Ex-aid says Europe uses Armenian “genocide” to bar Turkey from EU

Ex-aid says Europe uses Armenian “genocide” to bar Turkey from EU

Mediamax news agency
21 Apr 05

Yerevan, 21 April: The former adviser to the Armenian ex-President
Levon Ter- Petrosyan, Zhirayr Liparidyan, is concerned that “the issue
of the Armenian genocide has been turned into a political toy in the
hands of the world powers”.

“Leading world powers have been using this issue as a leverage
in their relations with Armenia and Turkey” for the past decade,
Zhirayr Liparidyan said today. In Liparidyan’s opinion, “the issue of
recognition of the Armenian genocide is being used to prevent Turkey
from entering the EU, but it will sink into oblivion tomorrow”.

“The Armenian genocide was the result of the European imperialism
policy,” Liparidyan said. “Responsibility for the Armenian genocide
also lies with the European countries and they have to admit this,”
he said.

Ultimate Crime, Ultimate Challenge,Conference Closing Speech by Fore

PRESS RELEASE

Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Armenia
Contact: Information Desk
Tel: (374-1) 52-35-31
Email: [email protected]
Web:

Ultimate Crime, Ultimate Challenge
An International Conference on the 90th Anniversary of the Armenian Genocide
Closing Address

By Vartan Oskanian
Minister of Foreign Affairs
Republic of Armenia

On behalf of the National Commission, I wish to publicly express
our sincere appreciation to everyone who has participated in this
conference. I want to thank the Zoryan Institute for their professional
and organizational counsel. I especially wish to thank the scholars,
writers, professors ­ all with serious work and time commitments
­ who traveled to Armenia to be here with us at this time, this
year. The symbolism is not lost on anyone. We are here 90 years later
calling for recognition and prevention so that in 2015 we can gather
together only for remembrance.

Over these two days, each of our speakers has found various eloquent
ways of saying the following:

Genocide is the ultimate crime against humanity. It is the extreme
abuse of power. It is a betrayal of the responsibility of custody
by the very people entrusted with insuring the security of their own
population. The human rights challenge facing all of us is to be able
to recognize that a government has the capacity for such immorality
and inhumanity, and that particular governments have indeed committed
genocide.

There is no national history in a vacuum. No nation can escape its
history entirely, it can only transcend it. But to transcend, one
must confront history, both internally and in relation to others. And
those others, too, must also jointly confront theirs.

In other words, Armenia and Turkey must confront their histories.
Individually and together. Armenia believes Turkey must put excuses
aside and enter into normal relations with a neighbor that is neither
going to go away nor forget its history.

We are not the only neighbors in the world who have had, and who
continue to have, a troubled relationship. Troubled memories, a
tortured past, recriminations, unsettled accounts and the enduring
wounds of victimhood, plague the national consciousness of peoples on
many borders. In our case, some distance between our two countries
might have allowed us to put distance between our past and our
future. But we have no such luxury. There is no space, no cushion,
between us. We live right here, close by, reminded at all times of
the great loss that we incurred. Yet it is because we live right next
door that we must be willing and prepared to transcend the past.

But we can only do so if the demons of the past have been rejected by
our neighbor, too. You notice, I didn¹t say ~Lby the perpetrator.¹
Armenians are able to distinguish between the perpetrators and
today¹s government of Turkey. Two-thirds of the Armenian population
of the Ottoman Empire were massacred or deported between 1915 and
1918. Today¹s Republic of Turkey must be able to condemn these acts
for what they are. The evidence is overwhelming, clear, unavoidable.

Armenians were one of the largest minorities of the Ottoman
Empire. Where did they go? Is it possible that all our grandmothers
and grandfathers colluded and created stories? Where are the
descendants of the Armenians who built the hundreds of churches and
monasteries whose ruins still stand in Turkey? Is US Ambassador Henry
Morgenthau¹s account of the atrocities that he witnessed a lie? Why
was a military tribunal convened at the end of World War I, and why did
it find Ottoman Turkish leaders guilty of ordering the mass murder of
Armenians? How does one explain the thousands and thousands of pages
in the official records of a dozen countries documenting the plans
to exterminate the Armenian population of the Ottoman Empire? If it
wasn¹t genocide and they were simply ~Lwar time deportations¹ of
so-called rebellious Armenian populations near the eastern border with
the Russian Empire, as Turkish apologists sometimes claim, why were
the homes of Armenians in the western cities looted and burned? Why
were the Armenians of the seacoast towns of Smyrna and Constantinople
deported? Boatloads of people were dumped in the sea ­ is that what
deportation is all about? Could rounding up scores of intellectuals
on a single night and killing them be anything but premeditation?

When a government plans to do away with its own population to solve
a political problem ­ that¹s genocide. At the turn of the 20th
century, the Ottoman Empire was shrinking, it was losing its hold
over its subjects along the periphery of the empire. For fear that in
Anatolia, too, the Armenian minority would agitate for greater rights
and invite foreign powers to exert pressure, the Ottoman leadership
used the cover of World War I to attempt to wipe out the Armenians,
beginning with the leadership, following with the men, and finally
deporting women, children and the elderly.

This fits neatly into the definition of genocide: The perpetrator did
cause a multitude of deaths; these persons did belong to a particular
national, ethnical, racial or religious group. The perpetrator
intended to and in fact did destroy, in whole or in part, that
national, ethnical, racial or religious group, and this destruction
followed a consistent pattern. In fact, US Ambassador Henry Morgenthau
called what he witnessed, the Murder of a Nation. Others called
it ~Lrace murder¹. They did so because there was no term Genocide
yet. When the word was finally coined in 1944 by Raphael Lemkin, it
was done with clear reference to genocidal acts prior to that date,
the Armenian Genocide included. There is no doubt that if the word
genocide had existed in 1915, every one of the hundreds of articles
in the NY times or elsewhere, would have used the term. Look how
frequently the word ~Lgenocide¹ is used today to describe events and
cases where the scale and depth of the atrocities are incomparable.
Armenians continue to live with the memory of suffering unrelieved
by strong condemnation and unequivocal recognition.

On the contrary, Turkey spends untold amounts to deny, dismiss, distort
history. Not just money, either. Today, their continued insistence on
rejecting and rewriting history costs them credibility and time. One
does not knock on Europe¹s door by blindfolding historians and
gagging writers. Especially when the subject at hand is one as grave
and consequential as genocide. The Turkish parliament¹s recent call to
revisit, review, revise the documents gathered by Arnold Toynbee and
James Bryce for the British Blue Book series brought the revisionist
efforts to a new low. Turkey has moved on from trying to rewrite its
own history to thinking it can convince others to rewrite theirs. This
only frustrates the process, exacerbates the emotions and refuels the
fury. Worse, such cynical moves embolden those who do not believe in
reconciliation, understanding its great risks and costs.

Elie Wiesel has said that denial of genocide is the final stage of
genocide because it ³strives to shape history in order to demonize
the victims and rehabilitate the perpetrators.² That is what Turkey
­ not the people but the government ­ is trying to do. Today¹s
Turks do not bear the guilt of the perpetrators, unless they choose
to defend and identify with them. Armenians and Turks, together with
the rest of the modern world, can reject the actions and denounce
the crimes of the Ottoman Empire.

Turkey must also de-link history from politics. The excuses about
what might follow genocide recognition are just that ­ excuses.
Why are they surprised that Ararat is on our state seal? Armenians have
lived on these lands for thousands of years, and Armenia¹s borders
have changed a great deal over the millennia. That¹s a historical
fact. The Armenian kingdom stretched from sea to sea. That¹s a
historical fact. The last change came at the beginning of the 20th
century. That, too, is a historical fact. By the provisions of the
Treaty of Sevres, the territory of Armenia was ten times what it is
today. That is a historical fact as is the fact that Turkey defied
the treaty which had been signed by its own government, and by force,
created a new de facto situation, which led to the signing of another
agreement, without the same signatories. This new agreement delineated,
more or less, today¹s borders. That too is historical fact.

But it is a political reality that both Turkey and Armenia exist today
in the international community with their current borders. It is a
political reality that we are neighbors and we will live alongside
each other. It is a political reality that Armenia is not a security
threat to Turkey. And finally, it is a reality that it is today¹s
Armenia that calls for the establishment of diplomatic relations with
today¹s Turkey.

For these reasons, anything beyond genocide recognition has not been
and is not on Armenia¹s foreign policy agenda.

Yesterday I was being interviewed by a Turkish television crew. I was
surprised at the amount of misinformation that they had. They were
surprised that the Armenian-Turkish border is open from the Armenian
side, that it is Turkey that keeps it closed. They were surprised that
Armenia has no pre-conditions for establishing diplomatic relations
with Turkey. They were highly surprised that even the recognition
of Genocide is not a precondition. They were also surprised that
the Kars Treaty has not been denounced or revoked by the Government
of Armenia. Now I¹m surprised that official Turkish propaganda has
taken over and blurred the views of many.

There¹s another misunderstanding. By default, people assume that
we¹re opposed to Turkey¹s membership in the EU. They¹re wrong
on this one too. Of course we would like to see Turkey become an EU
member. Of course we¹d like to see that Turkey meets all European
standards. We¹d like to see that Turkey resemble Belgium, Italy
and others. We¹d like to see Turkey become an EU member so that our
borders will be open, so that our compatriots and Turkish scholars
will speak more freely about Genocide. We would like to see Turkey
as a member so that our churches and properties will be protected
and restored.

Armenia believes that, at exactly this time, when Turkey is having to
reconsider human and civil rights, freedom of expression and religion,
it must be encouraged, and persuaded, to acknowledge its past. Such
encouragement and persuasion must come from both outside ­ and
more importantly, as Hrant Dink stressed yesterday ­ from within
Turkish society.

Turkish writers and politicians have begun that difficult process of
introspection and study. Some are doing so publicly and with great
transparency. We can only assume that Europe will expect that a Turkey
which is serious about EU membership, which is indeed able to juggle
the complex relationships that EU membership entails, will have to
come to terms with its past.

In this context, it is essential that the international community
doesn¹t bend the rules, doesn¹t turn a blind eye, doesn¹t lower its
standards, but instead consistently extends its hand, its example,
its own history of transcending, in order for Armenians and Turks,
Europeans all, to move on to making new history.

Thank you.

–Boundary_(ID_tZZYx0OI9CAfpQ3Z9meoAw)–

http://www.ArmeniaForeignMinistry.am

Morocco: Gnaoua World Music Festival, Music and Dialogue

Essaouira
Gnaoua World Music Festival, Music and Dialogue

By Karima Rhanem | Morocco TIMES 4/21/2005 | 12:59 am

Morocco Times, Morocco
April 21 2005

Essaouira, formerly known as Mogador, is hosting the 8th edition of
the Gnaoua World Music Festival June 23-26. The four-day Gnaoua (West
African trance music) festival is one of the few cultural events that
brings together audiences from all social classes. Fans of Gnaoua enjoy
the cries of the seagulls and sleeps to the sound of the ‘guembri’
and the ‘qraqebs’.

The festival provides a platform for exchanges and a meeting point of
music and dialogue between foreign artists and the mystical musicians
of Essaouira. In this extraordinary melting-pot of musical fusion,
the master Gnawa invite players of jazz, pop, rock and contemporary
World music to explore new avenues.

In exciting meetings between the heirs of a secular tradition and
artists from diverse horizons, the musicians discover new cultures,
and for some, a return to their roots.

Top world musicians including The Wailers from Jamaica, Omar Sosa from
Cuba, Norbert Lucarain from France, and vibraphone Rick Margitza from
USA are expected to put a new flavour to this 8th edition, along with
their Moroccan counterparts.

Moroccan top Gnaouas include H’mida Boussou, who is regarded as an icon
by the Casablanca Gnawa brotherhood, Mahjoub Khalmous from Marrakech,
Chérif Regragui from Essaouira, Hamid el Kasri from Rabat, and others.

The festival is a unique moment of coexistence while voices unite
East and West. The Thalweg Band, a Berber-Celtic mixture, is a token
to music’s magic and universality.

The Bozilo Jazz trio, mustering a Serbian pianist, a French-Algerian
drummer and a French saxophonist playing Afro-American, Slave and
Maghreban sounds, sings for a world without frontiers.

Egypt’s famous pianist and composer Fathi Salama, who created a new
generation of Arabic pop music – certainly nothing to do with Gnaoua –
will also participate in this year’s edition.

He is a collaborator of the 2005 Grammy Awards Senegalese star, Youssou
N’Dour, who will offer a concert at the closing day of the festival.

A rendez – vous with Indian music is also scheduled. Singaporean Nantha
Kumar, Etienne Nbapé of theZwinul Syndicate group from Guadeloupe,
Arto Tunçboyaciyan from Armenia will put their touch to the festival.

The big surprise of the festival is the participation of the Thalweg
group directed by Khliff Miziallaoua from L’Orchestre National de
Barbès, which blends music of the Maghreb with European and Celtic
music.

This year’s edition will pay tribute to a big master of the “music
of the people” Abderrahman Paca, founder the 60s popular group Nass
El Ghiwane.

Situated on the Atlantic coast of southern Morocco, the bay of
Essaouira has attracted countless navigators for centuries. The port
and ramparts were fully developed during the Alaouite dynasty in the
18th century.

During this period the trading of European goods in exchange for
ostrich feathers, gold dust, salt and slaves from Black Africa
thrived. The Gnawa are the descendents of these slaves.

This unique fortified port has continued to fascinate travellers and
artists from all over the world, including Orson Welles, Jimi Hendrix,
Mick Jagger, Maria Callas and Pasolini to name but a few. It has
recently been classed as a World Heritage site by UNESCO.

Who are Gnawa?

Gnawa are the descendents of slaves originating from Black Africa
who established brotherhoods throughout Morocco. They are made up
of master musicians (maâlem), metal castanet players, clairvoyants,
mediums and their followers.

They are at the same time musicians, initiators and healers, blending
African and Arabo-Berber customs. Despite being Muslims, the Gnawa
base their ritual on Jnoun (spirits) straight from the the African
cult of possession.

The most spectacular and important ceremony is the Lila, whose
function is essentially therapeutic. During the celebration, the
maâlem and his group call on the saints and supernaturel entities
to take possession of their followers who fall into a trance.

Their instruments:

-3-stringed percussive lute (guembri) -Large metal castanets (qraqeb)
-Drums (ganga)

Their ritual can be compared to Haïtian voodoo and Brazilian macumba.

The music of the brotherhood – of which only the profane part is
played on stage to the public during the festival – has sparked a
wave of emulators on the international scene.

Glossary

Gnaoua: plural of Gnawi. A generic term which includes all members
of the brotherhood including the master musicians, castanet players,
clairvoyant healers and the followers of the cult.

Maâlem: master of the ceremony

Moqadma: priestess

Tallaâtes, chouwafates or arifates: clairvoyant healers

Mlouk: supernatural entities

Guembri or Hajhouj: percussive 3-stringed lute

Aouicha:small guembri

Qarqabats or Qraqech: metal castanets

Tbel: drums

Ftouh errahba: beginning of the mlouk repertory of songs

Derdeba or Lila: Ritual of possession

Hal or jedba: trance

Koyo: Pre-Islamic musical repertory

The Essaouira Gnaoua World festival website provides more information
on Gnaoua. To visit the site go to

–Boundary_(ID_o39jU4QlkGRaGobOtAmrrg)–

www.festival-gnaoua.co.ma

Jerusalem: Moreover / Fun house

Moreover / Fun house
By Sayed Kashua

Ha’aretz, Israel
April 21 2005

Thursday evening, Jerusalem: Homes

Bethlehem Road, about 100 meters before the train tracks, on the
left. These are the directions I got from Danny. “There’s no way
you’ll miss it.” Music blares from Bethlehem Road. There was no way I
could have missed it. I push open the gate and enter a spacious
garden that leads to a big, beautiful Arab house. I didn’t know that
there were still places like this left in the middle of the city.

Some of the guests are sitting in the garden. The rest fill the large
living room that has been transformed into a crowded dance floor.
Tables have been set out on the porch with an array of good wines,
tempting cheeses and crackers. Everyone is speaking English. It’s a
party thrown by The Financial Times. This is Danny’s last day at
work. Two days from now, he and his wife will be flying back to the
United States.

“Tfaddal, please,” Danny says in Arabic, in which he is fluent. He is
Catholic, the son of diplomats if I’m not mistaken, but was born in
Israel. On the porch, one can admire the garden and the house and
have something to drink. My friend and neighbor Sami has that
familiar sad expression on his face. I’ve already learned to identify
it, the expression that says “They demolished a house today.”

“You need to find another line of work,” I say in an effort to cheer
him up. Sami smiles. “He has a stall in the shuk (market) and eight
kids,” he says. “I managed to get a two-week stay of the demolition
order from the judge in order to file an appeal. But I’m not
optimistic about the chances.” He once told me that the worst thing
he’d ever had to witness in his life was the demolition of a house.
“They’re emptying out the eastern part of the city,” he says, shaking
his head. “Every week, at least two or three houses are being
destroyed, and no one reports on it. It’s not news anymore. It’s
routine.”

Danny comes outside, half dancing. He introduces his wife. Her father
is Palestinian, her mother Korean. “That’s why we’re leaving,” he
says. “I’m an American citizen but I was born here and according to
American law, for my children to be Americans, they’ll have to be
born there.” His wife has a Jordanian passport and according to the
law there, citizenship is determined in accordance with the father’s
citizenship. “If I want my kids to have any identity, I have to
leave.”

“You’re leaving an amazing house,” I say. Danny nods and says that he
rented it fairly cheaply from an old Armenian man because the
Armenian only wanted to rent it to Christians. “The owner died not
long ago,” he adds. “His children live in America and they sold the
house to Jews for $3.5 million. They sold another 10 lots in the
area, too, all to Jews.” He shrugs and goes back inside where they’re
playing an old Algerian Rai hit song.

Sami’s voice echoes in my ears, blending with Cheb Khaled’s “Didi.”
“I’m representing this family from Silwan that received a demolition
order, didi wah. A totally weird case. During the trial, I ask them
to produce papers, the judge agrees and all of a sudden the city
engineer says that `King Solomon’s Gardens’ is an archaeological
site, that the king used to stroll there. I look at the maps and see
that there are 88 Palestinian houses slated for demolition there.
Didi wah.”

I leave the house on Bethlehem Road. The clock in the car says it’s
midnight – still early, that is. The band Fools of Prophecy is
performing at The Lab on Hebron Road. “It will be fiiiiiiine,” a
chirpy voice sings and the crowd goes wild. “It’ll be all
riiiiiight.” The band bids the audience goodnight and the lead singer
says that life is a journey and we’re all a part of this journey. I
head home.

The end of the Exodus from Egypt

The end of the Exodus from Egypt
By Amiram Barkat

Ha’aretz, Israel
April 21 2005

CAIRO – Outside it looks like a ruin, but after the guard opens the
door to admit visitors, it turns out that there once was a synagogue
here. Behind a small courtyard covered with building debris stands
a Holy Ark. Its doors are broken, and from its top dangles a Star
of David, hanging by a thread. The guard explains that the ceiling
of the building collapsed in 1992, and the pile of debris was never
cleared away.

It looks like just another Cairo synagogue that has come to a sad
end. At least 20 such synagogues have been destroyed since the 1970s,
and most of them were larger and more magnificent than the small
Maimonides synagogue in Harat al-Yahud, the medieval Jewish quarter
of Cairo. But this synagogue is not just any synagogue; it is one of
the most important Jewish sites in Egypt and in the entire world.

Last year, special events were held all over the world to mark the
800th anniversary of the death of Rabbi Moses ben Maimon, the Rambam
(Maimonides). He died in 1204 in Cairo, and according to the accepted
tradition, his bones were transferred to Tiberias for burial. But the
Jews of Egypt believe his bones never left the country. According to
Egyptian tradition, the body of Maimonides was first brought to the
small beit midrash (study hall) where he taught, and afterward was
buried at an unknown Egyptian location; one of the traditions has it
that he is buried today in the small niche in the wall of the ruined
synagogue’s study hall.

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No evidence has been found for any of these traditions, but
even historians say that the synagogue and the yeshiva named for
Maimonides is one of the oldest synagogues in the world, almost 800
years old. That is why the Jewish community in Cairo allows only rare
visits to the place. After many pleas, they agreed to open its gates
to a journalist and a photographer, on the eve of Pesach.

Although not much more remains of the synagogue itself than its
four walls, the other parts of the building are still standing. For
hundreds of years, the Jews of Egypt used to come on pilgrimages to
this place, which is located in the heart of the neighborhood’s maze
of ancient alleyways. People with incurable diseases believed that
they would be cured if they remained to sleep near Maimonides’ grave.
Today the chances are that not only would they not be cured, they
would catch another disease, judging by the stench from the toilets.

Above the entrance to the study hall, in splendid isolation, hangs
the portrait of Maimonides, who, according to a popular saying, was
the greatest Jew since Moses. In a small hall behind the entrance,
benches and other furniture float in what looks like a sewer. The
place is flooded with water, almost to the height of the ceiling. One
can view the niche of Maimonides’ “grave” today only by diving.
“What’s there, in a word, is a cesspool,” says Prof. Michael Lasker
of Bar-Ilan University, an expert on Egyptian Jewry. He says that he
tried in vain to help the president of the Cairo Jewish community,
Carmen Weinstein, find a donor to restore the place. “The large
Jewish organizations said it’s not in their area of responsibility,
and Jews of Egyptian origin have never been very cooperative,” he says.

General emptiness

The great synagogue of the Karaites in Cairo, in the Abbassieh
neighborhood, also is usually closed to visitors. The guard there
agrees to let us in on condition that we don’t take pictures. The
reason becomes clear immediately: The overall appearance of the
synagogue resembles a haunted castle in an (Egyptian) horror film.
The building is reminiscent of a huge altar standing entirely deserted,
only the sound of the wind banging on the remaining unbroken window
panes interrupts the silence. The only visitors are the flock of
pigeons that has come to live in the space, so that on the way to the
prayer hall, visitors’ shoes sink into a thick layer of guano. Two
Art Deco chandeliers made of bronze and crystal are the last vestiges
of the days of glory. Other chains remain dangling, testimony to
additional chandeliers that once hung here.

Up until just a few years ago, this synagogue, named after Moshe
Deri, was full of valuable Judaica that was brought to it in part
from other Karaite synagogues, before they were destroyed. In his
book about Jewish sites in Cairo, written in the mid-1990s, Dr. Yoram
Meital of Ben-Gurion University of the Negev, an expert on the Middle
East, mentions that on the floor of the synagogue were rugs and mats
on which the Karaites prayed, that the synagogue building contained
about 2,000 books, and that in the Holy Ark there were still valuable
Torah scrolls, made of parchment. No trace of any of these exists
today. All that remains is one bookcase, a pile of crates sunk in
dust and several empty cabinets for Torah scrolls.

Meital believes local Jews were involved in the looting. Already in the
early 1990s, when he visited the place to gather material for writing a
book, he noticed that around him were “people who were very displeased
about the fact that I was documenting the items. At one stage they
forbade me to continue.” Yosef Dvir, a spokesman for the Karaites in
Israel, says they are well-aware of the fact that “the property in
Cairo was not properly maintained,” but they are unable to help. “We
barely have enough money to maintain the community in Israel,” he says.

Testimony and stories of Israelis who have visited other sites
belonging to the Cairo community paint a similar picture of neglect.
In the city’s only Ashkenazi synagogue, in the center of the city,
old books and documents are strewn on the floor in a layer of dust
and filth. The huge Jewish cemetery in the Bassatine neighborhood
serves as an improvised quarry for removing marble, stone and metals
from the graves, and hardly a single headstone remains undamaged.

In Alexandria, the situation is better. In the compound of the Jewish
community on Nebi Daniel Street stands the Synagogue of Elijah the
Prophet, the community office building where the rabbinical court sits,
and another building that served as the Jewish school and today is
leased to a Muslim educational institution. The beautiful historic
buildings are surrounding by manicured gardens and are well maintained.

The synagogue, which is considered the largest in the Middle East, is
an impressive building; a broad white marble staircase leads to the
entrance, which is surrounded by a decorative stone fence. The huge
space inside, which until the mid-20th century held 1,000 worshipers,
is illuminated by the light of dozens of seven-branched candelabra,
with the addition of sunlight that streams through the stained-glass
windows. The stone arches and pinkish Italian Carrara marble columns,
with white Greek capitals, lend the place the appearance of a
cathedral. The backs of the seats still bear pewter disks with the
names of the owners. But the overall feeling is one of emptiness,
of a bustling place that has become a museum.

The community building in Alexandria contains a huge archive that
preserves the past of the community: birth and death certificates,
addresses, and a melange of old books and documents. In one of
the locked cupboards are the cups won by the Maccabi Alexandria
basketball team, the Egyptian champion in the 1930s. Life is gradually
disappearing from here as well. On an abandoned reception desk in the
corridor the sign “civilian documents” is still posted in Hebrew and
in French, opposite is the deserted hall of the rabbinical court.

“Like lonely shadows, a few short elderly men and women wander in
the empty Jewish complex surrounding the synagogue,” wrote Israeli
author Haim Be’er 16 years ago, in an article about Alexandria, and
nothing seems to have changed except for the number of the elderly,
which has decreased. The president of the Alexandria community, dentist
Dr. Max Salame, recently celebrated his 90th birthday. Lina Mattatia,
the synagogue’s legendary tour guide, is over 80. The head of the
community, Victor Balassiano, who claims the title of “the youngest
Jew in Egypt,” is 65 years old.

The central synagogue of the Cairo community is Sha’ar Shamayim in
the city center, on Adli Street. The magnificent building, which
was completed in 1905, is decorated with symbols of the Pharaonic
lotus and the palm tree, the symbol of the Jewish community in the
city. In the 1980s, the synagogue was renovated with funds provided
by millionaire Nissim Gaon, and became revitalized for several years.
Dr. Meital still remembers hundreds of Israeli tourists who used to
attend the synagogue on festivals. Currently, no regular prayers are
held there. The facade of the building that faces the main street is
guarded by a unit of Egyptian soldiers, armed with rifles, who stand
behind protected shelters. On the other side of the road, permanent
signs condemn Israel. For years, Israel has been trying to persuade
the Egyptian government to remove the signs. The subject even came up
during the most recent talks held by Israeli Foreign Minister Silvan
Shalom last week in Cairo.

The synagogue itself is dark and deserted, with a depressing
atmosphere. In the entrance, next to a large charity box, sits an
elderly Jewish woman who has trouble being pleasant to visitors. She
doesn’t allow visits to the women’s section, and she agreed to allow us
to photograph the synagogue from inside only after we pleaded with her,
“but only one picture.”

The second Exodus

A simple memorial plaque attached to one of the columns of the
synagogue on Adli Street takes the visitor back 60 years, to the golden
age of Egypt’s Jewish community. The sign is in memory of Yusuf Aslan
Qattawi, a former Egyptian government minister and one of the authors
of the 1923 Egyptian constitution, who served as community president
from 1924-1942. The Qattawis were members of the Cairo Jewry’s moneyed
aristocracy. They made their fortune in the sugar industry, and were
among the founders of Bank Misr (the Egyptian national bank). The
bank’s board of directors at the time included other Jewish families
such as de Menasce, Rollo, Suares and Cicurel, owners of one of the
largest department store chain in the country.

In those years, 40,000 Jews lived in Cairo, with a similar number
in Alexandria. Many Jews, from Europe as well as Turkey and the
Arab countries, immigrated to Egypt at the end of the 19th century,
drawn by the economic prosperity that came with the opening of the
Suez Canal in 1896. Only a few thousand had Egyptian citizenship,
but they felt welcome in society. The Jews of Alexandria lived in
a city where one-third of the population were members of various
national minorities, and they felt no special need to learn Arabic.

The situation took a turn for the worse in the late 1930s, as
pan-Arab and Islamic sentiments spread through Egyptian society.
American scholar Joel Beinin of Stanford University mentions in one
of his articles on the subject that not only did the Jews suffer, but
so did other minority groups – the Syrian Christians, the Italians,
the Greeks and the Armenians – all of which had increasing difficulty
maintaining their cosmopolitan-Levantine identity. But the problem
that began in 1948 was unique to the Jews.

The establishment of the State of Israel and the War of Independence
heralded the beginning of the end of Egyptian Jewry. “The second
Exodus” began in 1948, and within two years, one-third of the country’s
Jews had left. The others, who had hoped that the end of the war
would bring them back into favor with the Egyptians, soon discovered
their mistake. The Egyptian government, which had outlawed Zionism,
had promised protection to the Jews who remained loyal Egyptians,
but they didn’t always keep their promise. On January 26, 1952, for
example, the police refrained from intervening in riots in Cairo,
during which dozens of Jews were murdered, and Shepheard’s Hotel,
the Metro cinema and dozens of other Jewish-owned businesses were
burned down.

Two years later, in 1954, Israel provided Egypt with an excellent
excuse for continuing with the same policy, with the exposure of a unit
of Egyptian Jews who had carried out attacks in Alexandria and Cairo
at the instructions of Israeli military intelligence, in what came
to be known in Israel as the “stinking affair.” Even avowed Egyptian
patriots, including the leaders of the Jewish community in Cairo,
began to feel unwanted. The Karaites, the “Arab Jews” of Egypt,
who for hundreds of years had dressed and spoken like Egyptians,
found themselves in the same boat as their Western brothers.

The two final blows to strike the Jews of Egypt – the Sinai Campaign
in 1956 and the Six-Day War in 1967 – left only a few hundred Jews
in the country; from one-third to one-half of Egypt’s Jews immigrated
to Israel, and the others went to Western countries – France, Canada,
Australia and, of course, the United States. The many businesses were
sold to Egyptians or nationalized. The dozens of luxurious villas
built by the wealthy Jews along the banks of the Nile and in the
center of the city today serve as embassies, upscale residences,
museums and libraries.

Torah scrolls at the airport

The communal property of the Egyptian Jews, on the other hand,
remained for the most part in Jewish hands. The synagogues, the
religious objects, the ancient books and the rare Torah scrolls were
a treasure whose value was estimated at tens of millions of dollars.
According to Egyptian law, the sale of items that are over 100 years
old is forbidden, but the underground clearance sale of the community’s
assets did not cease, and reached a peak in the 1980s.

Michael Dana, the son of Youssef Dana, who headed the community in
those years, told Ronen Bergman in this magazine (January 29, 1996)
about Jewish Judaica thieves from the United States who entered the
synagogues as tourists, antique dealers who tried to bribe the guards,
and many Israelis who turned to his father and offered him a great
deal of money for rare items. In some cases, the Egyptian authorities
caught the smugglers and confiscated their loot. Several dozen ancient
scrolls are still being held in the Cairo airport.

The Israeli ambassador to Egypt at the time, Moshe Sasson, told Bergman
that when he arrived in Cairo in 1981, there were 32 synagogues,
and when he left, six years later, only 12 remained. Several of the
community leaders did not withstand the temptation, and began to sell
assets. “They saw that there was no next generation, and that the
property would go to Egypt, so they decided to capitalize on it,”
says an Israeli Middle Eastern scholar. “They said the money would
go to the community, but in effect almost everything went into their
own pockets.”

One of the only bodies that acted to rescue the heritage of Egyptian
Jews was the Israel Academic Center in Cairo, which belongs to the
National Academy of Sciences (under whose sponsorship our visit
to Egypt took place). “We discovered huge quantities of books in
the synagogues,” says the founder of the center, and its director
during those years, Prof. Shimon Shamir. “We discovered that a large
percentage of the books came from private collections that Egyptian
Jews had thrown out for fear that `propaganda material’ in Hebrew
would be seized in their homes.”

In the early 1990s, the books, about 15,000 of them, were stored in
three libraries belonging to the Jewish community, which are located
adjacent to the Sha’ar Hashamayim synagogue on Adli Street, the Ezra
synagogue in the Fostat quarter and the Karaite synagogue. Most of
the books are from recent centuries, but among them are also three
rare religious books from the early 16th century. But the project
for collection and preservation was not completed – for budgetary
reasons, they say at the center. To date, not all the books have been
catalogued, and they are being stored in less than ideal conditions.
The present director of the center, Dr. Sariel Shalev, says that he
tried to raise about $5,000 from one of the large Jewish organizations
for the purpose of completing the catalogue, but he received no
response.

The Ezra synagogue in Fostat, the quarter from which Cairo began to
develop in the seventh century CE, is the only synagogue in Cairo that
has been fortunate. Originally, the synagogue was a Coptic church,
which was sold to the Jews in 882 CE. The synagogue was rebuilt a
number of times, the last time in 1890. During that construction work,
the Cairo Geniza was discovered in the attic, containing hundreds of
thousands of documents written by the Jews of Cairo over a period of
almost 1,000 years.

The Ezra synagogue also suffered from neglect for many years, but in
1980, in the wake of the peace agreement, it was chosen as a project
that would serve as a symbol of historical coexistence among Jews,
Christians and Muslims. The Egyptian foreign minister at the time,
Boutros Boutros-Ghali, and the president of the World Jewish Congress,
Edgar Bronfman, agreed to preserve the synagogue. The preservation
work, which was done under the supervision of Bronfman’s sister,
Canadian architect Phyllis Lambert, was concluded in the early 1990s,
and today the synagogue enjoys a large number of visitors, most of
them non-Jewish tourists.

In recent years, the Egyptians have even evacuated the residents from
the entire area, in an attempt to turn it into a tourist compound in
which the visitors can view the oldest synagogues, churches and mosques
in Cairo. Dr. Meital says that with all due respect to the preservation
work, he is disturbed by the fact that the place will never again be
a synagogue, but will remain as “a kind of interreligious monument.”

The leadership of the Weinstein women

It is hard to know how many Jews are living in Egypt today. Prof. Ada
Aharoni of Haifa, a researcher of Egyptian Jewry, who is active in
organizations of former Egyptians, estimates their number at 20: eight
in Alexandria and 12 in Cairo. However, from a legal point of view
at least, the Jewish communities in the two cities are still alive
and active, and they administer quite a few assets. The community
in Alexandria holds the compound of buildings in Nebi Daniel, the
community in Cairo has about 10 synagogues, some of them of great
historical value, as we have mentioned, the huge cemetery in Bassatine
and an office building and a school in the Abbassieh neighborhood.

The president of the community is Carmen Weinstein, a businesswoman of
about 70, who replaced her mother, Esther Weinstein, who died last year
at the age of 93. For years, the Jewish women in Cairo were mentioned
only if they married famous husbands, like the wives of Chaim Herzog
(Aura Ambache), Abba Eban (her sister, Suzy Ambache), Boutros-Ghali
(Leah Nadler) and the French prime minister Pierre Mendes-France
(Lili Cicurel). The expert on Jewish sites in Cairo, Dr. Meital,
still remembers how surprised he was when he read of Esther Weinstein’s
election to the position. “In a community that since about the year 700
has been dominated by men, that was a genuine feminist revolution. I
remember that in Alexandria they didn’t know what to make of it.”

The bulletin board in the entrance to the synagogue in Adli Street
is covered with the pictures of the Weinstein women, mother and
daughter, together with Hillary and Chelsea Clinton, who visited the
community in 1999. Some former Egyptian Jews accuse Carmen Weinstein
of serving the interests of Egypt rather than those of the Jewish
community. Her supporters say that she works tirelessly to protect
the assets that remain in the community’s hands. Prof. Shamir says
that Carmen made “supreme efforts” to prevent the destruction of the
Jewish cemetery in Bassatine, when the Egyptian authorities wanted to
pave an expressway over it. She also built a wall round the cemetery
and managed to remove the squatters who had come to live there.
(Weinstein refused to meet with us. One of her associates explained
that she doesn’t meet with Israeli journalists, and doesn’t conduct
business relations with Israeli groups).

But Weinstein’s efforts on the Egyptian front seem to pale when
compared to her struggles with her fellow Jews. Her acquaintances
say that she is angry at the Israelis living in Cairo, because they
stay away from the community’s synagogues. In recent years, she has
repeatedly turned to wealthy former Egyptians who live in the West,
in attempts to raise money to restore the Jewish sites, but without
success. “It was quite embarrassing,” says Prof. Shamir, who has
helped her on a number of occasions. “They said they didn’t want to
hear about Egypt, that for them it’s a closed file. I have no doubt
that Egyptian Jewry could do much more to preserve its past.”

About 20 organizations of former Egyptian Jews are active today in
the world, and many of them have been at odds with one another for
years. In recent years, after decades of indifference and neglect,
there has been an awakening. Next year, the first World Congress
of Jews from Egypt will be held in Haifa. Prof. Aharoni, one of
the initiators of the congress, says that the idea is to “unite
forces” in an attempt to preserve the Jewish heritage in Egypt. The
initiative that is taking shape, she says, is to transfer the books
and the papers of the Jewish communities to a special wing of the new
library in Alexandria. “We have received very positive responses to
the proposal from the Egyptian authorities,” she says.

However, the idea arouses determined opposition in the Historical
Society of Jews from Egypt, a group that was founded in 1996 in the
United States. Since its establishment, the organization has been
conducting a campaign to remove all the communal property from Egypt,
not only sacred books and religious objects, but the community archives
in Cairo and Alexandria as well. “For us these aren’t archives,
they’re living documents,” explains the organization’s president,
Desire Sakkal. “People want their birth certificates, their ketubot
[Jewish marriage contracts].”

The heads of the organization have already managed to have articles
on the subject appear in the American press, to sign on members
of Congress, and to turn to President George W. Bush. In 2001,
the State Department announced that a comprehensive study on the
subject found no reason to intervene at this stage, since Weinstein,
the community president, is opposed to taking the items out of the
community’s hands. Sakkal refuses to give up. Recently, he says,
he received a letter “from a very high-ranking Israeli official”
expressing his willingness to help.

Prof. Shamir is not enthusiastic about Sakkal’s plans. Underlying
the demands to take the items out of Egypt, he believes, are often
“shady motives.” Prof. Aharoni agrees: “With all due respect to
Sakkal’s activity, many former Egyptians throughout the world think
that he is too extreme, that this activity is damaging and that it
is simply unrealistic.”

Sakkal’s organization has already announced that it will not
participate in the upcoming congress, after his demands to take a
belligerent line against Egypt were rejected. In an interview with
him, Sakal levels sharp criticism at the congress, and calls it
“the best attorney that Egypt could have found. If they want to do
belly dances with the Egyptians and to eat ful and falafel with them,
let them live and be well. We aren’t interested.”

Turkey attitude to Armenian Genocide – Basic test of Turkish democra

Turkey attitude to Armenian Genocide – Basic test of Turkish democracy

Pan Armenian News
21.04.2005 04:03

/PanARMENIAN.Net/ “The Turkish state repudiating the crime it has
committed has to learn a lesson of what it has perpetrated. It is
first of all necessary for Turkey and its people,” Nagorno Karabakh
Republic President Arkady Ghukasian stated when addressing Ultimate
Crime, Ultimate Challenge: Human Rights and Genocide international
conference. His statement reads: “Turkey working for accession to
the EU today is on the verge of a pivotal choice of the further way
of development of the state and the society. In this respect Turkey’s
attitude towards the fact of the Armenian Genocide is a basic test of
the Turkish democracy, as well as a litmus paper, which determines the
country’s readiness to take a worthy place in the commonwealth of the
European states. Surely, it is not an easy choice. However, it is
inevitable. And it will determine not only Turkey’s image tomorrow,
but also its further role in forming the geopolitical and geoeconomic
architecture of the region, including in the South Caucasus. One
thing is clear: Turkey fulfilling an exclusive geopolitical function
in the South Caucasian region, including that in conflict settlement
and specifically in the Nagorno Karabakh conflict, require a high
level of political ripeness and capacity to conceptual review of
its attitude towards the region, as well as factors determining the
attitude of the peoples of the region to the Turkish state. Today
the international community, first of all Turkey, should answer the
following question: which is more rightful and acceptable from the
point of view of civilization, international law, international
stability and security – the policy of denial of the Armenian
Genocide, which admits the continuation of the international crime,
or search for ways of penitence and facilitation of the Genocide
consequences, which embodies historical and political courage? No
Turkish government, replacing its predecessor, can avoid the burden
of growing responsibility. In two days the Armenians of the world,
all progressive humanity will pay tribute to victims of the Genocide
of our people in Ottoman Turkey. Irrespective of how many years pass,
we will always feel our pain and it will follow the Armenian people
throughout its future history. Much time will pass until our pain
will become the pain of the entire humanity. And that time will come
sooner or later. Our duty – the duty of the whole of the progressive
humanity is to speed up the coming of that time. April 24 will serve
an eternal reminder to future generations that crimes against humanity
cannot have a statute of limitations.”

Independent, democratic and strong Armenian and NKR guarantors ofArm

Independent, democratic and strong Armenian and NKR guarantors of Armenian nation security

Pan Armenian News
21.04.2005 04:02

/PanARMENIAN.Net/ “The brutal murder by an Azeri serviceman of his
Armenian colleague in Budapest that shook the whole of the civilized
world, was just the result of the Baku criminal policy,” Nagorno
Karabakh Republic President Arkady Ghukasian stated when addressing
Ultimate Crime, Ultimate Challenge: Human Rights and Genocide
international conference. The statement of the NKR President notes,
“The response to this outrageous crime of the Azeri society, which
took the murderer as a national hero, demonstrated the grievous fruits
of the Armenian-hatred policy of the Baku authorities. That is why
until people directly responsible for organizing mass slaughter of
ethnic Armenians in their republic as well as in Nagorno Karabakh
hold power in Azerbaijan, it will be difficult to believe that a
mutually acceptable and civilized settlement of the Nagorno Karabakh
conflict, subsequent peaceful coexistence and mutually favorable
cooperation of our peoples and states are possible. Where is the
way out? Which lesson we have learned from the tragic events taken
place 90 years ago and the relatively near past? How can we resist to
criminal intentions of our neighbors in the future and not admit the
repetition of the past? Unfortunately the contemporary practice of
international relations has not worked out efficient mechanisms for
preventing or at least operative suppression of mass annihilation
of people based on the national, racial or religious criteria. The
national liberation movement of the people of Artsakh has illustrated
that the most efficient way to counteract genocide threats is not
endlessly appealing to international institutions and expecting
their intervention, but the self-organization of the society, ready
to armed resistance to defend the right to live on the earth granted
to him by God. The highest form of self-organization of the Artsakh
people was the Karabakh statehood, which succeeded in fulfilling
the vital task of neutralization of external military threats to the
security of the Nagorno Karabakh people with the assistance of the
Armenians of the world. Independent, democratic and strong Armenia,
the independent, democratic and strong Nagorno Karabakh Republic –
these are the guarantors of the security of our nation.”

La Pologne Reconnait A Son Tour Le Genocide Des Armeniens

FEDERATION EURO-ARMENIENNE
pour la Justice et la Démocratie
Avenue de la Renaissance 10
B-1000 Bruxelles
Tel: +32 2 732 70 26
Tel/Fax: +32 2 732 70 27
Email : [email protected]

COMMUNIQUE DE PRESSE
pour diffusion immédiate
21 avril 2005
Contact :Talline Tachdjian
Tel/Fax :+32 2 732 70 27

LA POLOGNE RECONNAIT A SON TOUR LE GENOCIDE DES ARMENIENS

— Par une résolution du Sejm, sa chambre des représentants, la Pologne
devient le 9ème Etat de l’Union européenne à reconnaître le Génocide des
Arméniens —

Ce 19 avril 2005, le Parlement polonais, le Sejm, a voté une résolution par
laquelle il reconnaît officiellement le Génocide des Arméniens. Cette
résolution, transmise au Sénat pour ratification, fait de la Pologne le 9ème
Etat de l’Union européenne à reconnaître ce génocide, après Chypre, la
Grèce, la Belgique, la Suède, l’Italie, la France, la Slovaquie et les
Pays-Bas. A cette liste il faut rajouter en Europe la Suisse et la Bulgarie
qui ne sont cependant pas membres de l’Union.

Cette résolution présentée par la présidence du Parlement proclame que « Le
Sejm de la République de Pologne rend hommage aux victimes du génocide de la
population arménienne en Turquie pendant la Première Guerre Mondiale. » Elle
ajoute que « la mémoire et la condamnation de ce crime reste une obligation
morale de toute l’Humanité, de tous les Etats, ainsi que de tous les gens de
bonne volonté. »

« Nous saluons cette résolution empreinte de grandeur et de lucidité. A
travers ce vote, c’est son attachement aux valeurs éthiques de l’Union dont
témoigne le peuple de Pologne. Nous lui adressons nos plus vives
félicitations en même temps que nos fraternels remerciements » a déclaré
Hilda Tchoboian, présidente de la Fédération Euro-Arménienne.

« Nous notons qu’avec cette dernière résolution, ce sont 210 des 460
millions d’habitants de l’Union qui demandent directement à la Turquie cette
reconnaissance, et que si demain l’Allemagne vote un texte similaire, ce
seront près de 300 millions d’Européens qui appuieront cette demande. Par
ces résolutions répétées, les Européens réaffirment la résolution de 1987
votée par le Parlement européen ; La Turquie doit maintenant assumer ses
responsabilités par une reconnaissance sincère et explicite du génocide
avant que de postuler à l’Union européenne » a conclu Hilda Tchoboian.

####

–Boundary_(ID_5v6wWT1XvpF7FukLBnx2Mw)–

Armenian Church Delegation to Depart for Inauguration of Pope

PRESS RELEASE
Mother See of Holy Etchmiadzin, Information Services
Address: Vagharshapat, Republic of Armenia
Contact: Rev. Fr. Ktrij Devejian
Tel: (374 1) 517 163
Fax: (374 1) 517 301
E-Mail: [email protected]
April 21, 2005

Armenian Church Delegation to Depart for Inauguration of Pope

On April 23, a high-ranking delegation of the Armenian Church
representing the Catholicosate of All Armenians will depart for Vatican
City to participate in the inauguration festivities of His Holiness
Pope Benedict XVI, scheduled to take place on Sunday, April 24.

The delegation will consist of His Beatitude Archbishop Mesrob
Mutafian, Armenian Patriarch of Constantinople; His Eminence
Archbishop Nerses Bozabalian from the Mother See of Holy Etchmiadzin;
and Rev. Fr. Drtad Ouzounian, Staff-Bearer for the Patriarch.

##

From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

International community against genocide

International community against genocide

A1plus

| 13:21:45 | 21-04-2005 | Politics |

April 20 the UN Commission on Human Rights unanimously passed
Armenia’s resolution to the Convention on Genocide Prevention and
Condemnation. Though the Convention was adopted in 1984 the mankind
has not been freed from the evil yet. Thus, the resolution submitted
by Armenia is directed to unification of efforts of the international
community and development of mechanisms of genocide prevention.

Last year the UN Secretary General appointed Argentinean human rights
advocate Juan Mendes the Special Adviser on Genocide Prevention. To
date the Commission stresses the necessity of propaganda of genocide
prevention in accord with the Convention principles and notes that
the impunity threats with the repetition of the crime.

The main objective of the resolution is the genocide prevention as
a key instrument for regional and international peace and stability
as well as establishment of friendly relations between states.

To note, 52 countries, including the EU states are the co-authors of
the resolution.

From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress