Tourists flock to Jermuk for quintessential spa town experience

 09:00, 7 February 2024

JERMUK, FEBRUARY 7, ARMENPRESS. Jermuk, the mountain spa town in southern Armenia known for its hot springs, is a must-see destination for tourists visiting the country and a favorite weekend getaway spot for Armenians.

This year, the town had the most snow across the country, with January depth measurements reaching 95cm, according to meteorologists. This further boosted the tourism flow as people wanted to explore the winter magic and savour the breathtaking views.

Jermuk was full of tourists especially during the Christmas holidays. Over 3,000 tourists visited the town during the holidays. According to Jermuk City Hall, the town's population is 5,800. 

However, hotel, guesthouse and spa prices did not skyrocket amid the growing tourist flow and instead remained the same, with a one-night stay for 2 adults starting around $12 up to $150 depending on what kind of a hotel you choose.

Photos by Mkhitar Khachatryan


Yerevan authorities plan to open animal shelter for stray dogs

 09:34, 7 February 2024

YEREVAN, FEBRUARY 7, ARMENPRESS. Yerevan City Hall plans to open an animal shelter for stray dogs.

The facility will be designed for permanent care of up to 300 dogs.

Harutyun Arakelyan, the director of Yerevan City Hall’s Animal Care Center, an organization tasked with vaccinating and sterilizing and then releasing stray dogs back to the streets, told Armenpress that the animals will be vaccinated, treated, sterilized and permanently cared for by veterinarians at the new shelter.

The stray dogs will not be caged in the facility, Arakelyan said. The animals will instead freely move within the shelter.

The shelter is planned to be opened in 2024.

Furthermore, the Animal Care Center of the city will then focus on the adoption process. Arakelyan said that there are numerous problems concerning the issue of stray dogs because there are no clear laws on the matter. “We’ve had many meetings with lawmakers, now there is a bill aimed at preventing irresponsible treatment of animals envisaging, among others, fines for those who would violate the regulations, and this will overall regulate the area,” he said, noting that some dog owners irresponsibly abandon their dogs in the streets after few months of ownership.

After the first permanent shelter is opened, authorities plan to open such facilities in other districts.

Over 3,400 stray dogs were sterilized and vaccinated against rabies in 2023 by the Animal Care Center, which now runs a clinic.

Armenian Foreign Minister meets with Secretary-General of Permanent Court of Arbitration

 10:25, 7 February 2024

YEREVAN, FEBRUARY 7, ARMENPRESS. Armenian Minister of Foreign Affairs Ararat Mirzoyan has met with Marcin Czepelak, the Secretary-General of the Permanent Court of Arbitration, during his visit to the Netherlands, the foreign ministry said.

FM Mirzoyan and Czepelak discussed “matters pertaining to the activity of the Permanent Court of Arbitration,” the foreign ministry said in a readout. They also exchanged views around possibilities of Armenia’s partnership with the Permanent Court of Arbitration.

The foreign minister and Czepelak also discussed the overall security situation in the South Caucasus and existing challenges.

Yerevan ex-mayor Hayk Marutyan loses City Council seat

 11:43, 7 February 2024

YEREVAN, FEBRUARY 7, ARMENPRESS. Yerevan City Council on Wednesday voted to oust Councillor Hayk Marutyan for "unexcused absences" from the body’s sessions.

Marutyan denied the motive of the move initiated by the Civil Contract faction as politically motivated. He said that the majority wanted to oust him and several other councillors because they have demanded the resignation of Mayor Tigran Avinyan. Marutyan was ousted with 34 votes.

By law, City Council has the power to oust a councillor for being absent from more than half of sittings or votes. Marutyan has skipped all the 42 votes held during the current sitting. The former Yerevan Mayor says he boycotted the sessions as a sign of protest.

Civil Contract faction leader, Armen Galjyan, said that councillors ought to respect the city council and those displaying disregard should leave.

Marutyan argued that no one has the right to deprive him of his seat, as he’s been elected to office for a 5-year term. He said he’s been performing his duties outside of the sessions.

Councillor Narine Hayrapetyan was also ousted during the session.

A group of Yerevan City councillors representing the ruling Civil Contract faction have introduced a bill seeking to oust several councillors for what they describe as 'unexcused absences' from the body’s sittings.

The bill has been debated at an extraordinary session of City Council on February 5.

Besides Marutyan and Hayrapetyan, the Civil Contract faction seeks the ousting of Mother Armenia faction councillors Sona Aghekyan, Gevorg Stepanyan and Zaruhi Postanjyan.

New domestic violence prevention bill, including ban on virginity testing, passes first reading in parliament

 12:08, 7 February 2024

YEREVAN, FEBRUARY 7, ARMENPRESS. The Armenian parliament adopted on Wednesday at first reading by 63-32-1 votes a bill authored by Civil Contract faction MPs aimed at preventing domestic violence.

Opposition MPs voted it down citing several issues concerning the wording of the legislation.

MP Zaruhi Batoyan, the author of the bill, told lawmakers that her legislation seeks to increase the effectiveness of the protection of domestic violence victims, and to prevent domestic violence.

Virginity testing is defined as a form of violence in the bill.

The law, among others, will also protect children, define timeframes of protection, set free healthcare for victims and set other regulations.

Armine Kyureghyan, an opposition MP from Hayastan faction, disagreed with the wording “partner” in the legislation. Batoyan said this issue is still under discussion. The authors explained that under current law police don’t have grounds to apply the domestic violence protection law if the victim isn’t married to the suspected abuser.

“We received signals from the law enforcement system that when officers enter the house and want to take the victim of violence under protection, unfortunately these women were not taken under protection because they didn’t have a marriage registration paper, because the law requires this paper. Couples who are engaged, or unmarried couples, will from now on be under protection. This bill has a highly important component of prevention,” said MP Sona Ghazaryan. She said that 14 women died in 2023 as a result of domestic violence.

Opposition MP Artsvik Minasyan disagreed with the arguments, noting that a crime is a crime regardless of the relations between the victim and offender and the current laws are sufficient. 

Kyureghyan disapproved of the virginity testing ban. She said that his is a “strong cultural problem.” Furthermore, the MP was concerned over the legal certainty stemming from the regulations. “How would an attorney prove that no virginity testing has occurred? What kind of mechanisms would work?,” she asked.

Zaruhi Batoyan said the legislation is about family values. “We must treat domestic violence differently. This isn’t a usual type of violence. It’s no coincidence that the new law defines the circle of people considered as family members,” she said, highlighting the need for additional regulations.

The aggravating circumstances in several articles of the criminal code will be amended to include the gender-based grounds, as well as whether the crime has been committed by the victim’s family member, partner, or former partner.

Asbarez: Aliyev Casts Ballot in Occupied Stepanakert

President Ilham Aliyev of Azerbaijan cast his ballot for his re-election during Wednesday snap polls in Stepanakert, the capital of occupied Artsakh.

Aliyev announced the snap election after the September attack in Artsakh, which saw the forced displacement of more than 100,000 Armenians who fled to Armenia.

He hailed Wednesday’s vote as the first elections to be held in the “entire territory” of Azerbaijan, with the country’s Central Electoral Commission reporting that 26 polling stations were established in occupied Artsakh.

As the polls closed at 7 p.m. local time, Aliyev was expected to be the “winner” of the election with more than 93 percent of the votes. This will secure the Azerbaijani despot another seven years at the helm of the country, which he and his father, Haydar, have been ruling for 30 years.

President Recep Tayyip Erdogan of Turkey did not wait until the official results and called to congratulate Aliyev on what he called “his decisive” victory. Erdogan also expressed hope that after the elections, a peace treaty with Armenia will be signed.

“The negotiations with Armenia, in which you have done a great job as a victorious leader, will also lead to the signing of a peace treaty,” Erdogan reportedly told Aliyev.

The press in Turkey also hailed Wednesday’s Azerbaijani elections as a “victory.”

Media outlets reported that more than 23,000 people cast ballots in the occupied city of Shushi.

The only international organization invited to monitor the elections was the OSCE. A member of that monitoring team, Swiss lawmaker Nik Gugger was arrested on Monday and later expelled from Azerbaijan for his previous criticism of the Baku regime.

There Will be No Peace if Armenia is Guided by Independence Declaration, Pashinyan Says

Armenia's Declaration of Independence was adopted on August 23, 1990


Prime Minister Reveals One Aspect of Draft Peace Treaty as He Steps Up Push for New Constitution

Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan on Wednesday continued his push for a new Constitution and doubled down on his opposition to Armenia’s Declaration of Independence, saying that if Armenia is guided by that document there will be no peace.

Certain provisions of the Declaration of Independence are cited in Armenia’s current Constitution.

He said there are three guidelines embedded in the Declaration of Independence: the aspirations of the Armenian people, historical justice and the Nagorno-Karabakh issue. Pashinyan emphasized that peace would be impossible if Armenia continues to be guided by a Constitution that echoes these aspects of the Declaration of Independence.

The prime minister also questioned what historical justice means, saying that the concept has not been defined and many circles in Armenia interpret historical justice to mean different things. He echoed the same sentiments about the “national aspirations of Armenian people.”

“…And finally, what does the reference to the decision on the unification of Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh mean?,” Pashinyan asked, saying that if policies are being advanced based on these principles then peace will not be possible to achieve. He added that serious discussions and considerations must take place about these issues.

Armenia’s Deceleration of Independence specifically states the need for the international recognition of the Armenian Genocide, as well as the imperative for the reunification of Artsakh and Armenia.

Pashinyan’s adamant disdain for these concept embedded in the Declaration of Independence, and thus the Constitution, have angered the opposition, which is claiming that Pashinyan is advancing the need for a new constitution under pressure from Ankara and Baku.

In his quest to quell criticism that he is advancing a new constitution to appease the peace the talks, Pashinyan, for the first time, revealed a provision of the so-called “peace treaty” being negotiated with Azerbaijan, claiming that both sides had agreed to the text.

“In terms of the signing of the peace treaty, even if such problems exist, they have been resolved. There is an agreed article in the text of the peace treaty stating that the parties cannot refer to their own legislation to avoid fulfilling any of their obligations under this treaty. The issue here is not and cannot be about the peace treaty at all,” said Pashinyan.

He went on to say, however, that while a constitution generally governs internal matters of a state, it also regulates foreign relations, “as is the case with the Constitution of any country.”

Pashinyan said that the world has changed since Armenia adopted a constitution and called for resilience in an effort to bolster Armenia’s security.

“The army and foreign relations should serve the legitimate interests of the given state within its internationally recognized territory. This is a step aimed at elevating the level of security by one level,” Pashinyan added.

Despite the prime minister’s claims of a new world order requiring changes in Armenia’s Constitution, there are no other countries rushing to amend their laws of the land, including in Turkey and Azerbaijan.

Asbarez: Russia and Armenia Have Obligations to Protect Territorial Integrity, Moscow Says

Russia and Armenia have mutual obligations, among them is protecting territorial integrity, sovereignty and security.

This assessment was made on Wednesday by Russian Foreign Ministry spokesperson Maria Zakharova, who said Armenia and Russia continue to be partners.

“Our countries continue to be partners, and we hope that the Armenian authorities will take all that into account amid the current geopolitical changes, making the right choice,” Zakharova added, when asked whether Armenia officially had submitted any documents pertaining to Yerevan’s perceived change in its political direction.

“Yerevan is also under collective security guarantees of the CSTO, including in the event of possible military aggression,” said Zakharova, emphasizing that there is a legal document between Russia and Armenia in the fields of security and military-technical cooperation.

Armenian constitutional reform sparks concerns

‘Hayakve’ initiative press conference (Facebook, February 6, 2024)

YEREVAN—Avetik Chalabyan, the coordinator of the “Hayakve” initiative, issued a stark warning during a February 6 press conference regarding the dangers posed by proposed constitutional reforms in Armenia.

Chalabyan said that under the pretext of constitutional amendments, there is a concerted effort to erode Armenian statehood, transforming the country into a semi-state entity beholden to Turkey and Azerbaijan. He accused the current administration of openly capitulating to pressure from Baku and using the threat of war to coerce the populace into accepting unconstitutional changes.

On January 19, Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan announced plans for a new Constitution. He argued that, rather than simply amend the current Constitution, Armenia requires a new legal framework to enhance its competitiveness and viability in light of evolving geopolitical dynamics.

Azerbaijan’s President Ilham Aliyev has appeared to lend credence to the conspiracy theories circulating in Armenia that Pashinyan is submitting to Azerbaijani demands. On February 1, Aliyev said that peace could be achieved between Armenia and Azerbaijan if the former revises its Constitution and other relevant documents. Aliyev highlighted Armenia’s Declaration of Independence, which is cited in the preamble of the Constitution, as a point of contention, viewing its reference to the unification of Armenia with Artsakh as a territorial claim against Azerbaijan.

In an interview with Armenian Public Radio on February 1, Prime Minister Pashinyan expressed concerns that maintaining references to the Declaration of Independence in the Constitution could hinder peace efforts. He said that Armenia’s economic growth and military reforms might be perceived as preparation for war, potentially leading to hostility from neighboring countries.

Armenian Foreign Minister Ararat Mirzoyan initially downplayed rumors linking the proposed constitutional changes to peace negotiations, but later acknowledged Azerbaijan’s concerns regarding Armenia’s Declaration of Independence.

Mirzoyan said that both countries had identified legal issues within each other’s constitutions and provided clarifications. However, the Armenian opposition accuses the government of aiming to remove references to the Declaration of Independence from the Constitution, particularly those pertaining to the reunification of Armenia and Artsakh. This controversy underscores the complex dynamics at play as both nations navigate the path to lasting peace and stability in the region.

The “Hayakve” initiative, known for its advocacy against recognizing Artsakh as part of Azerbaijan, has consistently opposed such measures. During the February 6 press conference, Chalabyan reiterated the initiative’s commitment to upholding Armenia’s national goals, as enshrined in the Declaration of Independence. He emphasized the determination of the initiative’s participants to resist the government’s anti-national agenda through all available legal means.

Chalabyan reminded attendees that the “Hayakve” initiative seeks to criminalize any recognition of Artsakh as part of Azerbaijan, proposing severe penalties, including imprisonment, for officials who do so. The initiative also aims to penalize denial of the Armenian Genocide.

Chalabyan warned of the grave consequences of succumbing to dishonor, stressing the imperative of preserving Armenia’s sovereignty and historical legacy amid mounting threats.

Armenian opposition figures have accused PM Pashinyan of capitulating to Azerbaijani pressure by seeking to remove any mention of Artsakh and the Armenian Genocide from the constitution, potentially leading to further concessions from Armenia to Azerbaijan and Turkey.

During a February 6 session of the Armenian National Assembly, Artur Khachatryan, a deputy of the “Hayastan” faction, raised concerns over what he perceives as a threat to Armenia’s independence and sovereignty.

Khachatryan highlighted the presence of Azerbaijani troops on 150-200 square kilometers of Armenia’s territory, criticizing the government’s inaction in addressing this issue. He accused the authorities of complacency in the face of Turkish and Azerbaijani demands, particularly regarding proposed changes to the Armenian Constitution.

“The Turks demand that we change the Constitution of the Republic of Armenia,” stated Khachatryan, suggesting that the government’s efforts in drafting constitutional amendments have been influenced by Turkish pressure. He drew a comparison to General Douglas MacArthur’s demand for constitutional changes in Japan following its capitulation after World War II. 

Khachatryan criticized what he described as a capitulant political force within Armenia, which he believes is allowing Turkish interference and undermining Armenian sovereignty. He suggested that the proposed amendments may be influenced by external forces, particularly Azerbaijan, with the intention of weakening Armenia.

Khachatryan is one of several lawmakers from the “Hayastan” faction who the Armenian Foreign Ministry has permitted to see a confidential document outlining several proposals for an Armenia-Azerbaijan peace treaty. In a February 6 interview with Azatutyun, Khachatryan refrained from divulging specifics of the draft peace agreement, yet shared his skepticism about Azerbaijan’s genuine commitment to peace, suggesting that Azerbaijan lacks sincere intentions for reconciliation.

Khachatryan argued that Azerbaijan’s supposed preference for a stronger Armenia contradicts its historical behavior, suggesting that aggressors typically target weaker states. He highlighted the simultaneous demands made by Aliyev and Pashinyan, hinting at potential manipulation tactics employed by Azerbaijan to influence Armenia’s constitutional reforms.

Gegham Manukyan, also a member of the opposition “Hayastan” faction, has voiced apprehensions regarding the government’s intentions, suggesting that the proposed constitutional amendments are aimed at addressing Azerbaijan’s demands while simultaneously consolidating power within Armenia. 

Manukyan, also having reviewed the draft peace agreement at the Foreign Ministry, said that Pashinyan’s primary objective in this process is clear – to align the constitutional changes with demands outlined in the peace agreement. He told Azatutyun that such a move poses a significant risk to Armenia’s newly established statehood. 

As part of the ongoing endeavor to redefine various aspects of Armenian identity, Alen Simonyan, the Speaker of the National Assembly of Armenia, recently took to Telegram to articulate his support for transforming both the national anthem and coat of arms of the Republic of Armenia.

Abraham Gasparyan, Ph.D., a political scientist and the founder and director of Genesis Armenia, recently voiced his perspective on the proposed alterations to the Armenian Constitution and national symbols. Speaking on his program “Change the Channel with Abraham Gasparyan,” he delved into the significance of national emblems, including anthems, flags and coats of arms, asserting that they serve as mirrors reflecting a nation’s evolving societal landscape and geopolitical context.

Gasparyan underscored the emotive resonance inherent in national anthems, portraying them as potent instruments capable of evoking patriotic sentiments and historical consciousness. He lamented what he perceived as a lack of reverence from the Armenian government, particularly under PM Pashinyan’s administration, towards the national anthem and its profound symbolism. Gasparyan accused the authorities of belittling the sacrifices made by previous generations in the pursuit of national freedom, cautioning that such disregard could precipitate further losses, potentially including the territories of Artsakh and Armenia.

Hoory Minoyan was an active member of the Armenian community in Los Angeles until she moved to Armenia prior to the 44-day war. She graduated with a master's in International Affairs from Boston University, where she was also the recipient of the William R. Keylor Travel Grant. The research and interviews she conducted while in Armenia later became the foundation of her Master’s thesis, “Shaping Identity Through Conflict: The Armenian Experience.” Hoory continues to follow her passion for research and writing by contributing to the Armenian Weekly.


AW: Why do we fear change and not embrace it?

A popular theme in our communities is relating our challenges to our leadership. As illustrated in my last column, there is certainly a leadership crisis in institutions such as the Armenian church. It is important to distinguish between leaders and leadership. Leaders in our communities are appointed or elected. Leadership is a reflection of their impact and can vary among leaders. Limiting our concerns to leaders would be incomplete and shallow. There are certain behavioral traits and cultural values that are both contributors and detractors. We are a community that lives in fear of change. We confuse retaining critical traditions with an intolerance of any change. The lack of change at times reflects the desire of the elite to concentrate and retain authority. How else can one explain not only the shameful division of our church in North America but also the broader jurisdictional issues that remain frozen with the two Sees? Over time, the faithful have developed a loyalty to either See based on personal experience. We feel attached to our local parishes and are less concerned about seemingly distant divisions. If it doesn’t impact our daily lives, then we tolerate the occasional inconveniences. As long as the faithful accept that role, why would the authority structure in either See be motivated to change? We choose to ignore the long-term impact. 

The diaspora has struggled with change for decades. The survivor generation built a community that closely reflected its ancestral upbringing through compatriotic organizations and use of our native language. The succeeding generation, led by American-born Armenians, brought American values into our community as we began to “modernize.” Today it is fair to say that change is a struggle that knocks at our door, yet we often refuse to answer. Denial seems to be a better alternative. Life in the diaspora is a struggle for identity survival. Educational and wealth opportunities are well defined and fuel the sustainability of our community, as long as we are not absorbed by assimilation. This is the major difference between life in the homeland and in the diaspora. Losing one’s ethnic identity is very difficult in a homogeneous homeland where culture, language and personal identity are constants. Armenians who wish to dilute their identity in the homeland find it challenging. In the diaspora, ethnic identity is a choice made personally or by the environment you enjoy. This freedom to choose is the main source of fear. We associate most change with a surrender of our core values. This is particularly true in the church, where change is difficult yet intermarriage and a secular world surround us. Still we cling to the status quo and keep the “lights on” for another generation.

I would like to offer a comparison between today’s diaspora in America and the experiences of our ancestors in historic Armenia. In its long history, Armenia has been invaded, occupied and subdued by nearly every regional force in the Middle East and Eurasia. Invasions brought atrocities and assimilation. The forces of cultural assimilation brought on by invading nations would have destroyed most people. In fact, history is full of former peers of Armenia that did not survive these advances. Yet, Armenia lived to see another day. The greatest catastrophe that Armenians experienced did not destroy the Armenian identity. A majority of the population in the western regions was massacred, a historic homeland usurped and the survivors scattered across the globe. Those scattered seeds built what we today refer to as our powerful diaspora. We have survived through adaptation. In our modern history, when the diaspora was formed, adjusting was not a new behavior. In fact, it was a vital part of our behavior for centuries. 

Eleanor Caroglanian and Seda Gelenian performing with the Gayanne Armenian Folk Dance Group at the New York City World’s Fair, 1965 (Photo: Project Save Photograph Archives, Twitter)

Our faith and our ability to adapt have been the key ingredients in our journey for survival. Much has been written about the central value of our faith. Many of us tend to be critical, speaking against the building of too many churches. Our churches have been destroyed by the Turks and others, but our faith was not lost, because it did not simply reside in a building. The invaders could not steal the faith buried deep in our hearts. Adaptation has been a consistent skill that has enabled our continued presence. 

Vartanantz is a highly visible example of when our ancestors decided to take a stand for over 34 years against incredible odds to preserve our faith and identity. Clearly, our history would have had a different path or ended were it not for the vision in 451-484. Often, our people made smaller compromises to survive. They understood what had to be retained and what could be expended for the benefit of the long term. 

Often, political independence was sacrificed in order for local cultural identity to be secured. The medieval model of Armenian princes operating under foreign conquerors illustrates this point. After the fall of the Bagratuni dynasty in the central highlands and resulting Seljuk Turk invasion, Armenians undertook a mass migration to the Cilicia region in the 11th century. To survive the Byzantine advances and Turkic onslaught, Armenians migrated to a new region and established a thriving kingdom in Sis. It became a cultural and religious center until the Ottoman Turkish genocide in the 20th century. Consider the challenge of moving whole communities and re-establishing viable political, religious and military roots. Does anyone believe that this was accomplished without significant adaptation? Our history tells us that they understood adjusting without capitulating. Armenians are not strangers to the threat of assimilation. They have lived with the impact of Persian, Arab, Byzantine and Turkish invasions yet survived.

Consider the challenge of moving whole communities and re-establishing viable political, religious and military roots. Does anyone believe that this was accomplished without significant adaptation? Our history tells us that they understood adjusting without capitulating. Armenians are not strangers to the threat of assimilation. They have lived with the impact of Persian, Arab, Byzantine and Turkish invasions yet survived.

How? Without sovereignty or freedom, they focused on what was important and foundational to our identity. They accepted the influences of invading cultures but held on to their core. We have different dialects today that reflect various periods of influence throughout our history. It is still the Armenian language. When Armenians from the diaspora go to Armenia for the first time, they are anxious about the eastern versus western dialect. This is a reflection of our political history. Persian Armenians and Eastern Armenians share a common outside influence, reflected in the dialect. When you arrive in Armenia, the anxiety is reduced. The minor inconveniences are forgettable. We are all Armenians. Change reflects adaptation, which enables survival.

Here in the American diaspora, we should not fear change but rather embrace the opportunity. It is far better to manage change rather than allow it to manage us. We are an evolving human species, and Armenians are a part of this world. Change is inevitable and should be encouraged to preserve the core of who we are. Resisting change will accelerate assimilation and cause unnecessary losses. Since last week’s column, I have received many heartfelt comments about the tragic relationship with the Armenian church. Armenians of faith see the church as the primary communal vehicle of our Christianity, yet they are frustrated with its static position in a difficult environment in the diaspora. Instead of addressing our challenges, as our ancestors did when foreigners challenged our identity, we have a tendency to ignore the “elephants in the room.” The impact of intermarriage, for example, is not going away. Our response has essentially been to be “welcoming” to non-Armenian spouses. There is a significant difference between “welcoming” and providing integration programs on church history, structure and canons. Some parishes may need language flexibility based on their demographics, and others may not. We seem to fear change because it could lead to our decline by diluting who we are. My perspective is that ignoring threats is a certain path to decline, and thoughtful change can reverse trends toward decline. We are the stewards of the church. It was given to us by our ancestors when it was brought to these shores. 

We are four or perhaps five generations into the U.S. diaspora experience. Clinging to all of the past will accelerate our decline. We must always remind ourselves that identity is a choice in the diaspora. Far too often, discussions on change conjure up perceptions of a radical dismantling of our identity. The people who advocate change also love the Armenian church and our culture. Their intent is to ensure survival by enabling adaptation. This is no different in concept than what our ancestors did for centuries to survive. Certain miracles have happened in our history, when the strain of survival became too great. Prior to the invention of the Armenian alphabet by Mashdots, Armenia was politically divided and as a result culturally fragmented. Although Armenian was a spoken language, written _expression_ was in the dominant regional cultures such as Greek, Aramaic or Persian. This was both limiting and culturally threatening to the national character. St. Mesrob’s gift from God and the following period of the Holy Translators altered the course of our civilization. In 1918, ravaged by genocide with huddled masses cornered into eastern Armenia, the miracle of Sardarabad defied all logic and prevented the erasure of Armenia from the map of the region. These are not coincidences. In our faith, these are blessings from Our Lord. It has been our responsibility, whether in the fourth century, Middle Ages, in Armenia or anywhere in the diaspora, to make wise forthright decisions that protect our history and future. This requires us to identify the core of our identity and protect it. 

In the case of the church and its sluggish leadership, the faithful have an equal responsibility to ensure we are moving forward. Blaming leaders may quell one’s conscience, but accomplishes little. It is irresponsible for adherents to complain as victims yet do little with their voices to promote progress. In each parish and diocese, we have an opportunity. Make your voice heard and demand results. The same should be applied to community organizations. Do not let the organizations become more than the mission they serve. Raise the expectations. Adapt to changing needs, so you can continue to serve with relevance. This behavior begins when each of us looks in the mirror and says, “What have I done today to overcome our fear of change and make our future in the diaspora more secure?” Even the best of our organizations are susceptible to becoming stale. You are the check and balance to ensure we remain effective.  

Columnist
Stepan was raised in the Armenian community of Indian Orchard, MA at the St. Gregory Parish. A former member of the AYF Central Executive and the Eastern Prelacy Executive Council, he also served many years as a delegate to the Eastern Diocesan Assembly. Currently , he serves as a member of the board and executive committee of the National Association for Armenian Studies and Research (NAASR). He also serves on the board of the Armenian Heritage Foundation. Stepan is a retired executive in the computer storage industry and resides in the Boston area with his wife Susan. He has spent many years as a volunteer teacher of Armenian history and contemporary issues to the young generation and adults at schools, camps and churches. His interests include the Armenian diaspora, Armenia, sports and reading.