Turkish Author’s Nobel A Victory For Free Speech

TURKISH AUTHOR’S NOBEL A VICTORY FOR FREE SPEECH

Arizona Daily Star
Oct 15 2006

Awarding Turkish author Orhan Pamuk the 2006 Nobel Prize in literature
means a $1.4 million prize from the Swedish Academy. It also is an
international statement about free expression.

Pamuk writes about "Turkey’s rich history through modern eyes,"
according to Friday’s Wall Street Journal.

Pamuk’s award comes nine months after the Turkish government
dropped charges alleging that Pamuk insulted the country, the Journal
reported. Pamuk’s charges were not unlike the "insulting Turkishness"
charges against University of Arizona assistant professor and writer
Elif Shafak. She was acquitted last month.

Pamuk’s charges stemmed from comments made to a Swiss newspaper that
criticized Turkey for its treatment of the Kurds and its unwillingness
to address the killing of Armenians during World War I.

The charges were dropped in January.

In our nation, which values freedom of speech and expression and
transparency in government, charging a writer for speaking his mind
is outrageous.

We appreciate Pamuk’s perspective: "My life is a testimony to the
fact that civilizations can combine gracefully and harmoniously if
you have a desire to do so," he told the Journal when responding to
a question about the role of Muslim writers.

Turkey is celebrating: No one from Turkey has ever received a Nobel
Prize before.

We hope that from the celebrations, Pamuk’s attitude of harmony and
tolerance for free expression percolates in Turkey.

In the meantime, we’re saying "thank you" for the First Amendment:
"Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion,
or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom
of speech, or of the press; or the right of the people peaceably to
assemble, and to petition the government for a redress of grievances."

Under Fire, But Staying True To Art

UNDER FIRE, BUT STAYING TRUE TO ART
Joy E. Stocke

Philadelphia Inquirer, PA
Oct 15 2006

Thursday, it was announced that Turkish writer Orhan Pamuk had won
the 2006 Nobel Prize for Literature. When I interviewed Pamuk on the
Columbia University Campus last year, rumors were circulating that
he had been short-listed for the Nobel. But he was already focused
on his new memoir, Istanbul: Memories and the City, which was still
in galleys.

The day before, an advance copy of Istanbul had helped me stay awake
for the 11-hour flight home from that city. We’d originally been
scheduled to meet at his flat overlooking the Bosphorus. But before I
was to leave for Istanbul, Pamuk phoned. He spoke beautiful English,
with an accent inflected with the rhythm of an upper-class Turkish
background.

"I have left Turkey for personal reasons," he said. But something
in his voice made me doubt those words. Pamuk is a lightning rod in
Turkey, writing candidly about ethnicity, race, and Ottoman history,
subjects that have long been considered taboo. I was, and still am,
thrilled by his work. I am often transported by his dark sense of
humor, and unflinching eye in the face of political and cultural
truths.

In February 2005, Pamuk had spoken to a Swiss journalist, expressing
his opinion that during the final years of the Ottoman Empire,
100,000 Armenians and 30,000 Kurds were killed in an effort to rid the
empire of its Armenian population, addressing what might be the most
sensitive subject in Turkey, the charge that the first genocide of the
20th century took place there. Even as Turkey works toward acceptance
into the European Union, the government has vehemently denied charges
of genocide. (Last week, when France passed a law against denial of
the Armenian genocide, it touched off demonstrations in both France
and Turkey.)

Pamuk told me that when he spoke to that Swiss journalist, he had
asked that his remarks remain off the record. They were printed.

Death threats came thick and fast. Eventually Pamuk was charged with
crimes against Article 301 of the Turkish Penal Code. His crime:
insulting Turkishness. If he were proven guilty, he would be sentenced
to prison. (Charges were dropped on Jan. 22.) At the urging of friends,
he sought refuge in New York City.

Something stays in my mind about the day we finally met in a large
ballroom with a piano on one end, a table and two chairs at the
other. The man accused of crimes against the state sat down at the
piano and played. As music filled the cavernous room, his actions
made it clear that our interview was to concern art.

"My all-consuming passion," he said, "is to write the very best books
I am capable of writing." He spoke about his new memoir.

"First of all, I did not intend to write a book about Istanbul,"
he said. "As my agent was shopping around my novel Snow, I said,
‘I have so many articles about Istanbul, let’s put them together and
sell that book, too.’

"Publishers were enthusiastic," he said, "And I thought, ‘I can’t
give these guys who are so honest and strong in their support a mere
collection of articles. I will give them a new book.’ I stopped
everything on my current novel, The Museum of Innocence, which is
more ambitious than anything else I’ve written. I thought I would
write the memoir in sixth months. It took a year. I worked 12 hours
a day, just reading and working. My life, because of so many things,
was in a crisis. But every day I would wake up and have a cold shower
and sit down and remember and write."

Opening a notebook filled with dense handwriting, he added, "A writer
is nothing if he cannot be true to his work."

I’m reminded of the first sentence of one of Pamuk’s less-known novels,
The New Life, a sentence that sums up what Pamuk’s work has meant to
so many: "I read a book one day, and my whole life was changed."

For the full text of Joy E. Stocke’s interview with Orhan Pamuk,
see

http://go.philly.com/pamuk

Turkey Calms Response To Vote

TURKEY CALMS RESPONSE TO VOTE
By Andrew Borowiec

Washington Times, DC
Oct 15 2006

NICOSIA, Cyprus — Despite threats of retaliatory action and national
anger, Turkey appears to be stepping back from a prolonged clash with
France over a French parliamentary bill on the 90-year-old Armenian
massacres.

"The focus is on limiting the damage" after the French National
Assembly voted on Thursday to make any denial of the Ottoman mass
killings of Armenians a punishable offense, according to one diplomatic
report.

France’s leading politicians, including President Jacques Chirac
and his rivals, are on record in favor of keeping Turkey out of the
European Union unless it admits the massacres as genocide.

However, the French political class generally has remained lukewarm
following the decision by the lower house of Parliament, influenced
by the vocal Armenian lobby.

Only 106 of the 577 Assembly members voted for the proposed law,
with most others absent during the vote.

In his latest statement on the subject, Turkish Prime Minister Recep
Tayyip Erdogan said his government was studying retaliatory measures,
although the French Senate still would need to approve the National
Assembly’s action for it to become law.

"Turkey’s foreign trade volume with France is $10 billion, and
this is equal to 1.5 percent of France’s whole trade," Mr. Erdogan
said. "We are going to make the proper calculations and then take
the necessary steps."

A potential, though unofficial, act of retaliation occurred yesterday,
when a statue in Chaville, France, to commemorate the Armenian
massacres was reported stolen.

The bronze monument, installed in front of the train station in the
Paris suburb of Chaville in 2002, disappeared either Friday night or
yesterday morning, said authorities for the Haut-de-Seine region.

The police have not ruled out the possibility that the statue, which
weighs several hundred pounds, was stolen to be sold as scrap metal,
said Stephane Topalian, who serves on the board of the local chapter
of the Armenian church. However, Mr. Topalian stressed the timing
of the robbery, which followed the bill’s approval in France’s lower
house of Parliament.

The European Union, locked in difficult accession negotiations with
Turkey, opposes the French bill as provocative and fueling Turkish
nationalist anti-European sentiments. For their part, the nationalists
said they feel that Turkey has been slighted by the barrage of EU
demands to adjust its laws to European requirements.

Can Baydarol, a Turkish analyst, said the French vote was "proof of
the hostile attitude of France" to Turkey’s EU candidacy.

Last year, French voters rejected a proposed European Constitution,
in part because of fears that its adoption would facilitate Turkey’s
entry into the European Union.

The Armenian quest for international recognition of their national
tragedy received a significant boost when Orhan Pamuk, Turkey’s best
known novelist and critic of its treatment of minorities, received
the 2006 Nobel Prize for literature — on the day of the French
Parliament’s vote.

A succession of Turkey’s republican governments systematically has
denied any policy targeting its Armenian population but admits that
several hundred thousand Armenians died of ethnic strife and hardship
during a "resettlement march" to Syria between 1915 and 1917.

Members of the Armenian diaspora, mainly descendents of those who
escaped the massacres and settled in other parts of the world, claim
that Ottoman troops killed up to 1.5 million of their compatriots.

From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

Statue Honoring Massacred Armenians Stolen

STATUE HONORING MASSACRED ARMENIANS STOLEN

United Press International
Oct 15 2006

A bronze statue honoring the memory of Armenians killed in Turkey
during World War I has been stolen from its pedestal in a Paris suburb.

The statue stood in front of the train station in Chaville. It
disappeared late Friday or early Saturday, the BBC reported.

Investigators are unsure if the motive was financial or political. The
660-pound bronze statue is worth a lot of money as scrap metal but the
theft also occurred immediately after a vote in the French parliament
to make denying the Armenian genocide a crime.

Police say there was no vandalism apart from the taking of the statue
and no graffiti or other hints of political purpose.

Turkey has objected strongly to the proposed French law, which
must still pass the upper house of parliament and be signed by the
president.

ANKARA: Reaction Is A Must; However It Should Contain Common Sense

REACTION IS A MUST; HOWEVER IT SHOULD CONTAIN COMMON SENSE

Sabah, Turkey
Oct 15 2006

The reactions against French parliament’s legal draft to penalize the
ones denying the so-called Armenian genocide are growing. The call for
common sense is also increasing besides the comments which call for
boycotting the French goods. The member of European parliament, Vural
Oger, stated that France has rejected the heritage of enlightenment age
with this legal draft. Oger stated that the voting of French Parliament
hit the country’s relations with Turkey through an inconsiderate and
arrogant act.

A Prism Held To Turkey

A PRISM HELD TO TURKEY
Reviewed by Anne Julie Wyman

San Fransisco Chronicle
Oct 15 2006

Mystic, kaleidoscopic novel by writer often compared to Pamuk

The Gaze
By Elif Shafak; translated by Brendan Freely
MARION BOYARS BOOKS; 264 Pages; $14.95 PAPERBACK

Orhan Pamuk, some say, is writing Turkey. Writing books, too, but
mostly crafting his country’s identity right before our astonished
Western eyes.

While there’s some truth to that — Pamuk himself admits that
Turkey had few very prominent writers a generation or two ago —
he’s certainly not doing it alone. Elif Shafak, his most talented
contemporary, provides a type of insight into Turkey’s spiritual
bloodlines that Pamuk often does not. Funnily enough, Shafak, the
daughter of a Turkish diplomat, born in France and educated in Spain,
professes that she never felt quite at home in Turkey anyhow.

Like Istanbul itself, Shafak is multicultural, multivalent,
multi-ethnic. At 35, she has already lived many lives away from
Istanbul, in Germany and Jordan as well as France and Spain (currently,
she’s an assistant professor at the University of Arizona). Her
characters are Turkish, Siberian, American, Spanish, Armenian,
Jewish, young, old, ageless, Eastern, Western and sometimes none
of the above. Even her prose circles endlessly, every last syllable
tumbled against its fellows to an almost blinding shininess.

Her most recent English release, "The Gaze," is set in Istanbul
(and Russia and France and two other centuries), but for Shafak it’s
standard issue — it’s disjointed, and it’s dazzling.

Which is not to say it’s perfect. Bedazzlement is not clarity. Nor
is it very satisfying, nor does it preclude frustration.

Good thing, then, that for the most part Shafak knows what she’s
doing. A very good thing, as "The Gaze" splits itself along two rather
convoluted lines. In one, a morbidly obese anonymous bulimic woman
lives with her lover, a dwarf named B-C. The two dress in drag every
so often and leave their apartment for the express purpose of being
seen, punishing themselves and others for looking. In the other, an
immortal faceless man recruits two women, one impossibly ugly and one
impossibly beautiful, and stages a fantastical circus in 19th century
Istanbul. His performances are for single-sex audiences, focusing
on the differences in the ways men and women see — and by seeing,
damage — themselves and each other. The lovers’ sections are further
fractured by entries from the Dictionary of Gazes, B-C’s massive
tome-in-progress of Turkish words related to sight. Also included
are extended dream sequences and flashbacks of childhood trauma,
narrated by the obese woman. The circus section includes lengthy
jaunts to 19th century France and 17th century Siberia via folklore.

Complicated enough? Shafak’s style is repetitive, supersaturated
and usually entertaining, but at times heavy-handed. "The Gaze’s"
structure is similarly complex. Its twin plots are at first so rigidly
separated that when they finally merge, it’s like witnessing a little
literary miracle of life, inspiring and confusing all at once. What
a trick she pulls — the book’s ending lays bare the beginning of its
creation. This is the way Shafak works: She piles it on and piles it
on, and then, just when you feel you’ve been buried alive, she yanks
it all away and you get to see heaven.

Shafak herself is deeply spiritual, if not religious. Her first novel,
"Pinhan," which has not been released yet in English, received a
Turkish prize for mysticism and transcendentalism in literature.

The narrative structure of another novel, "The Flea Palace,"
corresponds to the architecture of an apartment building. It’s the most
accessible of her less linear work. "The Gaze" was published in Turkey
in 1999 and released in the United States after "The Saint of Incipient
Insanities." "The Bastard of Istanbul" was released in Turkey in 2005
and will be published in the United States by Viking in January.

Both "The Saint of Incipient Insanities" and "The Bastard of Istanbul"
were written in English, a move perceived by many nationalist Turks as
a betrayal of what Shafak calls Turkey’s language-cleansing project, a
state-sponsored purge of tens of thousands of old or foreign words from
Turkish. As "The Gaze’s" complex Dictionary attests, Shafak pays more
attention to her terminology than almost any other writer. For example:

"ayna (mirror): The odalisques in the harem couldn’t get their fill
of looking at their unsurpassed beauty in the mirrors that had been
brought from Venice. Their greatest desire was for the Sultan to see
what the mirror showed."

As "The Gaze" so idiosyncratically probes, a mirror’s real magic —
and its danger — is not at its surface but in the depths of the
person reflected in it. Shafak’s narrator hates how others see her,
but her shame is achingly deep, expressed through both her eating
disorder and her relationship with B-C. "Love is a corset," she says.

"In order to understand why it lasts such a short time you have to
be exceedingly fat."

As such piercing reflection attests, two factors, shame and honesty,
determine the crystallization or destruction of identity in "The
Gaze." But the narrator’s search for an intact self represents a
nearly universal process. It’s one that occurs in the relationship
of self to body, in the soul, on the page, in families, marriages,
communities. The relationship of contemporary Turkish writers to
Turkey, to each other and to themselves is also one mediated by
individual honesty and collective shame. What do I admit? That the
Ottoman Empire committed acts of genocide? How much trouble will I
get in for admitting it? What does Turkey want the rest of the world
to see? Do I care? What is Turkey? Is it Eastern or Western? Can it
be both? Istanbul is a jeweled city; Istanbul is a rotting city. It
is here, between mortification and pride, where Turkish writers are
often at the mercy of their country’s more defensive instincts.

"The Bastard of Istanbul" mentions the 1915 massacre of hundreds of
thousands of Armenians by the Turks. It was for those mentions that
Shafak was recently accused of violating Article 301 of the Turkish
Penal Code, which provides grounds for as much as three years of
imprisonment for "insulting Turkishness." In December, Pamuk was
charged under Article 301 for remarks he made about the Armenian
genocide to a Swiss magazine.

He was the keynote speaker at this year’s PEN/International World
Voices festival; according to the organization’s notes on Turkey,
dozens of Turkish writers have faced similar charges, though most
have not been jailed. Article 301 is one of the reasons Turkey has not
yet been admitted to the European Union. Imprisoning your writers —
to put it bluntly — looks pretty bad. Pamuk’s charges were dropped
in January, the week the EU began its scrutiny of the Turkish Penal
Code. Shafak’s were dropped in September, six days after the birth
of her first child.

Stylistically, the two novelists are not often compared, though both
have produced a number of intricate puzzles. In novels such as "Snow"
and "My Name Is Red," Pamuk makes much of suspense, deception and
stories within stories.

Shafak, too, loves structural conceit, masquerades and hide-and-seek.

Pamuk’s prose is much more reserved than Shafak’s; in "Istanbul:
Memories and the City," he admits he has a taste for monochromatics,
the exposed grays of Istanbul’s wooden palaces, the sooty cobbles,
the purity of the snow, while her "Gaze" shatters that same city and
shovels the pieces into a giant psychedelic kaleidoscope.

Still, reading Shafak and Pamuk side by side is a joyful project. For
example, in "The Gaze’s" Dictionary of Gazes, there’s an entry on
"Pamuk Prenses" — Snow White. And in "Snow," Pamuk writes about Reat
Ekrem Kocu, the first native of Istanbul to make an encyclopedia of
the city’s spectacles.

These small pleasures — of which there are hundreds, despite Shafak
and Pamuk’s hugely different styles — signify that as a collective,
this new literary Turkey possesses an aesthetic richness to match
its sociopolitical complexities.

Pamuk lives in Istanbul, in the same apartment building in the
Nicantaci district his father and uncle built in 1951. Shafak splits
her time between Tucson and Turkey. She writes in two languages and
calls neither her mother tongue.

But in an increasingly hybrid world, it’s individual courage, not
blood, that ought to determine allegiances — and talent that ought to
subvert them all. Brave, gifted, Elif Shafak is an international gem.

Anne Julie Wyman is a writer in Palo Alto.

From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

OSCE: Azerbaijani Side’s Accusations Of Intentional Arsons Groundles

OSCE: AZERBAIJANI SIDE’S ACCUSATIONS OF INTENTIONAL ARSONS GROUNDLESS

Regnum, Russia
Oct 15 2006

Fires which have recurred in some Nagorno Karabakh areas for the
last months were caused by natural climatic reasons, OSCE Yerevan
office head, ambassador Vladimir Pryakhin stated during his meeting
with Armenian National Security Council secretary, defense minister
Serge Sargsyan.

As REGNUM was informed by the defense ministry spokesman Colonel Seyran
Shakhsuvaryan, Vladimir Pryakhin presented outcomes of monitoring
carried out recently by international organizations and mediated by
the OSCE.

It was ascertained that fires which have been engulfing several Nagorno
Karabakh areas for the last months have natural climatic causes,
and the Azerbaijani side’s accusations of intentional arsons were
groundless. According to the conclusion of international environmental
protection organizations, a powerful fire-prevention system has to
be created in the zone.

The OSCE Mission on ecological situation’s evaluation performed
the monitoring in the border zone between Nagorno Karabakh and
Azerbaijan. The mission is comprised of representatives of the USA,
Germany, Macedonia, Switzerland, Italy, France, Moldova, and Estonia,
as well as experts from Nagorno Karabakh, and Azerbaijan. According
to the Nagorno Karabakh Emergency directorate, the main damage was
inflicted on grain crops on the area of 2,064 hectares. The whole
damage caused by the fires totaled 3.5bln of drams.

If The Printed Word Is Irrelevant, Why Was A Russian Journalist Assa

IF THE PRINTED WORD IS IRRELEVANT, WHY WAS A RUSSIAN JOURNALIST ASSASSINATED?
Ian Bell

Sunday Herald, UK
Oct 15 2006

Print is dead. I read that somewhere. Text is antique, at least
according to the prophets of multiple media who can still string a word
or two together. To hear it endlessly told, fragile paper and smelly
ink are the last, stubborn obstacles to the shiny digital revolution.

There may be something in it. In a world in which its goofy founders
can flog off YouTube as an online home movie exchange for £880 million
after barely 20 months in business, and without once stooping to turn
a profit, words on paper might strike many as beside the point.

Think of all the educated people you meet who are "too busy" to read.

Think of Gore Vidal alleging that a majority of Americans are now
functionally illiterate: how, practically speaking, can you argue
with that? Print is dead and the dominant global literary form is
blog-standard: millions upon growing millions talking to themselves.

(See [email protected]).

My laptop, because it always knows better than I, just took that last
little joke to be an actual web address, and highlighted the thing
in fetching blue while offering to make the necessary connection,
without once asking if I minded. It, too, knows that print is dead.

It will still turn keystrokes into words, if I really insist, but you
can sense the meaning of its feeble little beeps. Wouldn’t I rather
click to YouTube?

Not as such. Websites and search engines never seem to grant the
complexity of information, meaning and intellectual experience I
need. Perhaps the fault is mine. But computers are a pest, most of
the time, and screens are bad for the eyes. The pretty pictures seem
to lack texture and the reporting of the world – when not derived
from one of those antediluvian printed things – is mostly facile,
superficial, untrustworthy, or some permutation of the three.

Print is dead, but I cannot function, as a grown-up, without a
newspaper or a book. Print is dead, but the useful content of the
web-world still depends, mysteriously, on those who place words on
paper. Print is dead, but not half as dead as some of its dedicated
servants.

Anna Politkovskaya did not have much time to worry about the
contemporary relevance of ink and pulped trees as a suitable medium in
the new information age. The reporter for Novaya Gazeta’s task was to
file and to stay alive. Her problem was that the former duty can make
the latter impossible in Vladimir Putin’s Russia. The 48-year-old
Polit kovskaya persisted in writing about our valued ally’s slide
towards autocracy, particularly in the brutalisation of Chechnya,
and last weekend another nameless thug did the regime another favour.

Politkovskaya was the 13th Russian journalist to have been assassinated
since the fall of the USSR. Her profile, not to mention her bravery,
was more conspicuous than most, but her crime was familiar, her death
almost predictable. She failed to keep silence, despite many threats
and previous attempts on her life. Her reward – three shots to the
chest, one to the head, in a lift in her own apartment block while a
CCTV camera recorded the scene – was a murder of professional quality.

Those who plotted her death paid Politkovskaya the greatest
compliment imaginable, though the fact is unlikely to console two
bereaved children. Her words on paper were not "irrelevant to modern
needs". Her journalism mattered more to those who run Russia than any
rebellious billionaire, opposition politician, foreign government,
or patient democracy activist.

Thanks to an abundance of oil and gas, Putin’s regime can silence
squeamish Western powers while Russia’s democracy becomes a joke.

Thanks to a flexing of Kremlin muscle, the country’s broadcast media
are tamed. But Anna Politkovskaya, refusing to shut up, was a real
threat. People read and people believed: imagine that. She was a
careful reporter: nothing more, and never less. Just words on paper.

In this trade, we expect to lose five or six dozen colleagues in what
passes for an average year. War reporting, as ever, claims more than
its share. These days, equally, naive young freelancers in search of
a byline have been adding their blood, copiously, to the harvest.

Iraq and the madcap war on terror have meanwhile inflated the
general body-count: truth as collateral damage. But the killing of
Politkovskaya is a reminder of a new twist to the old game.

Journalists are being killed or intimidated while pursuing a lawful
trade in their own countries, and for the sake of their own people.

The list is too long, and never likely to be exhaustive. Fearless
journalism is unwise in Zimbabwe or Burma or Iran. It is ill-advised
in China or Saudi, in Tibet or Indonesia. It is suicidal in North
Korea or Syria. These states, and many more, have no real fears of
foreign propaganda. As in Russia, home truths are the authentic,
emerging enemy. Happy optimists once alleged that the growth of the
internet would cause the walls of tyranny to tumble everywhere. As
it turns out, no government has yet fallen to a blogger.

Why not? Perhaps because print must focus in order to function
while the web is diffuse. Perhaps because those words-on-paper are
imprinted with a kind of cultural memory, a thing of embedded, layered
associations and meanings. Perhaps we understand the language within
the language in a way that has become almost instinctual. We read
the signs even as we read the words. Perhaps. Or perhaps the truth
is less pretentious: one clear voice is preferable to Babel.

By all accounts, Orhan Pamuk doesn’t get out much. They say he spends
long hours in an Istanbul apartment, avoiding people, smoking steadily,
and writing endlessly. He has given his primary allegiance to print
in a 30-year career that saw him win literature’s Nobel last week at a
"young" 54.

The gesture by the Swedish Academy was "political", no doubt, as
enraged right-wing Turkish nationalists have alleged. Those who award
the prize indulge the taste, from time to time, and why not? Art’s
relationship with society, like freedom of expression, is political.

Pamuk is deeply interested in both. Last year he found himself on trial
in his homeland for "insulting Turkishness" and breaching article
301 of Turkey’s legal code. His crime was merely to mention to a
Swiss journalist that the continuing official denial of the Ottoman
genocide of 1.5 million Armenians in 1915, and of the state killing
of 30,000 Kurds in the 1980s and 1990s, was bad for the country.

Like the Nobel, his trial – won on "a technicality" – made news around
the world. That was just as well. Pamuk’s distress drew attention to
the 80-odd Turkish writers and journalists persecuted for mentioning
the unmentionable. Forty-five cases brought by nationalist lawyers
are waiting to be heard even now. All involve the simple right to
debate the truth. All depend on the peculiar potency of words on paper.

In a curious piece of timing, the national assembly of France was
passing a bill of its own last Thursday as the Swedish Academy’s
decision was being announced. If enacted – though that is unlikely –
the proposed legislation would render denial of the Armenian genocide
a crime, punishable by a year in prison .

Turkey has detected a barely hidden agenda – a desire to prevent its
accession to the EU – and threatened retaliation. Even some of the
Turkish and Armenian writers fighting for a true accounting of the
1915 slaughter have objected. Which country has told the whole truth
about its imperial past, after all? Not France. And how is freedom
advanced if anyone is muzzled?

That, of course, is Pamuk’s point. That was Politkovskaya’s point.

Journalism, so often despised, defends freedom by its very existence.

Art, so often abused or misused, illuminates the nature of that
freedom. You can end up giving comfort to the propagators of ideas
you despise: that’s the price, and the reason why a Turkish novelist
or a Russian journalist earn their honours the hard way.

If print dies, the lone, essential voices die with it. Two thousand
years of accumulated culture sink, unnoticed, into the Google swamp.

Every truth becomes relative. If print dies – and who will then
write the obituaries? – all that can remain, beautifully rendered,
technologically exquisite, open to one and all, is undifferentiated
noise. Sometimes, after all, a web is just a snare.

–Boundary_(ID_RDKjdlRd3eYYd8RgK3kTCA)–

From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

Statue Commemorating Massacre Of Armenians Stolen From Paris Suburb

STATUE COMMEMORATING MASSACRE OF ARMENIANS STOLEN FROM PARIS SUBURB CANADIAN PRESS

Canadian Press
Oct 15 2006

CHAVILLE, France (AP) – A statue commemorating the First World War-era
massacre of Armenians in Turkey was stolen, an official said Saturday,
two days after French legislators approved a bill that would make it
a crime to deny that the killings amounted to genocide.

The bronze monument, installed in front of the train station in the
Paris suburb of Chaville in 2002, disappeared between Friday night
and Saturday morning, said authorities for the Haut-de-Seine region.

The police have not ruled out the possibility that the statue, which
weighs several hundred kilograms, was stolen to be sold as scrap metal,
said Stephane Topalian, who serves on the board of the local chapter
of the Armenian church.

However, Topalian stressed the timing of the robbery, which came after
France’s lower house of parliament on Thursday passed a bill that make
it a crime to deny the mass killings of Armenians by Ottoman Turks
around the time of the First World War amounted to genocide. Under
the bill, those who contest it was genocide would risk up to a year
in prison.

The legislation, which infuriated Turkey, passed 106-19.

President Jacques Chirac’s government opposed the bill, although it
did not use its majority in the lower house to vote it down. Instead,
most ruling party legislators did not vote on the text that was
brought by the opposition Socialist party.

It still needs to be approved by the French Senate and the president
to become law.

Armenia accuses Turkey of massacring Armenians during the First World
War, when Armenia was under the Ottoman Empire. Turkey says Armenians
were killed in civil unrest during the collapse of the empire, and
strongly objects to the killings being called genocide.

Statue Commemorating World War I Era Massacre Of Armenians Stolen

STATUE COMMEMORATING WORLD WAR I ERA MASSACRE OF ARMENIANS STOLEN

Focus News, Bulgaria
Oct 14 2006

Paris. A statue commemorating the World War I era massacre of Armenians
was stolen, local authorities said on Saturday, two days after French
lawmakers approved a controversial bill that would make it a crime to
deny that mass killings of Armenians in Turkey amounted to genocide, AP
reported. The bronze monument, installed in front of the train station
in the Paris suburb of Chaville in 2002, vanished between Friday night
and Saturday morning, said authorities for the Haut-de-Seine region.