters interpret events. The interviewees point to misinformation and polarized media dynamics as recurring features of election periods. Armenia is not unique in this regard. Regional experience shows that election campaigns often coincide with heightened narrative competition and intensified public debate. International observation of Armenia’s 2021 parliamentary elections noted significant political polarization in the campaign environment, while also describing the overall process as competitive and generally well administered.[2] For this reason, civil society engagement extends beyond polling station observation. It also involves public communication, clarification of procedures, and contributions to fact-based discussion. This broader emphasis is reflected in international cooperation frameworks as well. For example, the Council of Europe’s Action Plan for Armenia for 2023–2026 includes measures aimed at strengthening media literacy and countering disinformation in the pre-election context.[3]
Cooperation and Institutional Development
Both experts note that cooperation between civil society organizations and state institutions has developed in several areas, including electoral legislation, anti-corruption strategies, police-related policy frameworks, and human rights initiatives. This cooperation, however, tends to be issue-specific rather than part of a comprehensive coordination mechanism. Such a pattern is not uncommon in transitional democratic contexts, where interaction between public institutions and civil society often evolves gradually through targeted engagement rather than permanent institutionalized partnership. Regional examples such as Moldova and Romania were mentioned as cases where sustained professional monitoring practices and capacity-building initiatives have contributed to strengthening electoral oversight. These experiences may offer methodological insights relevant to Armenia’s ongoing institutional development.
Armenia’s electoral framework provides formal procedures for oversight and participation, and civil society operates within this established legal structure. The effectiveness of oversight mechanisms therefore depends not only on legislation, but also on the practical quality of cooperation and professional practice over time.
Funding, Capacity, and Continuity
Like many civil society sectors in the region, Armenian NGOs operate within financial and organizational constraints. Election monitoring requires trained personnel, logistical coordination, and continuity across electoral cycles. Funding thus becomes a structural factor shaping what is feasible. International donors have historically played an important role in supporting civil society initiatives in Armenia. At the same time, changes in funding priorities and reductions in certain forms of support have introduced a degree of unpredictability. State grant mechanisms also exist, though they remain limited relative to the scope of societal issues addressed by civil society actors. Sustaining professional expertise and institutional memory beyond a single election cycle is therefore a central challenge. In this respect, continuity and organizational stability matter as much as financial resources.
Public Trust Across a Diverse Sector
The interviews also highlight that public perception of civil society is not uniform. Levels of trust may vary depending on the thematic focus of individual organizations. Groups engaged in election monitoring and transparency-related activities often operate within clearly defined legal frameworks, which may facilitate broader public recognition of their role. Organizations addressing issues that intersect with social, cultural, religious, minority, or other sensitive areas may encounter more complex public reactions. These variations do not necessarily reflect questions of institutional legitimacy; rather, they illustrate how societal context shapes the reception of civic engagement. Civil society in Armenia therefore represents a diverse field of actors rather than a single unified entity. Differences in visibility, public acceptance, and thematic focus are part of that diversity.
Beyond Observation
Taken together, these interviews suggest that civil society remains an integral part of Armenia’s electoral environment. Its contribution includes observation, monitoring, communication, and participation in policy dialogue. At the same time, its role is shaped by practical realities: organizational capacity, funding conditions, coordination practices, and the broader information environment. Civil society does not determine electoral outcomes, but it contributes to transparency, public confidence, and institutional accountability within the existing legal framework. In Armenia, as in many democratic systems undergoing institutional development, elections are influenced not only by formal procedures, but also by the broader relationship between institutions, professional oversight actors, and public trust. Civil society’s engagement forms part of that wider ecosystem.
This article draws on interviews conducted with Armenian civil society representatives in March 2026.
About author: Siranush Grigoryan is a PhD candidate in International Law.
[1] Central Electoral Commission of the Republic of Armenia (CEC). Parliamentary Elections 2026 – Official Information Portal.
[2] OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR). International Election Observation Mission to the Republic of Armenia: Parliamentary Elections, 20 June 2021 – Final Report.
[3] Council of Europe. Action Plan for Armenia 2023–2026.
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Armenia’s ties with Russia at post-independence low
April 3 2026
Armenia’s ties with Russia at post-independence low
Elliott, an analyst with the Armenian Mirror-Spectator, told TVP World’s Eastern Express program that while Russia will remain a regional power Armenia cannot ignore, the country’s broader trajectory is now clearly westward.
His comments come as Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan continues to signal that closer integration with Europe is a strategic goal, while also stressing that any final decision on EU membership would belong to the Armenian public.
‘Stunning reversal’
“There is a consensus in Armenia that Armenia is making a westward shift,” Elliott said, describing what he sees as a fundamental change in the country’s geopolitical orientation.
He cautioned that Russia is “not going anywhere,” given Armenia’s geography, history and economic links, but said ties with Moscow are now at their lowest point since Armenia gained independence in 1991
He also acknowledged that pro-Russian voices still matter in Armenian politics, especially among voters with family, business or labor ties to Russia. But, he argued, the balance has changed sharply. “Armenia actually sees actors like France and the European Union as much closer allies than it does Russia, which is a stunning reversal.”
That change has unfolded against the backdrop of Armenia’s growing frustration with Moscow’s security guarantees and its cooled relationship with the Russia-led Collective Security Treaty Organization.
In February 2024, Armenia suspended its participation in the CSTO – a military alliance made up of former Soviet states and the Kremlin’s answer to NATO – with Pashinyan saying the bloc had failed the country.
The Kremlin’s limits
Elliott said a recent meeting between Pashinyan and Russian President Vladimir Putin appeared awkward, reflecting a relationship that is increasingly strained in public as well as behind closed doors.
He suggested Moscow still wants to remind Yerevan of the limits of its room for maneuver, particularly as Armenia heads toward a parliamentary election in June.
That tension was also visible in Putin’s remarks on Armenia’s European ambitions.
While the Russian leader said Moscow was calm about Yerevan developing ties with the EU, he also underlined that Armenia could not simultaneously belong to both the EU’s customs framework and the Eurasian Economic Union.
Pashinyan, for his part, has said Armenia will continue trying to balance its current commitments with its longer-term European aspirations.
Railways: symbol of dependence
The interview also turned to Armenian railways, which remain under Russian control as a legacy of earlier debt-for-assets arrangements. Elliott said that issue has become a symbol of how post-Soviet dependence still constrains Armenia’s strategic choices.
He argued that the rail system no longer fits Yerevan’s ambition to turn Armenia into a regional transit hub linking Georgia, Iran, Turkey and, eventually, broader trade routes across the region.
Kazakhstan has been mentioned as one possible alternative partner, he noted, while French and US interest has also surfaced in discussions about infrastructure and modernization.
The broader direction of travel, however, appears clear. Armenia has been widening cooperation with European partners, including Poland, as it tries to reduce its reliance on Moscow while avoiding an outright rupture with its powerful neighbor.
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Armenian PM strikes combative tone in talks with Putin
Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan adopted an assertive tone during talks with Russian President Vladimir Putin in Moscow on April 1, with sharp differences emerging over elections, security ties and Armenia’s geopolitical direction.
Speaking at a joint press conference in the Kremlin, both leaders sought to emphasise continued cooperation, but their remarks revealed underlying tensions in the relationship between the traditional allies.
Ahead of Armenia’s June general election, Putin pointing to the presence of pro-Russian figures who, he said, should be allowed to participate fully in the country’s political life.
“In Armenia we have many friends, many, we know that. Many Armenians live in the Russian Federation… we consider it more than 2 million people,” Putin said. “And there are many political forces that have a pro-Russian position.”
He added: “We would very much like all these political parties, political figures to be able to participate in this internal political work during the elections. Some, I know, are in places of detention, despite the fact that they have a Russian passport. That is your decision, we do not interfere, but we would like them to be able to participate, at least, in this internal political process.”
Pashinyan pushed back firmly, underlining Armenia’s democratic credentials. “As for our domestic political processes… Armenia is a democratic country, and we almost always have political processes,” he said. “In fact, twice a year we hold municipal elections… I want to say that we have citizens who think that there is too much democracy in Armenia. But this is a matter of principle for us.”
He added that “social networks are 100% free in our country, there are no restrictions at all”.
Directly addressing Putin’s remarks, Pashinyan said: “To be honest, we do not have participants in political processes in places of detention.”
He also drew a constitutional red line on foreign citizenship: “Only those citizens who have exclusively Armenian passports can participate in these elections… with all due respect, but persons with Russian passports… cannot be either candidates for deputies or candidates for prime minister.”
Balancing act between EU and Russia
Differences also surfaced over Armenia’s deepening ties with the European Union, an issue Moscow has watched closely.
Putin struck a pragmatic but cautionary tone. “We see that Armenia is discussing developing relations with the European Union. We are completely calm about this,” he said. “We understand that any country seeks maximum benefits from cooperation with third countries.”
However, he warned: “Being in a customs union with the European Union and the Eurasian Economic Union is impossible. It is simply impossible by definition… this isn’t even a political issue, but a purely economic one.”
Pashinyan acknowledged the incompatibility but suggested Yerevan would continue to navigate both tracks for as long as possible.
“As long as it’s possible to combine these agendas, we will do so,” he said. “And when processes develop to the point where a decision must be made, I am confident that the citizens of the Republic of Armenia will accept it.”
At the same time, he sought to reassure Moscow: “Our relations with the Russian Federation have never been and never will be in question, because these ties and relations are very deep and non-negotiable.”
Putin also highlighted Russia’s economic role as a trade partner for Armenia and particularly in energy supplies.
“The price of gas in Europe exceeds $600 per 1,000 cubic meters, and Russia sells gas to Armenia for $177.5,” he said. “The difference is big. The difference is significant.”
The comment appeared aimed at reinforcing the tangible benefits of Armenia’s partnership with Russia at a time when Pashinyan has said Yerevan will seek closer ties with the EU.
CSTO tensions remain unresolved
Longstanding disagreements over Armenia’s relationship with the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) also resurfaced. Armenia has frozen its membership of the organisation and taken steps to formally withdraw after Yerevan failed to secure CSTO support during fighting with Azerbaijan in 2022.
Putin linked the bloc’s inaction during recent regional crises to Armenia’s own political decisions, particularly its recognition of Azerbaijan’s territorial integrity.
“After you accepted in Prague in 2022 that Karabakh is part of Azerbaijan, the CSTO’s intervention… was simply absolutely wrong,” he said.
Pashinyan, however, reiterated his government’s frustration with the alliance. “We have never hidden our problems with the CSTO,” he said. “In 2022 we had a specific situation… and, in my opinion, the CSTO mechanisms should have been activated, but they were not activated.”
He added that Armenia has effectively suspended participation in the bloc’s activities: “We are not currently participating in the work of the CSTO for a simple reason: we are still unable to explain to our people… why the CSTO did not respond, despite the obligations that exist.”
Despite the pointed exchanges, both leaders stopped short of signalling a rupture. Instead, the meeting highlighted a relationship under strain, as Armenia seeks greater autonomy in foreign and domestic policy while Russia emphasises the benefits of alignment. The public airing of disagreements, however, suggested a shift in tone, with Pashinyan more openly challenging Moscow on issues that have long simmered beneath the surface.
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School named after former IBF and WBO world champion Arthur Abraham under cons
The sports school, which will be named in honor of retired Armenian-German professional boxer Arthur Abraham, is under construction in Yerevan.
The school will be located in the Charbakh neighborhood of the Shengavit district.
Abraham posted a video from the construction site, thanking the Armenian government for building the school named after him.
Arayik Harutyunyan, Chief of Staff of the Prime Minister’s Office, said that by naming the school after Abraham, the government is paying tribute to the renowned athlete.
“In the Charbakh district of Shengavit, the magnificent school named after Arthur Abraham is being built. Beyond expressing our appreciation for our renowned boxer, we are also constructing a sports complex unlike anything the Shengavit administrative district has ever seen. Let us value our athletes,” Harutyunyan wrote on social media.
Arthur Abraham held multiple world championships in two weight classes, including the IBF middleweight title from 2005 to 2009, and the WBO super-middleweight title twice between 2012 and 2016.
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Armenia, Dutch FMs discuss strengthening strategic partnership
Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Armenia Ararat Mirzoyan held a telephone conversation with Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Kingdom of the Netherlands Tom Berendsen, the Armenian Foreign Ministry said in a readout.
Minister Mirzoyan congratulated his Dutch counterpart on assuming the position and wished him success, emphasizing Armenia’s commitment to consistently developing its partnership with the Netherlands.
The ministers discussed efforts aimed at enriching the strategic partnership agenda between Armenia and the Netherlands. They expressed satisfaction with the importance attached to cooperation with Armenia in the coalition agreement of the Dutch government.
The prospects for cooperation in various formats, including the deepening of the Armenia–EU partnership, were also discussed. The upcoming high-level visits and events, including the European Political Community Summit and the “Yerevan Dialogue” diplomatic forum, were addressed.
Mirzoyan and Berendsen also exchanged views on challenges on the path to democratic development.
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Qatari Prime minister, Armenian FM discuss ways to resolve disputes by peacefu
DOHA: Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs HE Sheikh Mohammed bin Abdulrahman bin Jassim Al Thani received a phone call from Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Armenia HE Ararat Mirzoyan.
During the call, they explored the developments of the military escalation in the region and its serious repercussions for regional and international security and stability, in addition to ways to resolve all disputes by peaceful means.
The Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs emphasized, during the call, the necessity of halting the unjustified Iranian attacks on Qatar and other countries in the region, warning in this context against the irresponsible targeting of vital infrastructure, particularly that related to water, food, and energy facilities.
He also stressed the need to strengthen coordination, intensify joint efforts, return to the negotiating table, and prioritize reason and wisdom to contain the crisis, thereby ensuring global energy security, freedom of navigation, environmental safety, and preserving regional stability.
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