Armavia Acquires New A-320 Plane

ARMAVIA ACQUIRES NEW A-320 PLANE

YEREVAN, MAY 24, NOYAN TAPAN. Armavia airline has aquired a new A-320
plane from Airbus plant on leasing for 6 years. The plane arrived in
Zvartnots Airport on May 23. According to Armavia’s director Norayr
Belluyan, it is for the first time in the Armenian aviation history
that a new plane has been acquired. "Hovhannes Ayvazovski" plane has
164 seats, including 8 business-class ones. The leasing money was
provided by Armavia. It is planned to operate the plane in all 36
destinations of Armavia.

N. Bellunyan said that Armavia currently has the following fleet: 2
A-320, 2 A-319, a YAK-40, a Boeing-737, an IL-86, and a SRG-100.
Negotiations are being conducted with Airbus to acquire an A-340 for
Yerevan-Los Angeles flights. Besides, it is envisaging acquiring
another A-319 plane in March 2009.

http://www.nt.am/news.php?shownews=113770

Armenian enterprises eligible for international stock market

Armenian enterprises eligible for international stock market

YEREVAN, May 23. /ARKA/. A dozen Armenian enterprises have good chances
to enter international stock markets, Academician Abel Aganbekyan, who
is in charge of the Doctor Business Management Program, told reporters.

He pointed out that the enterprises in question will be ready for that
if they implement necessary measures.

Among them the Russian economist included ArmRosgasprom, which may have
a capitalization of $1bln in a couple of years. The Nairit plant may
achieve this goal in 5-7 years.

The expert forecasts similar prospects for Prometey Khimprom
(Vanadzor). As regards the Zangezur copper and molybdenum plant, which
currently records a $300mln annual output and may bring it up to
$500mln in four years, will have huge capitalization to enable it to
enter the IPO market.

Large energy facilities being constructed in the country may lay claims
to entering the IPO market, Aganbekyan said. He pointed out that the
corporate management principles are gradually disseminated in Armenia.

In 2007, a number of Armenian enterprises included the transformation
to open joint-stock companies and entry to the IPO market among their
strategic goals. Among the companies are particularly Armenian Copper
Program (ACP), Araratbank, Araratbank, Armenian Datacom Company
(Armenian-Norwegian JV) and the Valletta Ltd.

The Armrosgasprom announced a similar intention early this year. In
2007, many of the companies were became active members of the local
stock market by issuing corporate bonds.-0–

From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

Min of Nature Protection Approves of Structural Changes in Ministry

Armenia’s minister of nature protection approves of structural changes
in ministry

YEREVAN, May 23. /ARKA/. RA Minister of Nature Protection Aram
Harutyunyan has approved of the transfer of natural resources
management to the Ministry of Energy.

`Our job will become more effective now, as we should focus on
environment issues in the country, resource management,’ the Minister
said at a press conference.

By RA President Serge Sargsian’s May 18 decree, the Ministry of Energy
was renamed Ministry of Energy and Natural Resources. Together with the
Ministry of Trade and Economic Development, the Ministry of Nature
Protection formerly managed natural resources in Armenia.

Harutyunyan said resource usage and management is the job of the
Ministry of Energy and Natural Resources, while we the Ministry of
Nature Protection is to examine their activities.

He believes the changes will help the Ministry express freely its
opinion on resource management.

`On the one hand, we allow the Ministry of Energy and Natural Resources
to perform these duties, on the other hand, we assume control over the
whole process,’ the Minister said. According to Harutyunyan, both
duties should be performed separately. -0–

UN agencies carry out $19 mln worth programs in Armenia in 2008

UN agencies carry out $19 mln worth programs in Armenia in 2008

YEREVAN, May 23. /ARKA/. Twelve specialized UN agencies carried out
19mln worth grant programs in Armenia this year, UNDP Program
Coordinator in Armenia Consuelo Vidal said during her meeting with RA
Foreign Minister Edvard Nalbandyan.
She assured the Foreign Minister UN-Armenia cooperation is
constructive. Armenia greatly contributes to UN activities, according
to Vidal.

She expressed readiness to continue cooperation with the new Armenian
government. In his turn, Minister Nalbandyan approved of bilateral
cooperation, saying Armenia is ready to strengthen bilateral relations
in view of further negotiations over UNDP Program 2010-2014. -0–

Ter-Petrosyan and The `Political Prisoners’

TER-PETROSYAN AND THE `POLITICAL PRISONERS’
VREJ AHARONYAN

Hayots Ashkhar Daily
Published on May 23, 2008
Armenia

Judging from all Levon Ter-Petrosyan’s team is trying to use the
so-called issue of the `political prisoners’ as a `political cudgel’
towards Armenia.

In general Ter-Petrosyan can very easily sacrifice his partners, using
the emotions of their relatives for his own political purposes. In
essence he is absolutely not interested in what condition his detained
partners are, whether or not their family members have financial,
health or any other problems.

During his conversations with his friends he has many times mentioned:
`Of course they must be detained. They should spend some one-two years
in the prison. The more detainees the worse for the ruling authorities
and the better for us.’

But the fact that he instigated many people to commit crimes and that
at the moment they will have to return an answer is not a matter of
concern for Levon Ter-Petrosyan. What he wants is to see lots of
`political prisoners’ in Armenia, especially among his activists.

If Levon Ter-Petrosyan was really interested in the issue of the
detainees, why didn’t he visit their families, why doesn’t he
participate in the protests organized by the relatives of the
detainees, and finally why didn’t they raise a `fund for the support of
the families of the detained?’

Instead Ter-Petrosyan’s supporters, by the instruction of the boss,
decided to organize a `universal hunger strike’ paying no heed to the
health condition of the detainees. They also wanted to set up a
`committee of political prisoners’ but of course they failed.

Whereas, the lawyers say, lots of detainees are very much upset about
Levon Ter-Petrosyan’s indifference towards them. They have addressed
Levon Ter-Petrosyan, through their lawyers asking: ‘How long will this
continue? You deliver speeches, but day by day the law enforcers
substantiate our guilt.’

There are sufficient facts that many of the detainees are ready to
admit their guilt in the court and very soon will be released due to
accelerated court procedure.

Ter-Petrosyan’s team, of course, has a very negative attitude towards
this fact and they call these people `traitors’. But why? Why should
these people solve political issues for Levon Ter-Petrosyan? But the
boss is absolutely not concerned about the health and financial
condition of those detainees and their families.

By the way, it’s worth mentioning that Levon Ter-Petrosyan refused the
idea of raising a fund for the `political prisoners’, which was
approved by many detainees. This is how he substantiated his refusal:
`If we raise such fund, it will mean that we admit their crime that’s
why we are taking measures to help them.’

Thus, judging from Levon Ter-Petrosyan’s logic the activists must be
detained as long as possible, which will give him a very good chance to
blackmail the international organizations and Armenian ruling
authorities, by the issue of the `political prisoners’.

So, Levon Ter-Petrosyan’s appeal to release the `political prisoners’
is nothing more than eyewash. In reality what he wants is to see lots
of prisoners in the prison, so that he can permanently demand to
release these prisoners.’

On Political Plane

ON POLITICAL PLANE

Hayots Ashkhar Daily
Published on May 23, 2008
Armenia

Minister of Justice Gevorg Danielyan responds to our questions?

`The proceedings on March 1 events are usually followed by demagogy
organized by the activists of the radical opposition. The latter as a
rule occupy the hall of the court and `spontaneously’ intimidate or
blackmail the judges with revolutionary slogans and abuses and, why
not, the witnesses – forcing them to refuse their testimony given
during the inquest. Isn’t it a pressure on the court?’

`Those who have little knowledge about law, civilization and democracy
understand that this phenomenon includes intolerable and even criminal
elements. And it is very bizarre, that certain Mass Media are very
proud of this behavior and they happily announce that this or that
judge appeared in a very bad situation and he was obliged to take
certain decisions and so on and so forth. The created situation has a
very bad impact not only on the ruling authorities but also the
opposition.

I don’t think any civilized person, including a representative of an
international organization will be inspired of the illegal activities
of the opposition. It is really a matter of concern, because in essence
they pursue a well-organized policy to hinder the work of the court.
Let alone their cynical expressions and abuses.’

`Doesn’t the state possess any levers to defend the judges from the
self-styled `defenders’ and demagogues?

`Of course it has and I don’t think that in such cases tolerance and
forbearance is justified. After all the court system has 800 court
managers at its command and in my view they must do their job. Moreover
they have recently taken the oath, so this is the right time for them
to fulfill their competences.’

`Isn’t it strange that the European structures, which usually give
lessons of democracy and lawfulness, don’t respond to the aggressive
manifestations of the radical activists?’

`Some international social organizations unequivocally condemn their
actions. But we shouldn’t sit and wait for the responses of the
international organizations. Their task is to estimate the actions of
the ruling authorities from the point of view of the protection of
human rights. Even if they touch upon this issue, there will be a
single assessment saying that the ruling authorities didn’t take
adequate measures to ensure the regular activity of the courts.’

`What is it that prevents them from ensuring this regular activity?’

`In my view the problem is on the political plane. Everyone understands
that it is intolerable and that the ruling authorities have the right
to interfere. But they don’t do it not to give another chance to the
opposition to destabilize the situation.’

L.P.

From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

Dialogue and Negotiations

DIALOGUE AND NEGOTIATIONS
LILIT POGHOSYAN

Hayots Ashkhar Daily
Published on May 23, 2008
Armenia

In response to our questions, KHOSROV HAROUTYUNYAN, Head of the
Christian-Democratic Party of Armenia, presents his assessments on the
efforts of the authorities and the opposition towards the
implementation of Resolution 1609

`Do you think the steps undertaken by the authorities so far are enough
for attending the PACE summer session with `clear conscience’?’

`I do appreciate the authorities’ efforts towards the implementation of
Resolution 1609. Nevertheless, the authorities could have acted more
promptly and efficiently in certain matters. For instance, if there are
people among the detainees who were not directly involved in the
criminal offences, I believe they could have changed the precautionary
measure against those people or conducted a speedy judicial inquiry.
This would have essentially reduced the number of the detainees; at the
same time, it would have been useful in terms of a public response.

Of course, certain steps have been undertaken in that direction as
well, but it was possible to act more intensively and in a more
unrestrained manner to prevent the opposition from torpedoing the
political process and heating the situation.’

`Along with the `principal’ condition of releasing the `political
detainees’, the proponents of Mr. Ter-Petrosyan also speak about
extraordinary presidential or parliamentary elections. Doesn’t this
mean that they are trying to solve a problem in terms of torpedoing the
Resolution?’

`Extraordinary presidential and parliamentary elections cannot be a
precondition for any political process. They may result from political
developments and, why not, political dialogues. I don’t see the
appropriateness of extraordinary elections, at least at the current
stage. Today, any member of society must be confident that both the
authorities and the opposition share equal responsibility for bringing
the democratic process of life on a normal path.

In this context, the possibility of a dialogue is much discussed, but I
believe it is necessary to distinguish a dialogue from political
negotiations and political consultations. They are different things.

We can say that we follow the regime of a dialogue at present as well.
The President of the Republic, Head of the Government, different
political forces and the opposition are exchanging thoughts with one
another in a direct or indirect manner, through the press, television
and a dialogue with the public. What is left to do is first of all, to
draft the agenda of the political negotiations, i.e. the frameworks of
the principal conceptual issues whose solution is anticipated by the
public, and secondly, to clarify the format of the negotiations. We are
now in the process of searches.

Everybody is beginning to understand it, and that’s great because it is
impossible for the state government system to function properly without
the opposition’s practical and effective influence. Of course, this
doesn’t mean that the opposition should make decisions and impose its
will on the majority. This means that the opposition should have real
chances to influence political decisions in different representative
bodies and first of all, at the National Assembly.’

`What about the Public Chamber under the President? Don’t you think it
is capable of solving that problem?’

`The perception of the Public Chamber needs certain clarifications. To
begin with, it cannot be a body replacing the National Assembly. This
approach should be ruled out from the outset. There is an opinion that
different strata of society, public and political organizations should
be represented in that structure. It’s just a kind desire. The body
that will function under the President should be vested exclusively
with a consultative role, and what’s more, it should serve for the
President. In this case, the staff of the structure should be
determined exclusively by the President of the Republic.

If it is a structure representing a broad specter of political forces,
that specter should be determined by the President again, because the
President may or may not attach importance to the political role of
this or that party in terms of exercising the responsibility vested in
him by the Constitution in amore effective manner. Otherwise, the body
may become the successive stillborn structure.’

The Peaceful Demonstrators and The `Hedgehogs’

THE PEACEFUL DEMONSTRATORS AND THE `HEDGEHOGS’

Hayots Ashkhar Daily
Published on May 23, 2008
Armenia

As reported by the General Prosecutor’s Office, the joint investigative
operations initiated by the National Security Service and the special
investigative bodies in connection with the March 1-2 disorders have
allowed to find out the place where the so-called `hedgehogs’ –
metallic constructions used as weapons for causing bodily damages, were
prepared; the customer and the service-provider have been identified.

It turned out that on February 29, 2008 citizen Vrezh Nikolyan received
an instruction from his relative Hamlet Hovhannisyan (with the nickname
`Tros Hamo’) for the preparation of 80 metallic constructions with
sharp-edged steel frameworks.

Having received its sample from the Theatrical Square, near the tent of
`Special Regiment’ NGO (the sample was provided by one of the members
of the regiment), he visited the shop of construction materials
situated in Shiraz Str. 13 and ordered welder Hrachya Sahakyan to
prepare the metallic sticks. The issue had been previously agreed with
Armen Haladjyan, manager of the shop.

After the 80 metallic constructions – the so-called `hedgehogs’, were
prepared, Nikolyan instructed the people sent by Hamlet Haroutyunyan to
move them to the Theatrical Square. The next day, on March 1, they were
used for inciting violence and mass disorders against the police
officers.

Considering the high-sounding publicity of the case, the press service
of the General Prosecutor’s Office has published the testimonies of
Vrezh Nikolyan, shop manager Armen Haladjyan and welder Hrachya
Sahakayan. Those materials have been made available partially, so as
not to prevent the further inquest of the case.

In his testimonies, Vrezh Nikolyan admitted that he had previously
known that the `hedgehogs’ were envisaged for putting up resistance
against the police forces.

`After obtaining Hamlet Hovhannisyan’s consent, I went to the shop
belonging to Armen Haladjyan, and there, I gave the sample to welder
Hrach and offered him to prepare 80 sharp-edged metallic constructions
with a length of 10-12 cm,’ V. Nikolyan reported. He also added that
after taking the constructions from the shop, he sent them to the
Theatrical Square through some entrusted individuals.

The same day, around 20:00 p.m., he called Hamlet Hovhannisyan and
informed him that the constructions had been taken to the Theatrical
Square. `At the same time, I asked Hamlet whether the sharp-edged iron
constructions were normal or not. Hamlet answered that they were `ok’,’
V. Nikolyan mentioned.

In their testimonies, Armen Haladjyan and welder Hrachya Sahakyan
confirmed that the metallic constructions had been prepared in their
shop at the request of Vrezh Nikolyan, and according to his
instruction, the sticks were cut slantwise for obtaining sharp edges.
According to Mr. Haladjyan, Nikolyan paid 10 thousand Drams for the
order; as to the remaining sum of 25 thousand Drams, he hasn’t paid it
so far.

`After the well-known incidents, I watched television and saw the
crossed sticks that were used against the police with the purpose of
inciting violence,’ A. Haladjyan said and added that he had phoned Mr.
Nikolyan on March 2 and asked him not to tell anyone about the metallic
sticks.

Welder H. Sahakyan reconfirmed his testimony during the investigative
expertise as well.

V. Nikolyan has been arrested on charges of organizing mass disorders,
and H. Hovhannisyan is being searched by the Police.

And you were saying `peaceful demonstrators’. Pardon? Don’t you say it
any more? Good for you.

Book Review: War Against Azerbaijan – Targeting Cultural Heritage"

New book review.

g%20v7%20-13MAY07.pdf
London, April 2008

"War Against Azerbaijan – Targeting Cultural Heritage", part of the
series "The true facts about Garabagh".
Compiled by Kamala Imranli. (Unknown authors).
280 pages, 27x25cm, cloth-bound, including a CD-ROM and a DVD.
Published by Heydar Aliyev Foundation and The Ministry of Foreign
Affairs of The Republic of Azerbaijan, Baku, 2007
ISBN (10) 9952-8091-4-X, ISBN (13) 978-9952-8091-4-5. Price unknown.

This handsomely prepared book is clearly aimed to appeal the
prospective browser. However, the real aim of the book is somewhat
different. Books of this ilk can only serve a propaganda purpose by
aiming to create and instigate animosity between neighbouring peoples
by direct geopolitical agitation, disinformation and outright reversal
of the truth. This can help the ruling elite, who are interested merely
in their own financial and political gains and status, at the cost of
the lives of their own citizens, as well as others.

The book begins with a brief history of Azerbaijan, so as to convince
the layman that this country had been established in the present region
for millennia. It completely overlooks the fact that the real and
historic Azerbaijan has been and remains a north-western province of
Iran, and the erstwhile country of Lesser Media. During Alexander the
Great’s expeditions, one of the patriotic Median generals named Atropat
fiercely defended his homeland and in his honour the province was named
Atropatene, in time evolving into Adharabadgan, Adharbigan and
Azerbaijan.1

When using the name Azerbaijan, one must be careful to qualify what is
indicated by this name, since for two millennia Azerbaijan has been the
north-western province of Iran, located south of the Araxes river,
while The Republic of Azerbaijan is the name given to the territory
across the river since 1918 only. After becoming independent in 1918
this country was first named `Eastern and Southern Transcaucasia’
renamed `The Republic of Azerbaijan’ by the ruling nationalist Musavat
party it, thus reclassifying the local Tatar population as `Azeris’.2
This very same territory was for centuries divided into various
khanates such as Shirvan, Shamakhi, Talish, Ganja (Elizavetpol)
Qarabagh etc., parts of which were semi-autonomous under Persian or
Russian suzerainty (see map of Fig. 1). According to Toumanoff, after
the demise of the kingdom of Caucasian Albania in 1166 the power was
transferred into the hands of the Armenian Khachen family, whose Meliks
(Lords) ruled their territories and later shared power with various
Muslim Khans until the 19th century.3

In the Russian translation of the 9th century geographical work by Ibn
Khurdadhbeh, published in Azerbaijan, there is a map of the area, which
confirms the above statement. It shows Armenia reaching lake Sevan,
while Azerbaijan is denoted as the territory south of the Araxes River
as one of the regions of Iran. To the north of this are the regions of
Arran, Shirvan, Mughan, Shaki and Tabarsaran.4

The famous Russian Orientalist Academician V. Bartold in one of his
lectures given during November and December of 1924 in the Oriental
Faculty of Azerbaijan State University stated `¦ the territory that is
now known as The Republic of Azerbaijan, which in the past was named
Arran [Caucasian Albania], was given the name Azerbaijan thinking that
when this country is established, the Persian

1 Prof. Enayatollah Reza’s article in the Ettelaat periodical `Siasi va
Eghtesadi’ (Politics and Economics), Arran [Albania] wa Azerbaijan.
Chegune name Azerbaijan bar Arran nahadeh shod?, Tehran, 2002, Vol.
181-182, pp. 4-25.
2 Richard G Hovannisian, Armenia on the road to Independence, 1918,
University of Southern California 1967, p. 189.
3 Cyril Toumanoff, Studies in Christian Caucasian history, Georgetown
University Press, 1963, pp. 216-7.
4 Ibn Khurdadhbeh, Ã?à – èãà Ã?óòåÃ& #xA8; è Ã`òðàà – , Azerbaijan National Academy of
Sciences, Baku 1986, p. 290 map. 10.
1

and this Azerbaijan will become a united country ¦’.5 This political
game was analogous to the case of one of the constituent republics of
Yugoslavia, Macedonia, adopting the name of an existing Greek province
of Macedonia. The tensions engendered by this move still rumble on.

As described in the Introduction of this volume, the region was in days
of old entitled [Caucasian] Albania, populated by Albanians, Christian
since the 4th century. After the onslaught of the Turkic tribes of
Tatars, Mongols and Seljuks were overrun and assimilated with the
ruling newcomers. The resulting mixture of races later converted to
Islam, changing its language to Turkish, spoken by the new rulers. It
must be added that on the other hand the Armenians living in the
isolated mountainous regions stubbornly adhered to their language and
religion.

The population of the Iranian province of Azerbaijan, the true Azeris,
spoke an old Pahlavi dialect – referred to as the Azeri language, which
during the reign of Mongols and Seljuks in the 13-15th centuries
gradually changed into Turkish, the language spoken by the overlords.6
It is noteworthy that in Iranian Azerbaijan there remain certain
villages, where the remnants of the old Azeri dialects, such as Tati
and Harzani are spoken.7
Fig. 1 – Senex’s map of the Caspian Sea, 1742.

The map shows various regional khanates as well as Armenia (yellow) and
Georgia (red).
The area known today as The Republic of Azerbaijan consists of the
khanates of Daghestan, Derbend, Shamakhi and Shirwan (all green).
Adherbijan (purple) is shown inside the territory of Iran, south of the
Araxes River.
5 Vassily Vladimirovich.Bartold Ã?àáîÃ& #xB2;û ïî èñòî&# xC3;°Ã¨Ã¨ Ã?àâêÃ& #xA0;çà è Ã?îñòÃ& #xAE;ֈ – îè
Åâðî&#xC 3;¯Ã», Vol.2, Oriental Literature Press, Moscow, 1963, p. 703.
6 Abdolali Karang, Tati wa Harzani,do lahjeh as zabane’ bastane’
Azerbaijan, Va’ezpour publications, Tabriz 1954.
7 Dr. Saeed Oryan’s website CAIS, at SOAS, London.
2

The anonymous author of the book goes on to claim that the Central
Asian Turkic Oguz tribes of Aghkoyunlus and Karakoyunlus were
Azerbaijanis, and furthermore, that the Persian Safavids, who were of
mixed Iranian and Iranian-Azerbaijani heritage, were in fact from their
country too. Here the author has inferred that Central Asian tribes are
Azeris, while simultaneously confirming that Azeris are descendents of
the Caucasian Albanians. Which of these two contradictory theories are
we to believe?

In spite of the evidence presented by Strabo that `the river Araxes
runs through Armenia’ and `the border of Armenia and Albania is the
river Kura’, the present book claims that no Armenians lived in the
area of present day Armenia and Qarabagh, adding that the Armenians
were settled in the territory of Azerbaijan by the Russians only after
the 1813 and 1828 treaties with Persia, forgetting that since the early
ages the area of The Republic of Azerbaijan was populated by peoples
speaking Persian, Albanian, Taleshi, Armenian etc. and much later also
Turkish.8 The Armenian Meliks, the Landlords, lived in the mountainous
region of Qarabagh and due to their strategically invincible positions
generally remained autonomous, even when the rest of the region had
fallen under Russian and Persian rule. If the book is to be believed,
the famous Armenian patriot Davit Bek, one of the political leaders of
neighbouring Zangezur, is also of Albanian-Azerbaijani origin. So
allegedly are all the Christians living in the vicinity of Qarabagh and
The Republic of Azerbaijan, who are considered by the author to be the
remnants of Christian Albanians. In addition to many other travellers
who visited the region, Johann Schiltenberger9 and Joseph Emin10 have
written about the Qarabagh Armenians in their travel narratives, dating
from the 15th and 18th centuries respectively. Furthermore, the
Cathedral of Holy Echmiadzin, just west of Yerevan, established in
301-303 AD, has for centuries been the central and important religious
centre for Armenians. It should be remembered that around 1603 the
Safavid king Shah Abbas the Great forcefully relocated over 300,000
(supposedly `non-existent’) Armenians from Nakhijevan and Julfa to
New-Julfa, a town built near Isfahan for the resettled Armenians, who
were brought for their skills as craftsmen and international merchants
to help the Shah in his ambitious improvement projects, where their
descendants still thrive.
Even the famous Qarabagh historian Mirza Jamal Javanshir Qarabaghi
(1773-1853) in his Tarikh-e Qarabagh (The History of Qarabagh) written
in Persian between 1840 and 1844 states `In ancient time the town
[Barada in Qarabagh] was populated by Armenians and other
non-Muslims’11 and adds `During Safavid sultans of Iran the Vilayet of
Qarabagh, its tribes, khamsa [five] Armenian mahals [districts] of
Dizaq, Varandeh, Khachin, Chalaberd and Talish were subordinates of
beglarbegi of Ganja’.12

The book spares no effort to eradicate the presence of the Armenians
from these territories, even claiming that the Armenian religious
leaders, the various Catholicoi were Albanian. The Albanian people had
a script, invented by Mesrop Mashtotz, which, due the scarcity of its
surviving samples, are still in the process of being deciphered.13
Evidence shows that all the inscriptions on the Christian monuments in
the territory of Mountainous Qarabagh and The Republic of Azerbaijan
are in the Armenian script and language, yet the book tries to convince
the reader that somehow the local churches, where everything written is
in Armenian, are not of Armenian but Albanian origin. To this end, the
images of the churches and monuments are taken from a distance and are
depicted in such a way that Armenian language inscriptions present, are
indiscernible.
8 Strabo, Geography, Loeb Classical Library, Cambridge, 1928. Book 11,
Ch. 1,5-6 and Ch. 4,1-2.
9 Johann Schiltenberger, Bondage and Travels – 1396 to 1427, Hakluyt
Society, London, 1879, Chapters 62-64.
10 Joseph Emin, My Life and Adventures, London, 1792. Chapters 17 to 26.
11 Mirza Jamal Javanshir Qarabaghi, Tarikh-e Qarabakh, Manuscript
B-712/11603, Academy of Sciences of Azerbaijan, p. 4.
12 Ibid, p. 6.
13 Koriun, Varq Mashtotzi (Life of Mashtotz), Yerevan State University,
Yerevan, 1981, p.288-9. 3
The conflict between The Republics of Armenia and Azerbaijan is put
squarely on the shoulders of Armenia, conveniently omitting that it was
the Azerbaijani army who started the conflict with the bombing of
Stepanakert, the capital of Qarabagh, using aircraft and Grad missiles,
destroying most of the town and killing hundreds of civilians.

The author then laments the destruction of monuments and buildings,
citing 1891 such instances (about which later). The ninth paragraph
starts with naming the `Aghoghlan’ (allegedly Albanian) cloister, whose
faith is unknown to the author. This is in fact the famous 4-5th
century church of Tzitzernavank, whose roof had collapsed in 1986 and
which, since the liberation has been restored by the Armenians and is
now an active church (see Fig. 2). It then goes on naming Amaras (4th
century, built by Gregory the Illuminator), Gandzasar (built in the
10th century, extended during 12th and 13th centuries and later) and
Dadivank (Khutavank – churches built during 12th and 13th centuries)
monasteries as being Albanian, while all the historic documentation,
founding and dedicating inscriptions and carvings in these complexes
bear witness to their Armenian origin.

Fig. 2 -The church of Tzitzernavank.
Restored by the Armenians. 2004.
Prior to coming under the control of Qarabagh Armenians, none of the
Christian monuments, Monasteries or tombs in that territory was
protected. In fact most were systematically and intentionally damaged
and destroyed and it is only after 1995 that the local Armenians
started to restore them. One example is the monastery of Dadivank
(Khudavank), whose importance is mentioned in page 8 of the book, yet
as seen in the photo on page 80, under Azeri rule, it was left to decay
and Armenian specialists have only recently restored some of the
churches in this monastery to their original state (see Fig. 3 and 4).
Yet the author includes Dadivank in the list and claims its fate to be
`unknown’!

Fig. 3 – Dadivank – as depicted in the book
Fig. 4 – Dadivank in 2007. Partially restored. 4

The Monastery of Gandzasar (in the book entitled `Ganjasar cloister’)
is treated in the same manner. The photograph depicted (page 16) shows
the monastery as it was prior to 1993, that is, while under the control
of the Government of Azerbaijan. This important and supposedly
`Albanian-Azerbaijani’ historic monastery was left to decay even
though, if we believe the book, it is part of the Azerbaijani cultural
heritage. When the control of the territory came into the hands of the
Armenians, the complex was cleaned and restored, once again becoming an
active and important religious centre (see photographs of Fig. 5 and 6)
.It must be mentioned that during the war the Azerbaijani army
bombarded the church with missiles, as a result of which one of the
periphery walls was knocked down, revealing many hidden medieval
Khachkars (Cross-stones).
Fig. 5 -The Monastery of Gandzasar as shown in the book, prior to 1993,
while in Azeri hands.
Fig. 6 – Gandzasar as it looks today, after being restored and used as
a religious centre.

The list continues in the same vein. This persists re-naming and
re-attributing all the major monuments and religious historic
buildings, into the chapter on the `Religious architectural legacy of
the Caucasian Albanians’. Subsequent chapters are dedicated to each
`occupied’ district, with some satellite imagery of the sites, small
photos of the objects and a table of various monuments etc., with
columns for their names, date, location, coordinates and present
status. The lists include the following categories
– Castles and towers
– Churches and cloisters [monasteries]
– Temples and pre Islamic monuments
– Mosques
– Caravanserais
– Ancient and modern cemeteries
– Bridges, springs and mills
– Archaeological artefacts & Museums
– Residential houses
– Schools and theatres
– Libraries
– Social clubs
– Houses of Culture
– Other buildings

The sum of the objects in the tables of various districts adds up to
1891 items, listing everything from Cloisters [Monasteries] and
Churches to Mosques and Houses, claiming that 1421 of these have been
destroyed by the Armenians, the fate of the rest being unknown.
Detailed study of the list reveals that 1189 of these allegedly
`destroyed’ objects fall in the category of Residential House, Library,
Social club and House of Culture, few of them being identifiable, in
the absence of names, coordinates or any photographs. For further
clarification the chapters of the books were scrutinised with the
following results.
5

1 – Shusha (or Shushi) District
From the 167 allegedly `destroyed’ Houses, Libraries, Social clubs and
houses of Culture, only 67 have photographic representations. Curiously
thirteen of these images show them as intact buildings with no apparent
damage, such as those numbered 134, 187, 191, 231, 256 and others.

2 – Kalbajar district
The condition of the Gandzasar monastery is shown as `unknown’. This
complex has been restored and is once again the focal point of the
Armenian Church in the district. Given the publicity it has received,
this fact could hardly have escaped the author’s attention.
From the 44 historic monuments and buildings listed, only seven are
claimed to have been destroyed and the rest are classified as `unknown’.
Out of 208 Houses, Libraries, Social clubs and Houses of Culture only
five are shown on satellite photos. Moreover item 207 (listed as
`destroyed’) appears standing.

3 – Lachyn District (Berzor)
Out of the 137 listed Artefacts, Temples, Churches, Tombs, Springs etc.
only 9 are claimed as `destroyed’ and the rest are classified as
`unknown’.
Out of the 196 Houses, Libraries, Social clubs and Houses of Culture
the status of only one is `unknown’ and the rest are allegedly
`destroyed’. Yet the satellite photos include only four of the listed
buildings, object numbers 150, 151, 266 and 299. Item 299 of these four
while being classified as `unknown’ appears to be an intact structure
on the photograph.

The list pertaining to the remaining ten districts continue predictably
in the same vein. Suffice it to say that from the 615 Houses,
Libraries, Social clubs and Houses of Culture listed none have names or
specific coordinates and only 25 have attendant satellite imagery
and/or photographs, leaving the fate of the 590 in the hands of the
anonymous author, who has chosen to classify them as `destroyed’.

Some of the bridges shown as `destroyed’ are most probably war
casualties. It is not unusual for a retreating army to destroy bridges
left behind, such that they are useless to the enemy. The retreating
Azerbaijani army in all probability destroyed many bridges which are
now claimed to be the `proofs of Armenian atrocities’ and `war on
culture’! It also lists a number of Mosques, especially in Armenia,
which have been destroyed, conveniently forgetting that during the
early Soviet era the Communists indiscriminately obliterated most of
the churches and mosques in both countries.

The book has four folding and one single page maps inserted in the last
chapter of the book.
1. Map No 1 is a Russian map dated 1823, where Armenia and Georgia are
shown divided between Iran and Russia. The territory that is now The
Republic of Azerbaijan is shown as the Khanates of Mughan, Qarabagh,
Elizavetpol, Shaki, Shirvan etc. As in every map of up to 1918,
Adherbijan (Azerbaijan) is shown as part of Iran located south of the
Araxes River, confirming our earlier comments.

2. Map No.2 is another Russian map dating from 1834, which shows the
Russian Oblasts (Districts) of Armenia and Qarabagh. This map has no
relevance to the book.

3. Map No.3 shows the immigration of Diaspora Armenians into Soviet
Armenia between 1921 and 1958. This is an irrelevant map, since the
immigration claimed by the author supposedly took place during the
first quarter of the 19th century.

4. Map No. 4 dates from 1847, where the modern day borders of Armenia
have been drawn on the old map. This is to show the changes of
toponyms, but was it not the Soviet communists who had already changed
almost all the toponyms in the USSR?

5. Map No.5 is a map of the modern day Republic of Armenia.
6
Fig. 7 – Armenian Medieval
Cemetery of Julfa/Jugha in
Nakhijevan during 1998,
before being destroyed.
Fig. 8 – The same cemetery being destroyed by the
Azerbaijani army.
December 2005.
Fig. 9 – The site of the old cemetery `converted’ into a military
target shooting range, Spring 2006.
7

Finally, what is perplexing to the writer is the following. During
Soviet rule and after independence thousands of Christian monuments and
artefacts in the territories of Qarabagh and The Republic of Azerbaijan
were at best neglected and at worst destroyed, while after independence
many mosques were rebuilt or restored. These acts of vandalism have not
been witnessed or recorded by outsiders, since the borders were closed
except in the case of the medieval Armenian Cemetery of Julfa (Jugha in
Nakhijevan), where over 10,000 imposing carved tombstones (Khachkars)
with Armenian inscriptions stood. In November 1999 observers from the
Iranian side across the river Araxes noticed that some of the Khachkars
were dislodged and broken up. Soon all were lying flat on the ground.
The last phase of the destruction was completed in December 2005, when
the regular Azeri army broke the Khachkars into pieces and dumped them
in the river, building a military target practice field in its place
(see Fig. 7, 8 and 9).14

The question is the following: if these Christian tombstones were the
cultural heritage left by the Albanian forefathers of the Azerbaijanis,
why were they not preserved but destroyed?

The very same question applies to the hundreds of well-documented
churches and other Christian monuments that once dotted the territory
of Nakhijevan (or Nachchyvan), as well as that of The Republic of
Azerbaijan, which have now disappeared completely? Were they not
Albanian-Christian monuments, the cultural heritage of the
Azerbaijanis? Does one destroy one’s own heritage?

Finally, the CD-ROM insert is a rehashing of the abovementioned tables.
Each district has an accompanying map, and a field, which should
include the details and photographs of each building. The first section
covers Shusha city, where 45% of the photographs are taken. However,
even then, as regards Houses, Libraries, Social clubs and Houses of
Culture, the information and photograph fields are mostly blank. For
the following chapters, there are very few photographs and virtually no
backup information to prove the claimed `destruction’.

The DVD is again a repetition of the claims with some low quality
images of the previous status of the towns and cities, once again
putting the blame for starting the war and destruction on Armenia. It
mentions that during the pre Soviet and early Soviet days, the
territory of Armenia was expanded at the cost of Azerbaijani land – an
`interesting’ observation, since it was during those days that the
Soviets annexed the territories of Qarabagh to Azerbaijan, while in
1922 the districts of Kars, Igdir, Ardahan, Mount Ararat and other
areas were ceded to Turkey and Nakhijevan was given to Azerbaijan.
During 1931 more territories east and west of Zangezur were ceded to
Azerbaijan, cutting off Mountainous Qarabagh from Armenia and further
shrinking the area of Armenia to the fraction of its previously expanse.

Rouben Galichian

Author of `Historic maps of Armenia. The cartographic heritage’ (2004)
and `Countries south of the Caucasus in medieval maps’ (2007).
London, April 2008
14 Photographs were taken by concerned Iranians from across the Arax
River forming the border between Iran and The Republic of Azerbaijan.

http://www.accc.org.uk/Book%20review%20En

F. Cetin to Attend Launch of English Translation "My Grandmother"

Fethiye Cetin to Attend Launch of English Translation of Her Book "My
Grandmother"

The Armenian Community & Church Council of Great Britain
Address: P.O.Box 46207, London W5 1XX
E-Mail: [email protected]

The Launch of a most fascinating book ‘My Grandmother’ by Fethiye Cetin
will take place at the Institute of Contemporary Art, The Mall, at 7pm
on 19th June.

Ms Cetin was lawyer of Hrant Dink during his lifetime and is prosecutor
of his murderers after his death.

Her book was a best-seller in Turkey, seven times reprinted. Translated
into French and now English, she tells the story of how her grandmother
hid the fact that she was really an Armenian child torn from her
mother’s arms on the Genocide Death March trail and taken for adoption
by a Turkish officer until the very end of her life. It is a wonderful
and moving book. Fetiye Cetin is a great lady, courageous and modest,
who should be honoured.

She will be present personally at the Book Launch on 19th June,
together with Armenian writer and filmmaker Nouritza Matossian, and
Ragip Zarakolu, one of Turkey’s best-known dissident publishers.

Turkey, Armenia and the Defence of Free Expression

My Grandmother
19 June 2008

Scars in Turkish-Armenian history remain far from healed. Visiting the
ICA to discuss the situation in Turkey, and the place of Armenians,
will be four figures closely involved with defending the threatened
position of free expression there.

Fethiye Cetin, author of My Grandmother which describes her discovery
of her Muslim grandmother’s true Armenian Christian identity,
translator and writer Maureen Freely, Armenian writer and filmmaker
Nouritza Matossian, and Ragip Zarakolu, one of Turkey’s best-known
dissident publishers. The event will be chaired by Lisa Appignanesi,
President of English PEN.

This event is made possible through the generous support of Amnesty
International.

£10 / £9 Concessions / £8 ICA Members.

Date Time Venue Book
Thursday 19 June 2008 7:00 pm Nash Room book

From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

http://www.accc.org.uk/