ANCC Press Release – CNAC Comm. de Presse

ARMENIAN NATIONAL COMMITTEE OF CANADA
3401 Olivar-Asselin
Montréal, Québec
H4J 1L5
Tél. (514) 334-1299 Fax (514) 334-6853
——————————————————————————–

PRESS RELEASE
08 November 2004

Contacts: Shant Karabajak 514-334-1299

Roupen Kouyoumdjian 514-336-7095

Aris Babikian 416-497-8972

For immediate release:

THE ARMENIAN NATIONAL COMMITTEE OF CANADA HONOURS SEN. MARCEL PRUD’HOMME

Montreal – The Armenian National Committee of Canada hosted a cocktail event at
the Armenian Community Center of Montreal in honour of Sen. Marcel Prud’homme’s
40th anniversary of political life. Among the guests were the Senator’s close
circle of friends and colleagues, as well as representatives of the Armenian
organizations who had known the Senator for a long time.

The Senator was presented with a picture from Armenia, made entirely with flower
petals, depicting an Armenian scene. Presenting the present was Dr. Girair
Basmadjian, president of the Armenian National Committee of Canada who said
“When our community was still young Sen. Prud’homme was our only friend in
Parliament, and was always present at all our events and commemorations of the
Armenian Genocide.”

Deeply moved by this display of gratitude, Sen. Prud’homme, in his speech,
thanked the members of the community as well as his family members who have
always supported him in his endeavours. He then added, commenting on the
sizeable representation of the Armenian Youth Organization of Canada present at
the event, that it is important for the youth to be prepared to lift the torch
and continue the struggle for justice.

At the end of the evening, the honourable Senator was also presented with a
large poster congratulating his 40 years of service and bearing the signatures
of all who were present, including municipal councilors Ms. Noushig Eloyan, Mrs.
Hasmig Belleli and Mrs. Marie Deros.

-30-

Comité National Arménien du Canada
3401 Olivar-Asselin
Montréal, Québec
H4J 1L5
Tél. (514) 334-1299 Fax (514) 334-6853

——————————————————————————–

Communiqué de Presse

08 Novembre, 2004

Contacts: Shant Karabajak 514-334-1299

Roupen Kouyoumdjian 514-336-7095

Aris Babikian 416-497-8972

Pour diffusion immédiate:

Le Comtié National Arménien du Canada honore le Sen. Marcel Prud’Homme

Montréal – Le Comité National Arménien du Canada a organisé une récéption au
Centre Communautaire Arménien de Montréal, à l’honneur du 40ième anniversaire de
la vie politque de l’honorable Sen. Marcel Prud’Homme. Parmi les invités étaient
présents les proches et la famille du Sénateur, ainsi que les représentants des
diverses organisations arméniennes ayant travaillé avec le Sénateur pendant
plusieurs années.

Le président du Comité National Arménien du Canada, Dr. Girair Basmadjian,
présenta au Sénateur un tableau d’un peintre arménien symbolique de la culture
arménienne. Dr. Basmadjian ajouta que “Sen. Prud’Homme, fut notre premier ami
sur la scène politique canadienne à l’époque où notre communauté était encore
jeune. Il était toujours présent à tous nos évènements et à toutes les
commémorations du Génocide Arménien.”

Visiblement ému, Sen. Prud’homme a pris la parole en remerciant la communauté
ainsi que les membres de sa famille qui l’ont toujours encouragé. Touché par la
présence des jeunes en grand nombre Hon. Marcel Prud’homme souhaita que ceux-ci
prennent la relève et luttent toujours pour la justice.

À la fin de la soirée, l’honorable Sénateur a recu aussi une grande affiche,
recouvert par les signatures de tous les invités incuant les conseillères
municipales Mlle Noushig Eloyan, Mme Hasmig Belleli et Mme Marie Deros,
félicitant ses 40 ans de vie politique.

-30-

–Boundary_(ID_Oaqeh61qOYjgcqC8xZAhEg)–

Investigation Can Be Resumed If New Evidence Emerges

INVESTIGATION CAN BE RESUMED IF NEW EVIDENCE EMERGES

A1 Plus | 21:10:29 | 09-11-2004 | Politics |

“All sourced of information have already exhausted”, said Tuesday
members of the crew investigating the October 27 terrorist act
committed in 1999 in Armenian National Assembly building and proposed
to close the isolated case on the crime masterminds. And the case
was dismissed…

Aram Sargssyan, Republic party leader and brother of the then
prime minister Vazgen Sargssyan killed in the terrorist attack,
said commenting on the case closure at a news conference there was
nothing surprising to him in it. In his opinion, the authorities
acted this way thinking it will settle the whole matter. “But they
are wrong about that: gap between them and people will widen now
and public scepticism will run high”, he said. He pointed out that,
contrary to Kocharyan, many Armenian officials, including PM and a
number of ministers, believed there were masterminds.

Ashot Sargssyan, the attorney of another victim of the terrorist
action, the then parliament speaker Karen Demirchyan, thinks the
decision to dismiss the case is completely groundless.

The investigation crew head Marcel Matevossyan said at the news
conference that the case closure doesn’t mean the investigation cannot
be resumed in the event that new pieces of evidence emerge.

Behind the breakthrough

Behind the breakthrough

Baltimore Sun
November 9, 2004

By Harry J. Gilmore

Fifteen years ago today, determined throngs of East Berliners breached the
Berlin Wall, and the United States and its allies helped facilitate the
safe
movement of Berliners through the wall that historic night. This story is
being told for American readers for the first time.

With the defeat of the Nazi regime, the victorious Allies divided Germany
and Berlin into four zones (sectors, in the case of Berlin). The victors
were unable to agree on Germany’s future, and two German states were
created, the Federal Republic of Germany in the west and the German
Democratic Republic in the east. Although the Soviet Union made its sector
of Berlin the East German capital, the United States and its allies did not
recognize East Berlin as part of East Germany and zealously insisted on
their four-power rights in Berlin, including the right to maintain
garrisons
in the city.

The allied ambassadors to Germany retained the residual authority of the
former military occupation commanders and high commissioners, and each
allied sector in Berlin was headed by a commandant. Each commandant had a
civilian deputy. I was the U.S. minister and deputy commandant that
historic
night. The United States held the rotating allied chairmanship that
November, so I was Governing Mayor Walter Momper’s point of contact with
the
Allies.

In the months before Nov. 9, 1989, there had been a steady crescendo of
peaceful and increasingly massive demonstrations for freedom in East
Germany, especially freedom of travel. Shortly before 6 p.m., East German
press spokesman Guenter Schabowski emerged from an emergency leadership
meeting to announce new travel regulations, making it possible for East
Germans to travel abroad at any time, via any checkpoint. Asked when these
new regulations would take effect, Mr. Schabowski vainly searched his
briefing materials for guidance and then indicated they were valid
immediately.

His statements were broadcast throughout Berlin and East Germany. Soon,
East
Berliners began to gather at the checkpoints along the wall. At Bornholmer
Strasse, they shouted that they had heard Mr. Schabowski and were
determined
to cross into West Berlin. The guards had no instructions, and about 10:30
p.m. let the most vociferous of them cross. This news was immediately
broadcast to virtually every household in Berlin and East Germany, and the
ranks of those seeking to cross spread like wildfire. By 11:30 p.m., the
East German border guards let everyone pass. Soon, all of the Berlin
checkpoints were open and legions of East Berliners were flooding into West
Berlin.

Mayor Momper and his staff had been monitoring the situation closely since
Mr. Schabowski’s news conference. After meeting with his government to
review preparations for a large influx of East Berliners and other East
Germans, Mr. Momper made a brief live TV appearance and drove to the
busiest
area of the wall.

He urged West Berlin Police President Georg Schertz to take every
measure to
bring order to the surging crowds, including the cluster of West Berliners
who had climbed onto the wall at the Brandenburg Gate. Mr. Schertz reminded
Mr. Momper that the West Berlin police were not permitted to approach the
sector boundary or the wall. This was because the wall had been carefully
constructed to stand just inside East Berlin. At that point, Mr. Momper
telephoned me to request urgent Allied authorization for the West Berlin
police to approach the wall and control the checkpoints.

In accordance with established procedures, and because of the acute
political sensitivity of West Berlin police encroaching or crossing the
sector boundary, I should have consulted our British and French allies and
higher U.S. authority before responding to Mr. Momper’s request. But this
would have taken far too much time.

From frequent conversations about possible contingencies, I knew that the
U.S. commandant, Maj. Gen. Raymond Haddock, would favor immediate positive
action. I also was sure that the U.S. ambassador to Germany, Vernon
Walters,
and President George H. W. Bush would want us to do everything possible to
ensure the safety of the tens of thousands of Berliners seeking to pass
through the wall. I was confident, too, that our British and French allies
would share this view. I therefore assured Mr. Momper on the spot that the
Allies would take immediate steps to provide greater latitude to the police.

When I hung up, I called General Haddock, who immediately concurred. I then
gave appropriate instructions to the public safety adviser, Frank Collins,
our official liaison with the West Berlin police. Within minutes, we had
given the police the flexibility they needed to establish order at the
wall.
Amid the teeming, surging crowds, no one was seriously injured at the wall
that night.

Our British and French counterparts gave their full support. Although I
would have preferred to inform my Soviet counterpart in East Berlin
personally and immediately, I decided not to risk complicating the already
delicate situation. He and I were in regular contact before and after the
wall opened, and he had indicated that the Soviets, under Mikhail S.
Gorbachev, intended to keep their troops away from demonstrators and crowds
so long as they were not provoked.

I am telling this story now because I want to put it on the record while I
can. I look back on our role that historic night with deep satisfaction. I
think of heroic Berlin Governing Mayors Ernst Reuter and Willy Brandt as
well as President John F. Kennedy and Gen. Lucius Clay, father of the
1948-49 Berlin Airlift. I also think of the many American soldiers, airmen
and civilians who stood firm over the nearly 50 years of our commitment to
the divided city.

The words of Mr. Brandt in the days after the wall fell still ring in my
ears: “What belongs together is now growing together.”

Harry J. Gilmore, the first U.S. ambassador posted to post-Soviet
Armenia, was U.S. minister and deputy commandant of Berlin from 1987 to
1990.

,1,3886468.story?coll=bal-oped-headlines

http://www.baltimoresun.com/news/opinion/oped/bal-op.berlin09nov09

AGBU Toronto and Zoryan Institute Host Two Lectures on Karabagh’sInd

ZORYAN INSTITUTE OF CANADA, INC.
255 Duncan Mill Rd., Suite 310
Toronto, ON, Canada M3B 3H9
Tel: 416-250-9807 Fax: 416-512-1736 E-mail: [email protected]

PRESS RELEASE

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE CONTACT: George Shirinian

DATE: November 5, 2004 Tel: 416-250-9807

AGBU Toronto and Zoryan Institute Host Two Lectures on Karabagh’s
Independence

Toronto, Canada – The AGBU of Toronto and the Zoryan Institute jointly
hosted an evening of two lectures on Nagorno Karabagh on October 29, at the
AGBU Alex Manoogian Cultural Centre, covering its history of independence
and its current status in light of international law and politics, as it was
time for a new, up-to-date assessment.

The issue of Karabagh’s independence, which caused a war between Armenia and
Azerbaijan, became a critical subject in international politics during the
dissolution of the Soviet Union. The essence of the conflict was the
priority of the self-determination of the people of Karabagh, an autonomous
republic, versus the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Azerbaijan as
a nation-state incorporating the Nagorno Karabagh Republic (NKR). Since the
1994 ceasefire between Armenia and Azerbaijan, the conflict has dropped from
the headlines, and much of what has been written on the subject in the west,
particularly in English, has generally been pro-Azeri and anti-Armenian. The
exceptions have been the publications of the Zoryan Institute, such as The
Karabagh File, The Sumgait Tragedy, and The Making of Nagorno-Karabagh: From
Secession to Republic, as well as those by a few others.

Prof. George Bournoutian, Senior Professor of History at Iona College, spoke
on “The Armeno-Azeri Academic Conflict over Karabakh.” His lecture was
particularly timely as it coincided with the appearance of his new book, Two
Chronicles on the History of Karabagh, which has just been released by Mazda
Publishers. The book documents, through two Muslim, Persian language
chronicles of the 18th and early 19th centuries, respectively, the existence
of Karabagh as an unquestioned Armenian territory. It clearly refutes modern
Azerbaijani historians, who falsify primary source materials in order to
deny the existence of the Armenians in their ancestral homelands.

Mr. Vardan Barseghyan, Permanent Representative of the Nagorno-Karabakh
Republic in the United States, spoke on “The Current Situation Regarding the
Independence of Nagorno-Karabakh and International Law.” He noted that the
population of Nagorno Karabagh never saw itself as part of Azerbaijan, as
Karabagh had never been part of Azerbaijan, and Stalin’s forced separation
of Karabagh from Armenia in 1923 remained a source of continued protest and
international conflict.

Mr. Barseghyan described how, in August 1991, Azerbaijan announced it was
seceding from the Soviet Union. Two days later, in compliance with then
existing Soviet law, which gave the right of self-determination to
republics seceding from the Soviet Union, the NKR declared its independence
from the newly established Azerbaijan Republic. This was followed in
December 1991 with a referendum, in which an overwhelming majority of
Karabagh’s population voted for independence. A principle was being
challenged: if the Republic of Azerbaijan had the right to secede from the
Soviet Union, then the Autonomous Republic of Nagorno Karabagh had the right
to secede from Azerbaijan.

Mr. Barseghyan explained how the NKR meets international criteria for
sovereignty.

1. Effective control over a defined territory.
2. A permanent population.
3. Regular armed forces, which are under civilian control.
4. A democratically elected government with executive, legislative and
judicial branches.
5. Effective conduct of its foreign affairs.

The NKR seeks three main points in its negotiations with Azerbaijan.

1. The existence of Karabagh.
2. Peer-to-peer relations between Azerbaijan and Karabagh.
3. International guarantees for the NKR.

“The most important prerequisite for negotiations,” stated Barseghyan, “is
security and stability in the region, which can not be achieved without
stability in each state..The NKR seeks a political end to the war.Democratic
Karabagh can not be subordinated to Azerbaijan, which violates the rights of
its own citizens.” He explained his government’s position, that in order to
resolve the conflict, the reasons for the conflict have to be addressed,
before the consequences can be eliminated. Karabagh’s status is at the heart
of the conflict. The consequences include the displacement of people on both
sides, creation of a security belt around Karabagh, and the detrimental
impact of the war on the parties’ respective economies. Barseghyan stressed
that had Azerbaijan succeeded in its attempt to crush Karabagh’s assertion
of its freedom, Karabagh would have been the victim of another genocide. “If
Karabagh were to concede any of Azerbaijan’s demands unilaterally,” he
stated, “without any concessions in return, we are convinced that, having
improved their military position at virtually no cost would embolden
Azerbaijan to consider renewing military action.”

Barseghyan pointed out that the Azerbaijani government implemented policies
designed to effect the “ethnic cleansing” of the Armenians from Karabagh.
These policies included economic and cultural discrimination, and the
encouragement of Azeri settlement in Karabagh. After the outbreak of
violence, they also included government-sponsored falsification of the
region’s history.

This view was supported by the main theme of Prof. Bournoutian’s lecture.
Bournoutian described several examples of how, since 1988, Azerbaijani
historians have falsified primary sources by removing all mention of Armenia
and the Armenians from them, in an attempt to deny Armenians’ ancestral
claims to this territory. “Historians have a duty to facts,” Bournoutian
emphasized. “Such desperate acts not only reduce Azeri historical claims to
Karabagh, but strengthen the Armenian case,” he remarked.

The reason it seems that most of the publications in the west are very pro
Azeri, he observed, is that “Azerbaijan, as well as its staunch supporter
Turkey, give lots of grants to western writers. Armenians are not producing
enough books and articles giving a more balanced point of view. There are
very few academics who deal with modern Armenian history; universities
discourage them, feeling it is too political. In this regard, I must say
that there are very few organizations or individuals who address this
critical problem, but I must acknowledge the efforts of the AGBU, the Zoryan
Institute, the National Association of Armenian Studies and Research, and
Mr. Kourken Sarkissian.”

“The political impasse and neglect of the Karabagh issue is somewhat
surprising,” commented K.M. (Greg) Sarkissian, President of the Zoryan
Institute. “The recent secessionist movements in East Timor in South East
Asia, and Eritrea in Africa, for example, are vivid examples of how the
Karabagh conflict could be resolved by the international community. In both
cases, history shows us that two distinct cultures can not be forced into a
successful union. Therefore,” he continued, “it is essential to understand
this conflict not just from an Armenian perspective, but to know the larger
history surrounding it, as well as the international legal and political
realities. We hope that through such analytical and informative lectures, we
are able to provide people with an understanding of the situation in
Karabagh from a universal perspective.”

www.zoryaninstitute.org

Top Armenian Military Officer Visits the United States,Meets with Co

PRESS RELEASE
November 9, 2004
Embassy of the Republic of Armenia
2225 R Street, NW, Washington, DC, 20008
Tel: 202-319-1976, x. 348; Fax: 202-319-2982
Email: [email protected] ;Web:

Top Armenian Military Officer Visits the United States, Meets with
Counterparts

Armenia’s highest ranking military officer, Chief of Armed Forces
General Staff and First Deputy Defense Minister Colonel-General
Mikayel Harutyunian visited the United States on October 31-November
5, 2004, at the invitation of his U.S. counterpart, Chairman of the
Joint Chiefs of Staff General Richard B. Myers.

During his visit, Col.-Gen. Harutyunian, accompanied by Armenian Armed
Forces officers, visited the U.S. Joint Forces Command and NATO Allied
Command Transformation in Norfolk, VA, U.S. Central Command in Tampa,
FL, as well as the State of Kansas, with which Armenia has concluded
a State Partnership Program, providing for cooperation between the
Kansas National Guard and the Armed Forces of the Republic of Armenia.

The Armenian military delegation then proceeded to Washington, D.C.,
where Col.-Gen. Mikayel Harutyunian held meetings with Gen. Richard
B. Myers and other high-ranking officials at the Pentagon. The agenda
for talks included U.S.-Armenian military cooperation, peacekeeping,
and issues related to Armenia’s participation in the NATO Partnership
for Peace Program. Visiting the Arlington National Cemetery,
Col.-Gen. Harutyunian placed a wreath at the Tomb of the Unknowns on
behalf of the Armed Forces of the Republic of Armenia. The Armenian
military delegation also visited the National Defense University and
the Armenian Embassy in Washinton, D.C.

During the visit, Col.-Gen. Mikayel Harutyunian was awarded the Legion
of Merit, in recognition of establishment of a durable and constructive
relationship between the Armed Forces of the United States of America
and the Republic of Armenia, as well as of Armenia’s significant
contributions to the effectiveness of the global war on terrorism
and active cooperation in NATO Partnership for Peace Program.

www.armeniaemb.org

Moldovan Police Seize Fake Dollars

MOLDOVAN POLICE SEIZE FAKE DOLLARS

Infotag news agency
9 Nov 04

Chisinau, 9 November: The Moldovan police has exposed two criminal
groups which have been trying to sell 40.000 dollars in fake banknotes.

The public relations service of the Chisinau general police
commissariat has told Infotag news agency that Chisinau residents
Viktor Captura and Mikhail Lozan had been arrested while trying to
sell 20.000 dollars in fake banknotes. The criminals expected to
be paid 24 cents per dollar. The fake notes were of high quality. It
took three attempts to detect the fakes by special equipment.

The second gang included an Armenian, (?Khchan Melikset) and a Chisinau
resident, Viktor Gritsko. Police detained Melikset while he was trying
to sell 20.000 fake dollars, hoping to be paid 3.400 real dollars.

Criminal cases have been opened under Article 236 Part 2 of the
Criminal Code on charges of “producing or selling counterfeit
money or securities”. The article envisages 10 to 20 years of
imprisonment. Since the beginning of the year, 89 cases of forgery
have been registered in the republic, 77 out of them have been solved.

MP Says Armenia’s Desire To Cooperate With Nato “Natural”

MP SAYS ARMENIA’S DESIRE TO COOPERATE WITH NATO “NATURAL”

Ayots Ashkar, Yerevan
9 Nov 04

An interview with the chairman of the national security and internal
affairs commission of the National Assembly, Mger Shakhgeldyan. He
comments on NATO Secretary-General Jaap de Hoop Scheffer’s visit to
the region.

(Ayots Ashkar correspondent) Mr Shakhgeldyan, was Scheffer’s visit
only a fact-finding one or it had more specific purposes?

(Shakhgeldyan) I think both statements are true. The visit may be
assessed as a fact-finding one in a sense that Jaap de Hoop Scheffer
was recently elected NATO secretary-general. The new secretary-general
needed to learn positions of the three states form the point of view of
continuing and expanding further cooperation with NATO. His specific
purpose was that he needed to get familiarized with the general
situation in the region and see the potential of NATO’s participation
in the South Caucasus processes, its presence and expansion.

(Passage omitted: it will take Azerbaijan and Georgia many years to
become NATO members)

(Correspondent) At present to what extent does Armenia’s position
correspond to NATO’s aspirations and desires?

(Shakhgeldyan) Armenia has made the decision to broaden cooperation
without becoming a NATO member. But one should not forget that NATO
is also a structure that takes part in military, political and social
processes. In this sense, Armenia’s desire to continue cooperation is
absolutely natural stemming from NATO’s significant role in different
processes.

(Correspondent) What will the programme of individual cooperation
with NATO give to Armenia?

(Shakhgeldyan) As it is at the stage of development, I think it will
be correct to speak about this when it is finished and endorsed. As a
preliminary assessment, I can say that the programme will give us an
opportunity to form more flexible cooperation mechanisms proceedings
only from the interests of our state.

(Correspondent) Can we interpret this as follows: this individual
cooperation programme will also counter-balance Azerbaijan’s claims
to be a pro-NATO state and to present Armenia as an anti-NATO state
and a partner of Russia?

(Shakhgeldyan) Sometimes Azerbaijan really tries to present reality
in this way. But I think that NATO understands very well that by this
Azerbaijan is trying to create additional problems for Armenia in the
world. But the individual cooperation programme in the first place aims
to develop Armenia-NATO relations, especially that earlier we took part
in different programmes initiated by NATO. Creating a counter-balance
to Azerbaijan’s strategy in this context is a lesser problem.

Karabakh Armenians Seek OSCE Help In Search For POWs In Azerbaijan

KARABAKH ARMENIANS SEEK OSCE HELP IN SEARCH FOR POWS IN AZERBAIJAN

Artsakh State TV, Stepanakert
9 Nov 04

The NKR (Nagornyy Karabakh Republic) union of relatives of those
missing in action sent a letter to the co-chairmen of OSCE Minsk
Group on 9 November.

In its letter the union highly appreciates the activities of the
Minsk Group and its co-chairmen in the Nagornyy Karabakh conflict
settlement. At the same time, the NKR union of relatives of those
missing in action notes that there are Armenian POWs and civilian
hostages in Azerbaijani prisons and military units, who were given
Azerbaijani names by the Azerbaijani authorities in order to conceal
their existence. They are subjected to torture and humiliation. Some
of them cannot bear this and either die or commit suicide. They
are buried in prison yards with numbers instead of names on their
graves. Even Azerbaijani non-official sources report such cases.

The NKR union of relatives of those missing in action asks the Minsk
Group co-chairmen to provide assistance in the search for POWs,
hostages or their remains. Azerbaijan has signed Geneva conventions
and additional protocols to them, therefore it must observe them.

Book probes Ocalan affair

Book probes Ocalan affair

‘The Kurdish Trap’ offers fascinating insights and lessons to
politicians on both sides of Aegean

Kathimerini, Athens (English Edition)
11-09-2004

By Burak Bekdil

The book is still fresh on bookstore shelves in Turkey, but it’s already a
best seller. “The Kurdish Trap” not only gives the reader the most detailed
insight so far on an episode the Turks recall with quite a lot of pride,
but
also offers an excellent narrative of how the Aegean neighbors wisely
avoided the most recent unpleasant chapter in their history.

“The Kurdish Trap” is the odyssey of Abdullah Ocalan, leader of the
outlawed
Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK), now in solitary confinement in a military
prison, between Oct. 1, 1998, when his days in his Damascus safe haven were
numbered, and Feb. 15, 1999, when he was delivered by American agents to
Turkish special forces at Nairobi airport – after he was “deported” from
the
Greek Embassy in the Kenyan capital.

The book’s author is Murat Yetkin, one of Turkey’s most prominent
journalists and presently Ankara bureau chief for Radikal, a daily
newspaper
many people view as Turkey’s “Guardian.” For “The Kurdish Trap,” Mr Yetkin
interviewed American diplomats and intelligence officers as well as
Turkey’s
top government, military and intelligence officials who were in office
during the PKK leader’s forced journey across three continents. His
revelations are stunning in many ways.

On Sept. 30, 1998, a day before President Suleyman Demirel was to make his
annual speech in Parliament, his foreign-policy advisers came up with a
speech text that, as the president had ordered them to do, contained a
warning to Syria not to harbor Ocalan any longer. Having read the text, Mr
Demirel looked bitterly at his advisers and said: “Make it tougher.
Threaten
Syria.”

President Demirel’s speech on Oct. 1 was the beginning of a new and very
tense chapter between Ankara and Damascus. In his speech the president
bitterly reminded the Assad regime of the 30,000 dead, and openly said
Syria
should either stop harboring the man responsible for the bloodshed or
suffer
the consequences. Twelve days later, Army Commander General Atilla Ates
echoed the threat in a military tone. Turkey would begin reinforcing its
troops bordering Syria, then launched military exercises in the eastern
Mediterranean, and, eventually, began a hot pursuit after the PKK
terrorists
infiltrating Turkish territory from across the Syrian border. Operational
plans showed the first Turkish troops would set foot in Damascus in 8-12
days. The choice belonged to President Hafez al-Assad.

After increased pressure from Ankara and Washington, and intensive
diplomatic efforts from Egypt and Iran – both of which thought a military
confrontation in the region was against their interests – Assad, much
sooner
than Turkey expected, agreed to stop sheltering Ocalan.

Ocalan was put on a plane en route to Athens. That was the beginning of
trouble for the PASOK government. Prime Minister Costas Simitis, reportedly
despite objections from Foreign Minister Theodoros Pangalos, ordered
Ocalan’s
immediate deportation from Greek territory. After a breathtaking diplomatic
confrontation between Turkey, Italy and Russia, Ocalan ended up in Athens
briefly, and later in Corfu before, once again on orders from Mr
Simitis, he
was packed into a Falcon 900 and, carrying a false Cyprus passport under
the
name of Lazaros Mavros, sent to Kenya until the Americans decided it was
time to deliver him to the Turks. Most of the odyssey is in the public
domain. But “The Kurdish Trap” reveals many details not known before.

New findings

For example, the book tells of contacts between the PKK, which it refers to
as the “unwanted baby of the Kurdish problem” and a bunch of PASOK members
led by Costas Badouvas in the 1990s. A photo in the book shows Mr Badouvas
discussing with Ocalan, over a map, possible energy routes via Turkey. It
cannot be a coincidence, Mr Yetkin argues, that the Armenian killing
machine, ASALA, which murdered dozens of Turkish diplomats in the ’70s and
early ’80s, was dismantled in 1983-84, the same year as the PKK took the
stage.

Mr Yetkin reveals that the Turkish secret services had attempted to
assassinate Ocalan at his Damascus home in the mid-1990s, but the effort
failed when a ton of explosives blew out a whole street when Ocalan was not
at home. Most interestingly, Mr Yetkin claims the Turkish secret services
had also attempted to kill Admiral Adonis Naksakis, a Greek naval
intelligence officer, shortly after his meeting with Ocalan at Lebanon’s
Bika Valley, once home to thousands of PKK gunmen. It’s a funny story:

“Yesil, a code name for a Kurdish hit man often used by the Turkish
services
and now on a wanted list, had been tasked with assassinating Admiral
Naksakis. He went to Athens for the job with a team of his own. When they
ended up driving in the wrong direction on a one-way Athens street, they
were caught by the Greek police, interrogated under detention for a few
days, but then released without revealing their true mission in Athens.” Mr
Yetkin says a Turkish intelligence officer confirmed the story.

According to the book, Turkish intelligence was also behind a series of
explosions on the Greek mainland and islands, in retaliation for the
alleged
Greek support for the PKK’s campaign in the 1990s to set Turkish forests
ablaze.

But throughout the whole episode Prime Minister Simitis was very determined
to stay away from trouble. In his defense in court, Ocalan recalls his
first
landing in Athens: “My arrival in Athens was the product of our contacts
with Badouvas. I had asked (the Greeks) 10 times whether the circumstances
for my arrival were appropriate. The answer was positive each time. At the
airport, I saw (Greek intelligence chief) Haralambos Stavrakakis and
(another intelligence officer) Savvas Kalenderidis. They were in a state of
panic. They threatened me: Unless I left Athens by 5 p.m. the same day I
would be forced to do so. Badouvas never showed up.” Ocalan’s next stop was
Russia, where he stayed at Vladimir Zhrinovsky’s house until Ankara
convinced Moscow that Ocalan had to be deported.

Ocalan further reveals the “Greek connection.”

“…We once bought scores of Russian-made ground-to-air missiles from
Serbia
through funds collected in Greece and under guidance of the Greek secret
services.”

But during those days Turkey’s primary target was Italy, where Ocalan
stayed
for 66 days amid massive Turkish protests. The book claims that the Turkish
secret services were so frustrated by the Italian behavior over Ocalan that
they put together an assassination plot against him in Rome. But instead,
they made a wiser move. The book says the intelligence chiefs in Ankara
told
of their plan to the CIA’s local station chief and “requested the American
service’s assistance in neutralizing the Italians when the attempt was
to be
made.”

That move, according to Mr Yetkin, convinced the Americans that the Turks
had become so crazy and obsessed with Ocalan that they could do anything
insane to get him. Something truly crazy might have caused turmoil in
Turkey’s
ties with the Western world, and that was entirely against American
interests. That was the beginning of the end for Ocalan.

After Italy’s communist prime minister, Massimo D’Alema, could no longer
resist the pressure, Ocalan went to Russia once again on Jan. 16, 1999. A
very hot potato unwanted by every country, even Armenia, due to increased
Turkish-American pressure, Ocalan had to spend nine days in Tadzhikistan,
then went to St Petersburg, and finally to Athens again. At the time, Mr
Simitis’s differences with Mr Pangalos over Ocalan were deepening.

On one occasion, according to unidentified sources referred to by Mr
Yetkin,
when Mr Pangalos discussed with Mr Simitis the issue of possible political
asylum for Ocalan, the Greek prime minister said bluntly: “You are not to
meet with (Ocalan). And that person will leave this country at once.”

These were the conditions Ocalan was put aboard a plane heading first for
Minsk, then back to Athens, and on to Corfu when head of the Turkish
intelligence, Senkal Atasagun sent a fax message to his Greek counterpart,
Mr Stavrakakis, saying: “We know where Ocalan is. This is going to cause a
lot of trouble between Turkey and Greece.” Mr Simitis once again called Mr
Pangalos: Finish off this business.

Ocalan’s days at the residence of the Greek ambassador to Nairobi, Giorgios
Kostoulas, ended in a way that is known to more or less everyone. But the
breakthrough, according to Mr Yetkin, came up on Feb. 4 when the CIA’s
station chief in Ankara called Mr Atasagun and gave him the good news:
President Bill Clinton had endorsed Ocalan’s capture by the American agents
and his delivery to the Turks on condition of a “fair trial and no capital
punishment.” The Kurdish trap was finally beginning to work. Under pressure
from Kenyan authorities, his own government and the Americans, Ambassador
Kostoulas convinced Ocalan that he would be put aboard a plane heading for
The Hague. Hoping to be boarding a Dutch plane, Ocalan instead found
Turkish
agents greeting him: “Welcome to your homeland!”

No doubt, Mr Yetkin’s book will be much debated. But its contents are a
valuable lesson to politicians across the Aegean.

PHOTO CAPTION: Kurdish rebel leader Abdullah Ocalan (c) is flanked by
masked Turkish agents as he is flown from Kenya to Turkey in February 1999.
From: Baghdasarian

Four Day Conference At The University Of Michigan Looks At Past andF

University of Michigan (Ann Arbor)
Armenian Studies Program
1080 S. University, Suite 4640
Ann Arbor, MI 48109-1106
Tel: (734) 764-0350
Fax: (734) 764-8523
Contact: Sara Sarkisian
Email: [email protected]

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
ARMENIAN STUDIES PROGRAM/UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN, ANN ARBOR

FOUR DAY CONFERENCE AT THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN LOOKS AT PAST AND FUTURE OF
SOUTH CAUCASUS AND KARABAKH PEACE PROCESS

Participants from Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia and eight other countries
discuss foreign policy challenges and conflicts

The University of Michigan, Ann Arbor campus was the site of an unprecedented,
four-day conference on ~SArmenia/The South Caucasus and Foreign Policy
Challenges~T from October 21 to 24. Organized by the Armenian Studies Program at
the University of Michigan, the conference brought together scholars and
diplomats from Armenia (3), Georgia (3), Azerbaijan (2), Russia (3), Iran (3),
Turkey (2), Finland (1), the United Kingdom (2), Belgium (1), Canada (1), and
the United States (12).

The purpose of the international conference was to review the foreign policies
of the South Caucasus republics during the past twelve years of independence and
in view of developments in the region and in international relations as well as
to analyze conflict resolution processes with special emphasis on the Nagorno
Karabakh problem. It was hoped that a thorough and joint exploration of these
issues might prompt specialists of the region and experienced diplomats to
pursue new approaches that avoid the mistakes of the past.

The conference had the enthusiastic support of the University and was
co-sponsored by the Center for Russian and East European Studies, the Center for
Middle Eastern and North African Studies, the International Institute, and the
departments of History, Political Science and Near Eastern Studies.

The first session of the conference was held at 5 PM, Thursday, October 21.
Following welcoming remarks by Prof. Gerard Jirair Libaridian (Department of
History, University of Michigan), Prof. Mark Tessler (Director of the
International Institute and professor of Political Science, University of
Michigan) introduced the goals and characteristics of the conference which had
brought together scholars and diplomats to study a region of increasing
strategic significance.

The opening presentations were followed by the first panel, ~SEvolving
International Relations and the South Caucasus,~T chaired by Professor Barbara
Anderson, Director of the Center for Russian and East European Studies. Three
speakers addressed the following questions: How have the collapse of the USSR
and events of worldwide significance since affected our understanding of
international relations and relations between states? What has been the impact
of these changes on the way states
Such as those in the South Caucasus integrate in the world community? How have
perceptions of the South Caucasus changed considering developments in the Near
East?
Dr. Vitaly Naumkin of Moscow, Director of the International Center for Strategic
and Political Studies and professor of Political Science, presented a paper on
~SThe South Caucasus: A New Geo-Political Paradigm;~T Professor Hadi Semati,
from the International Relations Department, Tehran University and currently at
the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, Washington, DC discussed the
problems of ~SDealing with Strategic Complexities: Security, Democracy and
Economic Development in a Changing Region;~T and Professor Michael Kennedy,
Department of Sociology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, analyzed ~SExplicit
and Implicit Trajectories of International Relations Since the Collapse of the
USSR.~T

Following the first session of the conference a reception was held at the
William Clements Library of the University of Michigan. Dr. John Dann, Director
of the Library, and Professor Kevork Bardakjian, Director of the Armenian
Studies Program, addresses the participants and guests.

The second day of the conference, Friday October 22, opened with the second
panel of the conference, titled ~SArmenian Foreign Policy in Historical
Context,~T chaired by professor Sonya Rose, Chairperson of the Department of
History, the University of Michigan. The four speakers were asked to address the
following questions: Can one speak of recurring foreign policy problems that
have characterized Armenian history? Are there patterns in the way Armenians
have perceived, developed and practiced foreign policy during the past two
centuries? In what way are these questions relevant to post-Soviet Armenia? What
role has the Diaspora played in the making of Armenian foreign policy? Dr. Ashot
Sargsyan, Senior Researcher in History at the Matenadaran and Senior Archivist,
at the President Ter-Petrossian Archives and Library, Armenia, analyzed
~SForeign Policy as a Derivative of a Value System;~T Professor Kevork
Bardakjian of the Near Eastern Studies Department, and Director of the Armenian
Studies Program, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, presented a paper titled
~SUnifying the Armenian World? Armenia and Diaspora Relations in Modern and
Contemporary Times;~T Professor Ronald Suny of the Department of History,
University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, raised the issue of ~SLiving in a Dangerous
Neighborhood: Armenia~Rs Foreign Relations in the Short Twentieth Century:
1918-1991;~T and a paper by Dr. Razmik Panossian, Director, Policy and Programs,
Rights and Democracy, Montreal, discussed ~SForeign Policy and the Diaspora~T

Speakers on the third panel, titled ~SThe World as Seen by the South Caucasus~T
and chaired by professor Bruno Coppieters of the Free University of Brussels,
addressed the following questions: How do Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia
perceive their region in relation each other, to their neighbors, and to the
larger community of states? What do they see as their main challenges in their
foreign policy agenda? Mr. Ivlian Haindrava, a member of the Foreign Relations
Committee of the Parliament of Georgia, Tbilisi, addressed these issues in his
paper titled ~SThe South Caucasus: Split Identities,~T while the paper by
Ambassador Rouben Shugarian, Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs of Armenia,
focused on ~SThe South Caucasus: Search for a New Identity.~T A third
participant, Mr. Araz Azimov, deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs of Azerbaijan,
had withdrawn his name before the conference convened.

Professor Charles King of Georgetown University chaired the fourth panel, The
South Caucasus as Seen by the Regional Powers,~T dealing with the policies of
the three major powers neighboring this region–Russia, Turkey and Iran~Wtoward
the south Caucasus, the role of the region in the overall foreign policies of
these three states and the effect of the South Caucasus on their relations with
other states. Prof. Hossein Seifzadeh of the International Relations Department,
Tehran University presented a paper on the ~SConflicting Values and Interests:
Iran~Rs Cautious, Pragmatic Approach to the South Caucasus;~T Prof. Ahmet Han,
International Relations Department, Bilgi University, Istanbul, discussed
~STurkish Foreign Policy in the South Caucasus: History vs. Real Politics;~T and
Dr. Evgueny Kozhokin, Director, Russian Institute for Strategic Studies, Moscow,
focused on ~SThe Essence of Conflicts in the South Caucasus and Ways to Resolve
Them.~T

The last panel of Day 2 covered the topic ~SThe South Caucasus as Seen by the
West.~T Chaired by Dr. Leila Alieva, Director of the Center for National and
International Studies in Baku, Azerbaijan, the session aimed at answering the
following questions: What are the policies of Europe and the US toward the South
Caucasus? What is the role of the region in the overall foreign policies of the
West and how does it affect their relations with other states? Dr. Tamara
Dragadze, scholar and lecturer based in London, covered the subject in her paper
~SThe South Caucasus through Western Eyes; a Fluid View;” Ambassador Terhi
Hakala, Ambassador of Finland to Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia and former
Karabakh mediator, discussed the subject of ~SEnhancing European Union Relations
with the South Caucasus;~T and Mr. John Fox, Director of Caucasus and Central
Asia Affairs, US Department of State titled his presentation ~SThe US Policy in
the South Caucasus: The Evolving Challenge.~T

The third day of the conference, Saturday October 23, began with the sixth
panel, ~SThe Impact of the South Caucasus on the Study of International
Relations.~T Chaired by Professor Ahmet Han of Bilgi University, Istanbul, the
session focused on developments in the South Caucasus since
independence~Wincluding problems of economic and political transformation,
conflicts, and energy transportation issues. The questions the speakers were
asked to address were: Do these developments compel us to revise our
understanding of international relations and, Are accepted models of relations
between states adequate to explain the South Caucasus? Prof. Charles King of the
Political Science Department, Georgetown University, Washington DC, addressed
these issues in his paper ~STheories and Realities in the South Caucasus;~T
Prof. Stephen Jones, Department of Political Science, Mount Holyoke College,
Massachusetts, focused on
~SGeorgia: A Little Different, But Not Much,~T and Mr. Asbed Kotchikian, Ph.D.
student in the Political Science Department of Boston University presented
~S(Re)defining Small States: The South Caucasus in the New World Order.~T
Dr. Razmik Panossian of Rights and Democracy, Montreal, chaired the following
session on ~SThe World of Conflicts.~T Here the specialists were asked to
address the following questions: How do we explain the high concentration of
conflicts in the South Caucasus? What are the similarities and differences
between them? Which, if any, of the conflict resolution approaches apply to the
region? Is international mediation the proper means to resolve these conflicts?
The four speakers on this panel were: Dr. Ghia Nodia, Director, Center for
Democracy and Peace, Tbilisi, (~SInternational Players and ~QFrozen
Conflicts:~R Ways to Solution or Perpetuation~T); Prof. Bruno Coppieters,
Political Science Department, Free University of Brussels, (~SGeorgia and Its
neighbors: Weak Statehood and Shifting Center-Periphery Relations~T); Mr. Arman
Grigorian, Ph. D. student in International Relations, Columbia University and
Lecturer at Wesleyan University, Conn., (~SThe Fewer the Merrier: Why and When
One Mediator is Better than Two or Three~E~T; and author Tom de Waal of the
Institute for War and Peace Studies, London
(~SCaucasian Conundrums: Internally Driven or Manipulated?~T)

Mr. Tom de Waal also chaired the last session of the third day, ~SNagorno
Karabakh: A Case Study in Conflict Resolution.~T The presentations addressed the
following questions: How did the international community perceive the conflicts
in the region, especially the problem of Nagorno Karabakh? What was right and
what went wrong with the OSCE Minsk Group process charged with the resolution of
that conflict? What lessons can be learned from that process? And, How does the
leadership of Nagorno Karabakh perceive the problem and the solution?

The first speaker on this panel was Ambassador Vladimir Kazimirov (retired),
former Karabakh negotiator for Russia, Moscow, who offered ~SAlternatives of
Karabakh Settlement;~TAmbassador Ömer Ersun (retired), former Karabakh
negotiator for Turkey, Ankara (retired) explained ~SWhy We Failed to Devise a
Conclusive Peace Plan for the Nagorno Karabakh Conflict?~T Ambassador Joseph
Presel of Washington, DC, (retired) former Karabakh negotiator for the US, also
focused on ~SWhy the Minsk Process Failed~T
Dr. Mahmood Vaezi, Deputy Director, Center for Strategic Research, Tehran and
former Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs, and former Karabakh negotiator,
offered his views by forwarding a paper on the Iranian mediation efforts.

The views of the mediators were complemented by presentations by Ambassador
Tofik Zulfugarov, former Minister of Foreign Affairs and Karabakh conflict
negotiator, Azerbaijan (~SArmenia~Rs Foreign Policy Toward Nagorno Karabagh:
Critical View From Baku,~T) and Ambassador David Shahnazaryan, former Minister
and Karabakh negotiator for Armenia (~SNew Challenges and Conflicts in the South
Caucasus: The Nagorno Karabakh Conflict as the Key Conflict in the Region.~T)

The final speaker on this session was Mr.Ashot Ghoulian, Minister of Foreign
Affairs of Nagorno Karabakh, Stepanakert, who discussed ~SThe Nagorno Karabakh
Republic Factor in the South Caucasus Region.~T

The ninth and final session of the conference was held on Sunday morning,
October 24. Titled ~SReconciling the Past and the Future~T and chaired by
Professor Libaridian of the University of Michigan, the panel addressed the
following questions: How can we assess the path traveled by the South Caucasus
republics? What are the main similarities and differences in their foreign
policies? Is there need and/or room for a common foreign policy? What should be
the main focus at this time?

Following a summary of issues raised during the three preceding days of the
conference presented by the chair, Dr. Leila Alieva, President, Center for
National and International Studies, Baku, Azerbaijan, discussed ~SPost-Soviet
Foreign Policy Strategies in the Caucasus;~T Dr. Archil Gegeshidze, Senior
Research Fellow at the Georgian Foundation for Strategic and International
Studies, Tbilisi and foreign policy adviser to former President E. Shevardnadze
of Georgia, analyzed ~SThe South Caucasus: Politics and Interests of the
Regional Actors;~T and Professor Edward Walker of the Political Science
Department, University of California, Berkeley concluded with his paper titled
~SGlobalization, Terrorism, and the Future of the Nation-State in the South
Caucasus.~T

The conference was attended by a large number of students and faculty from the
University of Michigan and universities across the US, guests from Europe, as
well as members of the community. All sessions were followed by a question and
answer period and lively debates.

Participants and members of the audience alike considered the conference a
unique event in its scope and depth. ~SIt is a source if deep satisfaction,~T
stated Professor Libaridian, ~Sthat so much scholarly and diplomatic experience
came together in one conference, that so many experts and diplomats from all
relevant countries were willing to present their views and see them challenged
for the benefit of a better understanding of the South Caucasus. It is
inevitable that both formal presentations and informal discussions during those
four days have produced a better understanding of the challenges facing the
region; it is also possible that these discussions will generate new ideas and
approaches.~T

To assist the participants and audience, the organizers of the conference have
produced a resource book of 64 pages which includes descriptions of the programs
sponsoring the conference, the program of the conference, biographies of the
speakers, a bibliography, a chronology of events and maps. Copies can be
obtained by writing to Prof. G. J. Libaridian, Department of History, 1029 Tisch
Hall, 435 S. State Street, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, MI 48109-1003 or
from the website of the Armenian Studies Program ().

Available papers and audio proceedings of the conference will also be posted on
this website within a short period of time.

–Boundary_(ID_W7vX7mr/N8JU3jVzLLFadg)–

www.umich.edu/~iinet./asp/