A Home in the Homeland

After only a week of searching for an apartment in Yerevan and dealing with local real estate brokers who thought that an apartment’s value lay in how close it was to a Thai massage parlor, Setrag decided to heed his parents’ advice and give their family home in Ashtarak a try. Months prior to his move, his parents bought a worn-out house outside Yerevan to renovate. The renovation was still incomplete, but there was a bed, and his father assured him with utmost confidence that all Setrag needed was to witness a single sunrise and to let the beauty of the stunning balcony view consume him in order to firmly want to stay in the family home. 

Setrag’s mom looking across the Ashtarak gorge from their balcony.

I, however, was skeptical. In his 20 years, Setrag had seen much of the most splendid corners of this world. He had seen magnificent sunsets on the shores of Portugal and the crystal beauty of Lake Como in Italy. He had sipped red wine on top of one of the thousands of islands of Greece. He had seen the breathtaking New York skyline, the mountains of Switzerland, the luxury of Dubai, the ceiling of the Sistine chapel and the ancient walls of Jerusalem. As much as I am in love with every inch of Armenia, I believed that this view in Ashtarak that we had never heard of was going to be a hard sell for someone like Setrag, who was surprisingly modest and unpretentious despite his many journeys across the globe. 

Setrag was also the definition of an extrovert. He could not stand being alone for very long. He was so extroverted that, as one of his closest friends, I felt annoyed by how he was not selective with the people he chose to hang out with. Though he had his set of close friends, he was remarkably open about who he spent time with. Whether they were materialists, nerds, aristocrats, ex-convicts, broken people or people so old that they could hardly hear anything, Setrag could, with incredible ease, spend an entire day with anyone. He was funny, witty, smart and knew six languages well. He could hold a conversation with peasants and presidents alike. He loved people, and people loved him. 

His gregariousness also caused many of his closest friends like myself a lot of irritability. He would never answer text messages, and he was always late. We all know someone who always runs late, but Setrag was on another level. He would arrive hours late to events he himself planned. In fact, when my friends and I organized our weekly intervention to deal with this problem, he would, as per tradition, light up a cigarette and calmly tell us to stop inviting him. It was Setrag after all—the life of every party. Thus, as per tradition, we would surrender to his whims. However, truth be told, this was another reason nobody wanted him to live in Ashtarak, a town outside Yerevan. Nobody wanted to see this tardiness issue further worsen. 

But, again, he was an extrovert, and I found it difficult to believe that he could live in the little town of Ashtarak. I think he himself had difficulty believing it. We assumed, like many diasporan Armenians with a touch of arrogance may assume, that Ashtarak was too far, too primitive and maybe a bit dangerous. Like many, Setrag and I steadfastly carried the dreams of the nation in our hearts—of a bigger Armenia, a more spacious Armenia, an Armenia whose borders extend from sea to shining sea. But, we knew nothing about Ashtarak—a town only 20 minutes from Yerevan’s city center. Was the water supply going to be an issue there? How often did the municipality shut the power off for repair and maintenance? Was there a stable internet connection? Setrag had already moved to Armenia—was that not enough adventure? Why did he need to live in the unfamiliar town of Ashtarak?

But Setrag, despite his scrawny build, was bestowed by God with a dauntless spirit that did not shy away from the unknown. He knew that the house was still under renovation, but since all the essentials were already installed and his parents had already spent two nights there, he believed the house was livable. He was also a good son to good parents, and thus, he decided to go see his family home to evaluate whether living there full time was a possibility. He asked me to join him, and so we went. 

I’ll admit, we went at a time that was hardly ideal. Setrag could spare a few hours out of his busy social life to finally visit his family home in the evening, at around 9 p.m., under the drizzling rain. We took a cab and left. Five minutes in, I could already see Setrag overwhelmed by every stimulus while driving on the poorly lit road surrounded by old Soviet cars and neon signs of worn out strip clubs. Since we did not know the way there, naturally, five minutes felt like an eternity—but the cab driver, with impressive consistency and without flinching, told us every few minutes that we were almost there. It was only after the sixth time he said it, that it bore any truth. When we asked him how he knew this time around, he responded that we just passed the Ashtarak town square. We thought it must have been one hell of a grand square if we did not even notice passing through it. Soon after, we started driving on a dirt road squeezed between the oldest houses in the neighborhood. The mud puddles created by the rain almost caused the car to get stuck. It was not exactly the type of reassurance that Setrag was looking for. 

With a bit of luck, however, we eventually got to our destination. We were greeted by a pile of construction sand, a single light bulb and a person who would change our lives forever—Shavarsh, the 50-year-old construction manager. We were yet to emerge from the cab, when Shavarsh greeted us with a wide smile and incredible warmth. Since I was skeptical and a bit nervous, I gave him a good firm handshake in hopes of setting the tone of this first encounter. To say that the firm handshake changed anything would be a lie. After a brief comment expressing fatherly disappointment about Setrag’s long hair, Shavarsh told him he was honored to welcome him home. 

Setrag and Shavarsh having their morning coffee.

When we stepped in the house, we were confronted with a bunch of furniture tucked away in the corner covered with bed sheets. They were placed there by Setrag’s parents to be unpacked once the renovation was completed. Shavarsh proceeded to give us the grand tour and told us about what we assumed were all the things he had finished building in the house. I say assumed, because we could hardly understand him at the time. He was loud, loquacious and spoke with the beautiful Javakhk dialect. He used a lot of construction terminology in Russian that we would not have understood even if he had said them in  English or Armenian. Whatever we understood, we understood not because of the words he used, but because he spoke with his heart and soul. He spoke to us like we were family. Even if we did not understand him, we knew he meant well. Every time Setrag asked him when a certain aspect of the construction would be completed, Shavarsh gave us a confused look, insulted that we had asked such a stupid question. He’d respond, “Tomorrow, of course. We aren’t playing around here.” They had already been working for five months, but with sheer luck, Setrag had arrived only a day before everything was to be completed. 

Setrag was never the type of person who looked for comfort or luxury, even though he could have easily obtained both wherever he wanted. In fact, he often would be happy with the bare necessities. Regardless, though, I repeatedly reminded Setrag that he could stay at my place until his family home was ready. At that stage of the renovation, even renting out a small apartment in Yerevan made more financial sense. But, my comments had the opposite effect of testing his ego. The more I insisted, the more he doubled down on wanting to spend at least a night there. Eventually, after 30 minutes of deliberations, he decided to stay the night to see whether the view his father had spoken of so highly of had any merit. 

With a warm embrace, the land of Armenia had welcomed home one of her many wandering children.

The next day, Setrag woke up and walked out onto the balcony for the very first time. He was awestruck and mesmerized by what he saw—a view that would forever change his life and the meaningful future that it now held. The balcony faced the unparalleled crevice of the Ashtarak gorge and the dark rocky cliffs it was forged out of. On the other side was a school and a small church. At the bottom of the valley, the river Kasagh endlessly flowed, and the sound of the running water brought him a sense of tranquility like never before. In the near distance, an old, captivating pedestrian bridge stood firm and tall, extending across the gorge. It was a beautiful day. It was bright, and a graceful blue color was brushed across the edgeless sky. The soil seemed to shine, and the plants radiated fresh air after a calm night of rain. Setrag was lost for words. With a warm embrace, the land of Armenia had welcomed home one of her many wandering children.

The view Setrag woke up to on his first morning in Ashtarak.

His father, like all fathers, was right. That was all the convincing Setrag needed. Henceforth, the cosmopolitan, extroverted young Armenian, born and raised in the Holy City of Jerusalem, suddenly became one of the 5,000 residents of the town of Ashtarak. Of course, during the first few months, Setrag had to spend a lot of time making this building with four walls a home. Every day, he’d pay a visit to the local market and with a smile, dramatic gesticulations and immense patience, would explain to the store clerk what he needed. When, inevitably, they did not understand, they’d ask some other employee to come and help make sense of what Setrag was asking for. However, gradually, the house was furnished with pots, pans, towels, hangers, toothbrushes, couches, chairs, carpets, brooms, trash bins, curtains, clothes and dark coffee. Of course, it required time. One could not inorganically force a house to become a home. Plants needed years to grow. Items collected from lived experiences needed to make their way to the many corners and shelves of the house. Wine bottles needed to age and collect dust. Books needed to pile up. The picture of Ararat needed to be hung. A jar full of useless coins needed to be filled. His mom needed to bring Middle Eastern food spices. It took years, but before I knew it, in front of my eyes, the house Setrag had to take care of grew to become a house that took care of him. It had finally become home. 

The eminent dream of more than one hundred years had finally come true. Setrag and his family had a home in the homeland.

Krikor Sahagian moved to Armenia from Jerusalem in 2017. He holds a master's degree in political science, but works as a videographer and filmmaker based in Yerevan. His interests include photography and writing. As an ardent believer in repatriation, he mostly writes about Armenia, its people, and the sense of purpose and meaning that the country fills his heart with.


Armenian parliament ratifies customs affairs cooperation agreement with India

 12:07,

YEREVAN, DECEMBER 11, ARMENPRESS. The Armenian parliament has ratified a customs affairs cooperation agreement with India.

The treaty, titled the Agreement on Customs Affairs Cooperation and Mutual Aid between Armenia and India, was adopted by parliament on Monday with 95 votes in favor.

The agreement was signed on June 23, 2023 in Brussels. Under the agreement, Armenia and India will provide mutual administrative support to one another and exchange information regarding customs affairs.

The agreement will enable faster solutions and detection of possible violations during exports and imports.

Armenia introduces new reform aimed at 90% reduction of caseload of judges

 10:33,

YEREVAN, DECEMBER 11, ARMENPRESS. The Armenian authorities are introducing a new regulation aimed at reducing the caseload of judges by an estimated 90%.

Announcing the reform on social media on Monday, Supreme Judicial Council President Karen Andreasyan said that starting December 11, banks, credit organizations, as well as utility operators (power, water, telecommunication) will file forfeiture complaints not exceeding 2,000,000 drams to notary’s offices, instead of courts.

“As a result of this process the workload of judges will reduce by 90%,” Andreasyan said.

Civil Court Judges currently having a caseload of 2000-4000 cases will have somewhere from 200 to 300 cases from spring 2024, Andreasyan said. “Therefore, civil cases will last several months instead of years.”

It took one year to finalize the reforms because it required legislative changes, the developments of a new computer system, training of notary’s and combination of programs in notary’s offices and the bailiff’s service.

Former Armenia manager Vardan Minasyan endorses Ozbiliz for FFA presidency

 15:00,

YEREVAN, DECEMBER 11, ARMENPRESS. Former manager of the Armenian national football team Vardan Minasyan has endorsed Aras Ozbiliz for the presidency of the Football Federation of Armenia (FFA).

Ozbiliz, the former Armenia midfielder, is running for the FFA presidency against Armen Melikbekyan, the incumbent FFA chief seeking re-election. The election will take place on December 23.

Minasyan announced his support for Ozbiliz in a statement posted online.

“I know you as a person, and I know your ideas and plans in football. The fact that you went through the European football school and you know the modern trends in football also matters. Good luck, Aras,” Minasyan said.

Central Bank of Armenia: exchange rates and prices of precious metals – 11-12-23

 17:11,

YEREVAN, 11 DECEMBER, ARMENPRESS. The Central Bank of Armenia informs “Armenpress” that today, 11 December, USD exchange rate up by 0.30 drams to 403.54 drams. EUR exchange rate down by 0.08 drams to 434.77 drams. Russian Ruble exchange rate up by 0.03 drams to 4.44 drams. GBP exchange rate up by 0.09 drams to 507.37 drams.

The Central Bank has set the following prices for precious metals.

Gold price down by 224.37 drams to 26053.31 drams. Silver price down by 1.33 drams to 308.65 drams.

Armenpress: Armenian FM, Latvian counterpart discuss the prospects of expanding bilateral cooperation

 21:38,

YEREVAN, DECEMBER 11, ARMENPRESS. On December 11, Armenian Minister of Foreign Affairs Ararat Mirzoyan, who is in Brussels on a working visit, met with Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Latvia Krišjānis Kariņš.

During the meeting, the prospects of expanding bilateral cooperation were discussed. The interlocutors also focused on issues related to deepening the partnership between the Republic of Armenia and the European Union, including a strong commitment to supporting the agenda of democratic reforms in Armenia and enhancing political and security dialogue, the foreign ministry said.

According to the source, the Foreign Ministers of Armenia and Latvia exchanged ideas on issues related to regional security and stability.

Minister Mirzoyan presented to his counterpart the Armenian perspective and approaches regarding the process of normalizing relations with Azerbaijan.

Russian military police ‘abduct’ Russian deserter in Armenia

Dec 11 2023
 

Russian troops stationed in Armenia have been accused of impersonating the Armenian military police in order to abduct a Russian citizen who moved to the country to flee the draft.

On Friday, the Helsinki Citizens’ Assembly-Vanadzor, a local human rights group, stated that Dmitriy Leonidovich Setrakov had been abducted by Russian military police from the 102nd Russian military base in Gyumri on 6 or 7 December.

Idite Lesom (‘go through the woods’), a project created to help Russians avoid the draft, also reported Setrakov’s detention in Gyumri on Sunday. They stated that they had helped Setrakov move to Yerevan in late November after he had deserted his military police unit in April.

The group added that Setrakov had been allowed to call his wife and that he had told her he would be held in Armenia for two months before being transferred to Russia.

His wife, Alyona Setrakova, confirmed that she received a call from Setrakov after his alleged abduction. She said that he had told her that his captors approached him claiming they were members of the Armenian military police.

Upon inspecting the telephone number used to call her, she found that the caller’s WhatsApp profile picture was of the letter Z — a military symbol used by the Russian army in their invasion of Ukraine.

Agentstvo, an independent Russian media outlet, claimed that the phone number used to call Setrakov’s wife was that of Vadim Shevchenko, a graduate of the FSB Institute.

In an interview with Vot Tak, Idite Leson’s founder, Grigory Sverdlin, said that Setrakov was supposed to stay in Yerevan, and that he did not inform the group that he was going to Gyumri.

According to Vot Tak, Setrakov could face five to 10 years in prison if he were to be transferred to Russia and convicted of deserting his unit.

Armenian authorities have remained tight-lipped over the alleged abduction. The Prosecutor’s Office has so far declined to say if they have opened an investigation, telling local media only that they were looking into the reports.

In an interview with RFE/RL, Artur Sakunts, the head of the Helsinki Citizens’ Assembly-Vanadzor, called Setrakov’s alleged abduction an ‘attack against the legal system of Armenia’ and ‘against Armenia as a sovereign state’.

Sakunts called on the General Prosecutor’s Office to press charges against the Russian officers who kidnapped Setrakov and to prevent the former Russian soldier’s transfer to Russia.

Russia stationed military police in its bases in Armenia five years ago to oversee the discipline of the military units stationed in the country.

While the Armenian police have previously detained Russian nationals wanted by Russia for draft evasion or desertion, all were released shortly after, and Armenia has yet to extradite any to Russia.

On Saturday, the Armenian police announced they had arrested a 20-year-old Russian national wanted by Russian law enforcement for draft evasion. Sakunts stated that the man was released after Armenia’s Human Rights Defender intervened in the case.

Read in Georgian on On.ge.

EU Foreign Ministers agree to strengthen EU civilian mission in Armenia

Dec 12 2023

On 11 December, the EU Foreign Affairs Council agreed to strengthen the European Union civilian mission in Armenia (EUMA), increasing its presence on the ground from 138 staff to 209. 

Announcing this, EU High Representative Josep Borrell said it was “an important increase in the size of the mission, and this is a way of increasing the stability of Armenia’s international border with Azerbaijan”.  

He added the EU believed there was “a historic chance to achieve peace in the region”, and was committed to continue its support to these efforts, by working with both Armenia and Azerbaijan. 

Earlier yesterday, Borrell had an informal meeting with Armenian Foreign Minister Ararat Mirzoyan.  

“We are currently working on strengthening our relations with Armenia,” said Borrell. 

“I see that Armenia clearly sees the benefits of increasing cooperation with us, and we are ready to respond positively.” 

Find out more

Press release

https://euneighbourseast.eu/news/latest-news/eu-foreign-ministers-agree-to-strengthen-eu-civilian-mission-in-armenia/

The little-known conflict causing a ruckus in the Caucasus

Dec 12 2023
12 Dec 2023|William Gourlay

In September, the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, a war that has been cold since the demise of the Soviet Union, rapidly heated back up. Azerbaijan, after a lightning military campaign that it described as an ‘anti-terrorist’ operation, reclaimed the mountainous province of Nagorno-Karabakh, an enclave within its borders that has been run by a breakaway Armenian administration since 1992.

Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev hailed the ‘reintegration’ of the province into Azerbaijan, while pledging to protect the rights of its Armenian population. Unconvinced by these reassurances, more than 100,000 Armenians fled the region they know as Artsakh and crossed into Armenia proper. With winter setting in, a humanitarian crisis now looms on Europe’s southern perimeter.

Ethnic relations are often tense in the Caucasus region, with its complex demographics, contested histories and overlapping claims to ‘homelands’. This is particularly so in Nagorno-Karabakh, control of which, since the 1400s, has passed between Armenian, Turkic, Persian and Russian hands.

In the early 20th century, the newly independent Armenian and Azerbaijani republics tussled over the territory before the Soviet Union swallowed them both. Joseph Stalin set the scene for ongoing rancour by apportioning Nagorno-Karabakh to the Azerbaijan Soviet Socialist Republic, despite its overwhelming Armenian majority. After the Soviet Union collapsed, Nagorno-Karabakh Armenians took matters into their own hands, reportedly massacring Azerbaijanis at Khojaly in 1992 and expelling them from Shusha and Aghdam. Azerbaijan never forgot, or forgave.

The events of this year, along with a 2020 Azerbaijani campaign to recapture the region, are but the latest in a longer cycle of ethnic tit for tat. Azerbaijan’s comprehensive victory and its offer last month to hold peace talks with Armenia could be seen as an apparent resolution of an intercommunal conflict on the fringes of Europe that policymakers need no longer worry about. However, the conflict will still have significant geopolitical and diplomatic implications, both in the Caucasus and beyond.

In late 2022, Azerbaijan blockaded the Lachin corridor linking Nagorno-Karabagh to Armenia. The blockade broke the terms of the Russia-brokered 2020 peace deal that had brought some measure of calm to the region, and created rapidly deteriorating conditions for the province’s Armenian residents. Although the matter was discussed at the UN Security Council, it earned little international criticism. Despite a centuries-long presence, the Armenians were often deemed ‘separatist’ because the territory is recognised as part of Azerbaijan. German Foreign Minister Annalena Baerbock was one of few to speak out, condemning Baku’s decision to ‘create facts on the ground by military force’ despite its repeated assurances that it would not do so.

September’s escalating tensions and the departure of the Armenian population en masse apparently took EU diplomats by surprise. In a since-deleted post on X, the EU Commission stated that it would step up support to those ‘who have decided to flee Nagorno-Karabakh’, a tepid reference to what has amounted to ethnic cleansing.

A Turkish journalist similarly stated that Armenians went ‘of their own accord’, but there can be little doubt that they left fearing for their lives.

Baku makes bold statements about protecting multiculturalism, but its actions speak louder than words. A street in Nagorno-Karabakh’s largest city, Stepanakert, has been renamed after Enver Pasha, the architect of the 1915 Armenian genocide. Azerbaijan has also been accused of wilfully destroying Armenian cultural sites elsewhere, though Armenia has also been accused of using the same tactics.

The EU has since announced €5 million in humanitarian funding for peoples displaced from Nagorno-Karabakh, while the director of USAID, Samantha Power, jetted into Yerevan, the Armenian capital, in a show of solidarity. Armenians on social media, however, said it was too little too late. They may have a point.

Azerbaijan’s skilful diplomacy and its importance as an energy supplier to Europe have muted Western responses to its increasingly combative positioning in recent years. In 2022, EU Commission President Ursula von der Leyen hailed Azerbaijan as a ‘reliable, trustworthy partner’ after securing increased Azerbaijani gas supplies to Europe. She made no mention of its bellicose posturing, or of the lack of political freedoms for the Azerbaijanis themselves, who face many human rights violations, including attacks on the country’s independent media.

Despite the prospect of new peace talks, some Armenians fear that Azerbaijan’s designs are not limited to Nagorno-Karabakh. Certain Azerbaijani figures retain irredentist aspirations, speaking of ‘Western Azerbaijan’, meaning Armenia. There’s also chatter about establishing a so-called Zangezur corridor, which would link Azerbaijan and Turkey through Armenian territory.

Joint Azerbaijani–Turkish military manoeuvres in October did little to quell Armenian fears. Turkey is both Armenia’s historical enemy and Azerbaijan’s staunchest ally, and some analysts describe its posture as one of increasing militarism. It has certainly recently adopted a more assertive foreign policy, which has had repercussions across the Caucasus, eastern Mediterranean and Balkans.

Nonetheless, Azerbaijan has likely overplayed its hand. Some European diplomats are rethinking how they deal with Baku. Armenia, for its part, is developing closer relations with France and, attempting to extract itself from Russia’s embrace, has sent its first aid package to Ukraine. Armenia is also inclined to enhance its relations with neighbouring Iran—a move that won’t be applauded by Israel, which counts Azerbaijan as an ally and, indeed, supplied much of the weaponry that made its campaign in Nagorno-Karabakh possible.

Control of Nagorno-Karabakh may be resolved for now, but regional dynamics in the Caucasus remain very much in flux.

In the Caucasus, the US priority is fossil fuels, not Armenians

Dec 12 2023

Officials in Washington are doubling down on their efforts to create a new energy corridor that runs through the Caucasus, a major transit route for trade and energy that connects Europe and Asia.

Focusing on Armenia and Azerbaijan, two countries at odds over land and history, officials in Washington hope to link the two countries with energy pipelines, despite Azerbaijan’s recent incursion into Nagorno-Karabakh, which resulted in more than 100,000 ethnic Armenians fleeing the territory in September.

“A transit corridor built with the involvement and consent of Armenia can be a tremendous boon to states across the region and to global markets,” State Department official James O’Brien told Congress in November.

For decades, U.S. officials have pursued geopolitical objectives in the Caucasus. Viewing the region as a strategically important area that connects Europe and Asia, they have sought to integrate the region with Europe while pulling it away from Iran and Russia, both of which maintain close ties to the region.

“The Caucasus is tremendously important as a crossroads between Europe, Asia, and the Middle East,” Senator James Risch (R-ID) said in a statement last year. “Trade agreements, energy deals, infrastructure, and investment all have the potential to better integrate the region within the transatlantic community.”

At the heart of U.S. planning is Azerbaijan. Given the country’s extensive energy resources, especially its oil and natural gas, U.S. officials have seen Azerbaijan as the key to creating a U.S.-led Caucasus that will help Europe transition away from its dependence on Russian energy.

“We have been hard at work, along with our European colleagues, over the course of the last decade, trying to help Europe slowly wean itself off of dependence on Russian gas and oil,” Senator Christopher Murphy (D-CT) explained at a hearing in September. “Part of that strategy has been to deliver more Azerbaijani gas and oil to Europe.”

Another reason for the U.S. focus on Azerbaijan is its location. With Russia to the north, the Caspian Sea to the east, and Iran to the south, U.S. officials have seen the country as “the epicenter of Eurasia energy policy,” as U.S. diplomats once described it. The United States has worked to position Azerbaijan as the starting point for an east-west energy corridor that benefits the West and deters a north-south corridor that would work to the advantage of Iran and Russia.

For the United States and its European allies, the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan (BTC) pipeline demonstrates the possibilities. Since 2006, the BTC pipeline has carried oil from Azerbaijan to the Mediterranean Sea, where it has been shipped to global energy markets. The pipeline is controlled by a consortium of energy companies headed by BP, the British oil giant.

“We need that to keep functioning,” State Department official Yuri Kim told Congress in September.

From the U.S. perspective, another major geopolitical achievement has been the Southern Gas Corridor. The corridor, which combines three separate pipelines, runs from Azerbaijan all the way to Europe. Since its initial deliveries of natural gas to Europe in 2020, the corridor has been critically important to keeping Europe supplied with energy during the war in Ukraine.

“That Southern Gas Corridor is extremely important for ensuring that there is energy diversity for Turkey, Greece, Bulgaria, potentially Albania, and definitely Italy, and possibly into the Western Balkans,” Kim said. “We cannot underestimate how important that is.”

As pipelines carry oil and natural gas from Azerbaijan to the West, U.S. officials have sought to reinforce the east-west corridor by creating additional pipelines that run through Armenia. Not only would a pipeline through Armenia add another route to the corridor, but it would pull Armenia away from Russia, which maintains a military presence in the country and provides Armenia with most of its energy.

For decades, one of the major challenges to U.S. plans has been the Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict. As long as Armenia and Azerbaijan have remained at odds over the region, U.S. officials have seen few options for integrating Armenia into a broader east-west energy corridor.

“If not for the frozen Nagorno-Karabakh conflict,” U.S. diplomats reported in 2009, “the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan pipeline could have been routed through Armenia, reducing the distance and construction cost, and providing Armenia both an alternative source of gas as well as much-needed transit fees.”

In recent years, regional dynamics have rapidly shifted, however. As Azerbaijan grew flush with cash from its operations as an energy hub for the West, it began spending more money on weapons. With Israel and Turkey selling Azerbaijan increasingly sophisticated weapons, Azerbaijan built a large arsenal and acquired the upper hand over Armenia.

“Where other Western nations are reluctant to sell ground combat systems to the Azerbaijanis for fear of encouraging Azerbaijan to resort to war to regain [Nagorno-Karabakh] and the occupied territories, Israel is free to make substantial arms sales and benefits greatly from deals with its well-heeled client,” U.S. diplomats reported in 2009.

Emboldened by its growing power and influence, Azerbaijan made its move. As fighting broke out between Armenia and Azerbaijan in late September 2020, Azerbaijan’s military forces took advantage of their advanced weaponry from Israel and Turkey to capture the territories surrounding Nagorno-Karabakh.

Before Azerbaijan’s military forces could seize control of Nagorno-Karabakh, however, Russia intervened, brokering a ceasefire and deploying about 2,000 peacekeepers to the region. Although various observers portrayed the outcome as a victory for Russia, the deal did not last long.

This past September, Azerbaijan moved to take the rest of Nagorno-Karabakh, armed by additional supplies of Israeli weapons. Following Azerbaijan’s incursion, more than 100,000 ethnic Armenians fled the territory for Armenia, where they remain today.

Now that Azerbaijan has taken control of Nagorno-Karabakh, U.S. officials are renewing their efforts to persuade Armenia and Azerbaijan to forge a peace deal that could be the basis for a new energy corridor.

“There is business to be done in this region,” State Department official James O’Brien told Congress in November.

At the Start Department, officials have been reviewing U.S.-funded plans for building the new energy corridor. As O’Brien noted, “the feasibility studies on this transit corridor [have] actually been done, funded by [the Agency for International Development (AID)], so we’re in the middle of seeing what kind of economic future there may be.”

Several obstacles stand in the way of U.S. plans. One possibility is that an increasingly emboldened Azerbaijan will invade Armenia and take the territory it wants for new pipelines. If Azerbaijan continues to acquire weapons from Turkey and Israel, it could take Armenian land by force, something that U.S. officials believe could happen.

“I think, from what I hear, the Armenians are concerned and feel threatened by that corridor and what it might imply for another grabbing of land by Azerbaijan,” Representative James Costa (D-CA) said at the hearing in November.

A related possibility is that Azerbaijan could work more closely with Russia. As Russia maintains military forces in Azerbaijan, it could facilitate a move by Azerbaijan to take Armenian land for a north-south energy corridor that benefits Russia.

Although Russia maintains a security pact with Armenia, relations have soured over Azerbaijan’s seizure of Nagorno-Karabakh, making it possible that Russia will side with Azerbaijan.

Another challenge is the Azerbaijani government. For years, critics have charged Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev with leading a corrupt and repressive regime that has hoarded the country’s wealth while leaving the population to suffer.

In internal reports, U.S. diplomats have been highly critical of Aliyev. Not only have they compared him to mobsters, but they have suggested that the country “is run in a manner similar to the feudalism found in Europe during the Middle Ages.”

As critics have called on Washington to reconsider the U.S. relationship with Azerbaijan, some members of Congress have begun questioning U.S. strategy, particularly as it concerns the U.S. partnership with Aliyev.

The United States may have made “the wrong bet by moving more Azerbaijani resources into Europe,” Senator Murphy said in September. “This strategy of being dependent on a system and series of dictatorships… may not necessarily bear the strategic game that we think it does.”

Other members of Congress have questioned the State Department’s claims that a new energy corridor can bring peace to the region.

“I don’t see the peace process as going nearly as well as some of the description I’ve just heard,” Representative Costa said at the hearing in November. “It was ethnic cleansing that happened with the removal of these Armenians from their historic homeland in Nagorno-Karabakh.”

Regardless, officials at the State Department remain confident in their plans. Pushing forward with efforts to forge a deal between Armenia and Azerbaijan, they remain hopeful that they can create a new energy corridor that runs through Armenia, even if means that the ethnic Armenians who fled Nagorno-Karabakh will never be able to return to their homes.

“As we go from the medium to the longer term, there’s going to have to be some effort made to help integrate these folks into Armenian life,” AID official Alexander Sokolowski told Congress in November. “Many of them dream of going back to Nagorno-Karabakh, but for right now, they’re oriented towards making a life in Armenia.”

https://fpif.org/in-the-caucasus-the-u-s-priority-is-fossil-fuels-not-armenians/