Category: 2022

Kim Kachougian, May 20, 2022 (Photo By Tiffany Franco / NBC)

The Armenian community is fortunate to have a number of women pursuing creative careers and businesses. One of these women is Kim Kachougian, a set designer for one of the film units of Saturday Night Live (SNL). Kachougian, who has won three Emmy awards for her work, also owns her own floral design company, Mac & the Mushroom, based in Hoboken, NJ.

Kachougian received a BFA in theater design and a master’s degree in theater education from Adelphi University in Long Island, NY. After designing some shows off-off-Broadway, she moved to California to explore other career opportunities. She began working as a production assistant in film and television and then later moved back to New York, where she designed the windows at Macy’s. After overcoming several challenges, she was able to join the International Alliance of Theatrical Stage Employees (IATSE) union, which expanded her opportunities in TV, movies and commercials. At the time, it was difficult for a woman to be recognized, though the union has improved in its diversity. Kachougian says she has not experienced any overt oppression, but stated, “I think as a woman, you have to work harder to prove yourself in a man’s field. Typically, the job that I do, a lot of women do it. I’ve never experienced someone treating me differently because I’m a woman, but I think the pressure on women to step up and be just as good if not better is definitely there and felt, and I think the women work harder for that reason.”

Kachougian spent a few years doing television commercials until she was recommended for the SNL pre-tape film unit to work on “digital shorts.” Since then, she has been part of the expansion of film units. She and her husband, who are newlyweds, work together on the show. He manages production design while she is able to make creative decisions for the set, including props, decorations, lighting, flooring, picking furniture and more. Kachougian has been working at SNL for about 10 years, and her husband has been there for about seven or eight years. Each season of SNL consists of 21 shows, and they work on a rigorous production schedule for three days each week. The film unit receives the script on Wednesday night around 8:00 p.m. The production team then has a few hours to meet and design the whole skit on a Zoom call. Prior to COVID, they used to meet at 30 Rockefeller (also known as 30 Rock). The team includes the director, the director of photography, lighting, costumes, production designer, set designer, props, wardrobe, makeup, hair and the production support group (production coordinator, art department coordinator and the producer). All materials for the design of the show must be submitted before 6:00 a.m. the next morning. “You don’t have a lot of time to think, and you also have to take into consideration the items that you can actually get within 24 hours,” Kachougian noted. “You can design anything you want, but if you can’t produce it and have it show up in a truck the next afternoon, then it’s no good,” she said. Kachougian says her valuable connections with vendors over the years have helped her obtain set resources.

In describing her process, Kachougian explained that she makes a lengthy list of supplies on Wednesday night and enlists three people to shop for her. The longest day is Thursday, which consists of gathering all materials and building sets. The crew begins at 7:00 a.m. and works until 10 or 11:00 p.m. Sometimes, scenes are shot on Thursday if they can redress 30 Rock. Otherwise, they typically shoot sometime during the day or at night on Friday, then the skit is edited and produced for air on Saturday night. Kachougian says she puts in about 50 hours in those three days. “It’s always a surprise!” she stated. “You usually have more pre-production time when you do movies or TV. This is quite unique, and there is really nothing else that compares to the pace SNL has.”

Since each season of SNL is 21 shows and each show takes three days to produce, Kachougian stated that she only works 63 days of the year and can pursue other ventures the rest of the year. The show also follows a school schedule, so cast and crew have summers off. This allows Kachougian to focus on her personal floral design business Mac & the Mushroom.

Kachougian first ventured into floral design back in high school. She began working at a local flower shop and fell in love with the work. “I couldn’t get enough of it, but I never really thought about that as a career,” Kachougian reflected. “I went to school for theater, and it never occurred to me I could be something more than a hometown florist who delivered bouquets and arrangements. I didn’t realize that there was this whole world out there of events and big installations,” she enthused. As a set decorator, she has always designed the flowers based on her experience. She was inspired and encouraged by other set decorators to focus on floral design after working on the movie The Post, starring Meryl Streep. Kachougian took some classes to learn about mechanics, processing and how to work with flowers to keep them alive. In addition to the sets on SNL, she also does all the flower arrangements for dressing rooms. Her floral designs have been admired by Steve Martin, Aidy Bryant and the Kardashians, though Kachougian did note that she gets less facetime with celebrities these days after the pandemic.

SNL dressing room design

Kachougian started her floral design business four years ago. The name Mac & the Mushroom is inspired by her dog Mac and a giant orange mushroom that grew from an oak tree at her home in Vermont. “[Mac] had such an incredible spirit and was up for anything. He was the love of my life, my little boy. He passed away the next year, after I formed the company, so he’s not with us anymore, but he is always with us,” she shared.

Kim Kachougian’s dog Mac with the infamous orange mushroom

Kachougian is often hired for special events and hopes to enter the print and fashion industries. “I think the photography is what draws me, and the way that you can create a story with an image,” Kachougian stated. “It allows for more creative freedom.” Kachougian describes her aesthetic as modern. She enjoys creating what she calls a “floral blob,” which are shapes from just one or two types of flowers. Her favorite arrangement for SNL was for its Pride Month song last year, when she created a whimsical floral fantasy for a dream drag brunch.

Kim Kachougian’s design for SNL’s Pride Song, 2021

Kachougian shared with the Weekly how aspects of her Armenian identity and upbringing have influenced her success in the industry. “Growing up in an Armenian family, you have a different perspective of the world,” she said. “I feel like loyalty is a very strong thread throughout the Armenian community. In my work, we are very loyal to our crew, vendors, friends and family. That was a big influence in my life.” Kachougian was raised by a single working mom, a rarity she says in the Armenian community. Kachougian’s mother was the youngest of 12, so Kachougian grew up around many cousins who were from more traditional family units. “I learned my work ethic from [my mom]. I always knew that I was going to be a working person, not just one of those women who got married, had a family and raised children,” she shared. “That just wasn’t for me.” Kachougian also credits her unrelenting determination and drive, especially to get into the union, to her Armenian upbringing. “I think a lot of Armenians have that drive within them, whether they know it or not, and they’re successful,” she added. “There’s not a lot of Armenians, especially in America, who aren’t successful. They’re businesspeople, and they’re leaders. All of that plays a part just by the way I was raised – to just be in charge.”

Kim Kachougian and her mom

For all of her hard work, Kachougian has many outlets for relaxation and maintaining her mental and physical health. She and her husband love the outdoors, hiking with their dogs and skiing. Kachougian also does hot yoga and pilates. Her advice to young women wanting to get into the industry is to make connections with people and contact the union for apprenticeships or entry level opportunities. “I’ve always had really good luck getting jobs and connections with people by just calling them, reaching out, and saying hey, this is who I am and this is what I want to do,” Kachougian advised. “If you want something, go for it.”

The Armenian Diaspora was essentially created as a result of oppression. The early communities in the United States formed prior to the Genocide were a result of a lack of economic opportunity in the Ottoman-occupied areas or as a reaction to the massacres under the Sultan Abdul Hamid and the early years of the Young Turks (Ittihad ve Teraki). There were communities in the US prior to the Genocide, but the explosion of infrastructure and population took place after World War I with the forced expulsion of the survivors of the Genocide. Many found their way to the shores of a welcoming America.

My own paternal grandfather was typical of the pre-genocide immigration. He came to Massachusetts as a single man (18 years old) in 1913. His parents sent him here to escape the anticipated induction into the Ottoman army. He worked in Indian Orchard and lived in what amounted to rooming houses with other single Armenian men, many of whom were from his village of Koch Hisar in Sepastia. They all intended to return to the homeland once the risks passed. Armenians were used to weathering these storms created by evil forces bent on their destruction or world events. He returned along with over 5,000 others to fight in the Armenian Legion. His future wife (my Adanatzi grandmother) was forced to live in Egypt for two years at the age of nine to escape the Adana massacres. She returned with siblings to brave the challenges of surviving the horrors of 1915. After the conclusion of the war and the final betrayal of the allies in Cilicia, they did not return. This time it was different. They had been removed from their homeland of centuries and forced to bring what remained of their families and their culture to a new land. Their priority was the survival of their families and the retention of their heritage. For some, the transition was reasonable as family units arrived and went about the tasks of establishing roots. For others, separated by the atrocities, it would be years before their families would be reunited. My wife’s aunt was separated from her mother for several years before they could reunite in Chicago. They persevered and played by the rules with gratitude for the opportunity to live in freedom.

These individuals built families which in turn became communities and collectively became the diaspora of the United States. We have often referenced 1965 as an important reflection point in the history of the diaspora. It was the 50th anniversary of the Genocide and has become known as the “re-awakening” of political and advocacy activism in our communities. The year 1991 also changed the direction of the diaspora in terms of responsibility and focus. The actual transformation occurred from 1988 to 1991. With the tragic earthquake, the diaspora responded with unprecedented support for the still Soviet state of Armenia. In parallel with a growing political movement seeking the independence of Armenia and Artsakh, the diaspora engaged with the homeland on levels unheard of just a few years earlier. Prior to this timeframe, the diaspora in the US had been primarily focused on building its own infrastructure of churches, centers, schools and youth programs. There had been, however. several major efforts to support our brethren in the Middle East, the most noteworthy being the relationship with the Antelias See of Cilicia in Lebanon. With the emergence of the independent states of Armenia and Artsakh, the diaspora took on an additional responsibility—the homeland. While it was not constitutionally mandated and at times the “pull” beyond financial resources was limited, the diaspora has been all in with private and public partnerships to advance all aspects of society in the twin states. Worldwide advocacy has promoted Genocide justice and support for Armenia and Artsakh. It is an almost overwhelming responsibility for the diaspora to see their romantic visions of a free Armenia blurred with a 30-percent unemployment rate, corruption and political isolation. How is this possible from a people scattered to all edges of the world a few generations ago only to blossom with a credible respected presence in virtually every corner of this earth? These are the cards we have been dealt. The balance between investing in the diaspora and the homeland has been the challenge for over 30 years. While the process remains the same with communities in the diaspora and the homeland now an integral part of that equation, the dynamics of that “community” have evolved significantly.

It is interesting to note how certain words have widely varied meanings in our hyphenated life in the diaspora. Take the word “assimilation.” It generally refers to the absorption of one culture into another—a merger of sorts when usually one culture dominates. Assimilation is a key component of American culture. Cultures from all over the world come to the US and engage in something new. It suggests that you will lose some of what you came with as you become a functioning part of American society. It begins usually by periods of isolation and discrimination while the assimilation process reaches some level of critical mass. The Irish were subjected to this for many decades. The Armenians didn’t look like western Europeans and were subjected to disrespect. The Black community and Native Americans have long been victimized. The extent of the struggle seems to relate to how quickly cultures “assimilate,” but the question remains to what extent are they assimilating?

The level of integration into American society, for example economically and linguistically, enables what we have come to call the hyphenated American. When we retain our heritage and embrace this society, we are known as Polish-Americans, Black-Americans and Armenian-Americans. Where is the balance? How is it managed and how does it relate to the dual responsibility of the Armenian community here in America? The term “assimilation” strikes some level of fear in the Armenian community. Although the core definition remains the same, the application and implication are quite different. Armenians in America seem to believe that we are defying sociological norms with the strength of our presence in this country. It is true we have advanced to a level of credibility through talent, financial prowess and education that impact many segments of our society here in America. We are builders and contributors. As a result, we are respected and gain a level of influence.

I always like to look closer at the communities themselves that fuel the emergence of such capability. If we, for the sake of this discussion, count the survivor generation as the first generation in the American Diaspora, then we are currently in the fifth main generation with four born in this country. Our communities and organizations should be filled with American-born Armenians who are at least third generation (my children’s peers), but they are not. The reality is that our communities have been replenished by the immigrant groups of Armenians. The primary influx point was the draining of our Middle East communities; the nationalization impact in Egypt in the late ‘50s and ‘60s; the strife in Iraq and Syria in the ‘60s; the Lebanese Civil War of the ‘70s; the revolution in Iran in the late ‘70s, early ‘80s; the Baku pogroms in the late ‘80s, early ‘90s; and finally the instability and economic issues in Armenia. Each of these difficult events has brought with it the silver lining of talent from these well-established Armenian anchor communities. Our schools, churches and other institutions have been constantly replenished with dedicated people who filled the void. Is there another immigration wave? Many of those born here have become silent victims of assimilation. They are fine people who live productive lives, but that life does not include a functioning Armenian identity. This has been happening for generations. I remember my father telling me of a survivor generation individual who wanted to live only an American life. It is a very personal and emotional issue, but we need to look at this purely from a social and communal perspective.

The job in the diaspora has always been to sustain itself which means focusing on identity building mechanisms. Only through strength can it assist Armenia and Artsakh. It is a very difficult balance to maintain. When our communities were densely built, a church and center worked. With an increasing secular world and Armenian families subject to the same stresses as others, we need new methods to reach the home of Armenians where the family to community to diaspora equation begins. Many of these suggestions have been discussed in previous columns. The idea of a young Armenian kid identifying with his or her heritage is a choice in the diaspora. Our entire family and communal structure should be designed to make that an easy choice, but no matter how many years they go to an Armenian camp or church, they will make that decision one day. An additional “tool” is available to this generation. Help your children develop a relationship with Armenia. That does not mean simply take a family trip. Building an identity relates to their needs being found in Armenia. Once that emotional bond is made, the balance we seek in assimilation will be assured. This is happening today in our communities, but it must be significantly expanded. If the Armenian family is challenged by the dynamics of American society, then you still have an opportunity to make that connection and recapture what was not available here. The Armenian community is not significantly at risk in the immediate short term, but we do not want to evolve into a shell of our former selves that stays afloat with foundation grants and people attending bazaars to satisfy their Armenian “craving.” Fundraising is not an indicator of communal health. As people drift to the outer periphery, donations in lieu of participation become easier and a value taught to their children. There is no substitute for presence. If the methods don’t work, demand change in an appropriate manner. Don’t walk away. The stakes are too high. The chain of sustainability starts with you.

Gagik Jhangiryan (RA National Assembly)

Armenia’s top judicial watchdog has failed to elect a replacement for its chairperson, who resigned last week after the release of a tape in which he threatened his predecessor to step down. 

On June 20, former head of the Supreme Judicial Council (SJC) Ruben Vardazaryan released a recording from February 2021 in which fellow SJC member Gagik Jhangiryan threatened him with criminal charges if he refused to resign. The publication of the tape has sparked widespread outrage and accusations that the government exercises undue influence over the judiciary. The SJC is an independent body with wide-ranging powers, including overseeing the nomination and dismissal of judges.

In the 14-minute recording, Jhangiryan can be heard using profane language and pressuring Vardazaryan to step down so that “bad things” do not happen to him.

“I’m telling you, forget about everything. Put everything aside. You have kids. You have a home,” Jhangiryan says in the tape. 

Jhangiryan can also be heard saying that he was attempting to prevent former President Robert Kocharyan from returning to power. 

Jhangiryan served as deputy prosecutor general under Kocharyan. He was arrested in the final days of Kocharyan’s presidency on charges of obstruction of justice. Days before his arrest, Jhangiryan voiced his support for Levon Ter-Petrosyan in the 2008 presidential election against Serge Sargsyan. 

In April 2021, two months after the recorded conversation took place, the SJC voted to suspend Vardazaryan on charges of obstruction of justice and replace him with Jhangiryan. Vardazaryan continued to formally hold his post for the next 14 months, while his responsibilities were passed over to Jhangiryan. 

On June 23, just days after the release of the tape, the SJC announced its decision to terminate Vardazaryan’s powers as chairman of the SJC on the basis of a “significant disciplinary violation.” Jhangiryan officially took over his position as chairman. 

Vardazaryan argues that the government blackmailed him to resign in order to replace him with Jhangiryan, who is a close ally of Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan. 

Jhangiryan has not denied the authenticity of the recording. 

The SJC announced that Jhangiryan has resigned as its chairman on July 1. The council attributed his decision to “healthcare problems” and did not provide any more information. The council held a vote on July 4 to replace Jhangiryan yet failed to elect a new chairperson. 

Previously on June 30, the SJC had said that it would not launch disciplinary actions against Jhangiryan, stating that it would be “impossible to initiate disciplinary proceedings against a judge or a member of the Supreme Judicial Council on the basis of an edited recording.” 

Opposition politicians and civic activists have decried Jhangiryan’s actions and the lack of a response from the government, criticizing the scandal as the latest example of the government’s attempt to exert control over the judiciary. 

Nina Karapetyants, head of the Helsinki Association for Human Rights, said that the scandal reveals the need for wide-ranging reforms to guarantee the independence of the judiciary, which the Pashinyan administration has failed to do. 

“Evaluating, transitional justice, vetting, lustration—we have no other tools,” Karapetyants said during an interview with CivilNet on June 21. “All the post-Soviet countries that went through this painful, sad and difficult process, only they were able to achieve some positive results.” 

Opposition protesters carry a poster with an image of the head of the EU delegation to Armenia Andrea Wiktorin and former head of the Supreme Judicial Council Gagik Jhangiryan (Armenian Revolutionary Federation)

Supporters of the two opposition parties, the Armenia Alliance and the I Have Honor Alliance, marched to the European Union office in Yerevan on July 4 to protest what they see as its silence on the judicial crisis. 

The opposition has consistently accused the judiciary of political repression following several series of arrests of opposition political figures, which they reject as politically motivated. Protesters marching to the EU building held pictures of opposition political figures who have been arrested under Jhangiryan’s tenure. 

“The ideas held by the European Union are violated in Armenia through this embassy. They shut their eyes to the illegalities, political persecutions, attacks on courts, and the practice of changing laws by the will of one person,” Armenia Alliance MP Gegham Manukyan said at the protest. “Surely this embassy will send a message to Brussels that Armenian citizens held a demonstration against the embassy today, but it is interesting what they will write, for what reason the dignified citizens of Armenia say shame to the EU ambassador?”

The National Assembly voted on July 1 to remove Armenia Alliance deputies Ishkhan Saghatelyan and Vahe Hakobyan from their posts as deputy speaker and head of the economic affairs committee, respectively. The Civil Contract Party had previously threatened to strip opposition deputies of their mandates for excessive absenteeism. MPs representing the Armenia Alliance and I Have Honor Alliance have boycotted parliamentary sessions since April to participate in street protests to demand the government’s resignation.

“Administrative positions in the National Assembly are not ends in themselves. They are a tool to support opposition activities,” the two opposition parliamentary factions said in a joint statement following the dismissal. “With this behavior, the authorities once again demonstrated that they are concerned solely with posts, engaged with persecutions, devoid of any ability to confront challenges facing the country, lack legitimacy, and do not represent the interests of Armenia and Artsakh. Under these circumstances, their removal is inevitable.” 

Pashinyan commented on the judicial scandal for the first time during a press briefing on June 27. He said that the publication of the recording overshadows the judicial reform process taking place. 

“I am always saying that our biggest problem is the judicial system, that we do not have real successes there,” Pashinyan said.