Verelq: Pashinyan and Putin talked. What did Pashinyan ask the Russian President?

Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan had a telephone conversation with Russian President Vladimir Putin.


The interlocutors exchanged ideas on the agenda of Armenia-Russia relations, in particular, the problems arising in bilateral economic relations.


Prime Minister Pashinyan emphasized that the restrictions on the export of goods of Armenian origin to the Russian market contradict the legal framework of the Armenia-Russia treaty and the regulations of the Eurasian Economic Union, and asked to take measures to resolve these issues.


Regarding the holding of a referendum in Armenia on the issue of membership of the European Union, as stated in the joint statement of the leaders of the four EAEU member states on May 29, Prime Minister Pashinyan emphasized that the holding of the referendum is practically possible only after Armenia sends an official application to the European Union for EU membership and makes the topic a subject.


At the same time, Prime Minister Pashinyan emphasized the readiness of the Government of the Republic of Armenia to solve the mentioned issues through an open, partnership and friendly dialogue.

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Moscow does not believe in tears. Following the Pashinyan-Putin telephone conversation

On the initiative of Nikol Pashinyan, the telephone conversation with Russian President Vladimir Putin held on July 27 was the first after the June parliamentary elections.


This telephone conversation was politically significant because it took place against the background of the accumulated tension in Armenian-Russian relations and the economic difficulties caused by the restrictions on Armenian exports to the Russian market.


It is noteworthy that the conversation with Putin was preceded by Pashinyan’s phone conversations with German Chancellor Friedrich Merz (July 22) and French President Emmanuel Macron (July 25). The contacts with the European partners, apparently, did not give the result that could alleviate the restrictions of the Russian market. In those circumstances, turning to Moscow has become not so much a political choice as an objective necessity.


According to the official Yerevan statement, Pashinyan raised the issue of restrictions on the export of goods of Armenian origin, emphasizing that they contradict both the Armenian-Russian legal framework and the principles of the Eurasian Economic Union, and asked to take measures to resolve the issue.


The Kremlin’s official message, however, reveals a completely different priority. The Russian side has again brought the issue of European integration of Armenia to the agenda. Putin reaffirmed the logic of the joint statement adopted by the heads of the four EAEU member states (Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia) in Astana on May 29 and emphasized the need to hold a nationwide referendum in Armenia as soon as possible to clarify which strategic direction the country chooses: the European Union or continuation in the EAEU.


In response, Pashinyan actually admitted that the EU membership process is not at the practical stage for now, noting that the holding of the referendum will be possible only when Armenia officially applies to the European Union.


However, even this cautious stance did not yield any visible results. After the telephone conversation, no announcement was made about the elimination or softening of export restrictions.


Moreover, the Kremlin’s message did not even mention economic issues, thereby clearly showing Moscow’s priority.


Another circumstance is also noteworthy. This is another case when Putin does not congratulate Pashinyan on his victory in the parliamentary elections. In the practice of interstate relations, such silence is rarely accidental and, as a rule, contains a political message.


The content of the telephone conversation was obviously a continuation of the political logic of the Pashinyan-Putin meeting held on April 1 and the Astana statement. Moscow is no longer going to tolerate Yerevan’s “sitting on two chairs” policy.


Furthermore, the Astana document stipulates that by December 2026, the EAEU intergovernmental council should submit a report on the possible consequences of suspending the application of the EAEU treaty to Armenia. This is no longer a warning, but a process with specific deadlines.


Thus, the Pashinyan-Putin telephone conversation did not become the beginning of overcoming the crisis in Armenian-Russian relations. On the contrary, it reaffirmed that strategic differences between the parties continue to deepen, and economic problems are already one of the most visible manifestations of that crisis.


Moscow is clearly not ready to be guided by Yerevan’s economic difficulties or political explanations. Russia continues to expect from Armenia not assurances, but a clear and final strategic choice.


Moscow does not believe in tears. the political content of yesterday’s telephone conversation is best characterized by this phrase.


Political scientist Suren Surenyants




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What is expected on August 2? they will elect the NA president on Sunday

“Zhoghovurd” daily writes:


“Zhoghovurd” daily newspaper had already informed that on August 2, at 10:00, the first session of the 9th convocation of the National Assembly of the Republic of Armenia will be held.


Prior to the election of the President of the National Assembly, the inaugural session of the National Assembly will be chaired by the oldest deputy of the parliament, Knyaz Hasanov, as required by the Constitution and the “Rules of Procedure of the National Assembly” constitutional law.


One of the most important organizational issues of the first session will be the formation of the Accounting Committee. The commission will be elected by the proposal of the factions, by the votes of the deputies, and both the government and the opposition will be represented in its composition, in accordance with the proportion of the factions in the parliament. It is this body that will later organize and summarize the results of the secret and open votes held in the National Assembly. His powers are preserved during the entire convocation of the parliament.


After that, the deputies will go to the most important political elections: they will elect the president of the National Assembly, then the vice-presidents of the National Assembly, one of whom must be an opposition deputy. The voting results will be counted by the already elected Counting Committee.


The chairpersons of the standing committees will also be elected at the August 2 session. The distribution of leadership positions of the committees is carried out among the parliamentary forces according to the D’Hondt formula, as a result of which each faction receives the leadership of the committees available to it, according to the number of mandates. CP: 9, UA: 2, Armenia: 1 commission presidents.


If the government submits a draft of changes to the government’s structure to the parliament before then, it can also be included in the agenda of the first session and discussed on the same day. Otherwise, the agenda of the first session will be mainly limited to the formation of the governing bodies of the parliament.


At the same time, contrary to the expectations of a part of the public, there will be no election of the prime minister or presentation of the government on August 2.


The constitutional procedure is clear. the majority faction in the parliament adopts a decision on the candidate for the prime minister and submits it to the president of the Republic. The president appoints the prime minister, after which the prime minister forms the government within five days. After the formation of the government, the prime minister presents the government plan to the National Assembly within 20 days, and the parliament is obliged to discuss it and approve or reject it by voting within 7 days.


Thus, the session of August 2 will not be the session of the government’s program or the Prime Minister’s political speech, but the session of the institutional formation of the new parliament. On that day, the bodies and positions that will organize the entire work of the National Assembly in the next five years will be formed, and the process of forming the executive power will continue even after that, with the stages defined by the Constitution.

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Russia has set a deadline for Armenia

The Pashinyan-Putin telephone conversation and subsequent information exchanges show that the existing problems are not only not being solved, but they have tendencies to deepen.

If the Armenian authorities are trying to covertly implement the decision to go to confrontation, Moscow directly escalates the game.

Two things are obvious. Moscow is trying to put the issue of the referendum in RA on the agenda, with the question of the EU or EAEU?

And secondly. Russia seems to have set a deadline for Armenia to get answers to the questions raised by it, after which it will act much tougher.

Among other concerns and multiple threats, it is problematic that ordinary citizens are suffering, at least so far, as a result of the brutal confrontation.


Tigran Abrahamyan, secretary of the NA “I have an honor” faction




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We did not hold a referendum after entering the EAEU, therefore, we did not hold a referendum on leaving or not

We did not hold a referendum after entering the EAEU, therefore, there is no need for it when we leave or not.

The question of “stay or leave” is leading us into a trap as a nation.

Before holding a referendum, we should first of all understand the government’s responsibility for such issues.

If you ask the people, it is natural that most of them will want to go to the EU and leave the EAEU, but the function of the government is to assess all the risks, the situation and make decisions. It is natural that this is not done, there is no calculation. This is a question that, by putting it to a referendum, the results will be predetermined.

And in the end, we have to understand if we can leave one place and the other one won’t accept us.


Vahan Babayan, Chairman of the Reformists Party




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The representatives of HRD made an unannounced visit to the courts and prisons

On July 24, on the instructions of the Human Rights Defender, the representatives of the Torture and Ill-treatment Prevention Department (National Prevention Mechanism) of the Defender’s Office conducted an unannounced monitoring visit to the places of detention of detainees of the Masis and Artashat Departments of the RA Internal Affairs Police.

During the visit, the representatives of the Defender got acquainted with the conditions of detention of persons deprived of their liberty, the state of ensuring their rights and the established standards for their compliance.

Private interviews were held with a number of detained and arrested persons. Other important issues from the point of view of providing food, medical aid and service to the deprived persons, communication with the outside world, as well as protection of human rights were also studied.

Within the framework of monitoring, unannounced visits were also made to Artashat and Masis residences of the Court of First Instance of Ararat and Vayots Dzor marzes.

During the monitoring visit, the conditions, furnishings, sanitary and hygienic conditions of the temporary holding cells of persons deprived of liberty in the courts, the organization of providing food and legal assistance to persons deprived of liberty, as well as other issues related to the realization of their rights were studied.

The results of the unannounced visit will be summarized and the problems with proposals for appropriate solutions will be addressed to the competent authorities in order to more effectively protect the rights of persons deprived of their liberty.

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Demand for apartments by Russians in Armenia has increased

Russians have started looking for apartments in Armenia more often, while rental prices in Yerevan have risen, Verstka reports, citing local real estate agents.


Real estate agents reported that they have noticed a “huge demand” for apartments among Russians, who mostly move to Yerevan.


They compare the situation with the year 2022 and note that rent prices in Yerevan have increased by about 30% in the last three months.


The source noted that on Telegram, a popular Russian real estate search channel, dozens of new announcements from those who have already arrived in Armenia or are planning to emigrate in the fall appear every day.


According to Yandex Wordstat, the number of searches for “apartments in Yerevan” reached 5200 from July 13-19. There were 5,000 such requests during the week of February 28 to March 6, 2022, which increased dramatically during the September 2022 draft (almost 10,000).

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There are five defendants in the case of beating Hayk Konjoryan’s brother

There are five defendants in the criminal case regarding the beating of Avet Konjoryan, the brother of CP member Hayk Konjoryan. This is reported by the Investigative Committee.


As part of the criminal proceedings, a public criminal prosecution was initiated against 5 persons, according to Article 195, Part 2, Clause 5 of the Criminal Code (physical intervention committed by a group of persons). 2 of them were restrained by an absence ban and bail. Restraining order against the other defendants has not yet been chosen.


Yesterday it became known that on the night of July 25, Avet Konjoryan was brutally beaten at the entrance of his house. Regarding the case, criminal proceedings were initiated in the Kotayk Marz Investigation Department of the RA Investigative Committee on the grounds of physical aggression and hooliganism by a group of persons.

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Verelq: “South Caucasus Railway” sets fare discounts

On August 2, in connection with the professional holiday of the Railway, “South Caucasian Railway” company sets discounts on electric train fares for citizens, reports “South Caucasian Railway” company.


Electric trains will be free on that day for children up to 12 years old, and there will be a 50% discount for passengers over 12 years old.


The discount does not apply to the high-speed Yerevan-Gyumri-Yerevan train.

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Asbarez: Armenia’s Sovereignty Is at Stake

Armenia’s Constitution and Coat of Arms

BY DAVIT ABRAHAMYAN

What happens when a country’s legal order is demanded to be changed by an external power? Armenia currently confronts this dilemma as the Azerbaijani president Ilham Aliyev insists that Armenia amend the preamble of its constitution to formalize plans of “long-lasting peace” between Armenia and Azerbaijan.

On July 10th, 2025, Armenian prime minister Nikol Pashinyan and the Azerbaijani president Ilham Aliyev met in Abu Dhabi to advance negotiations on a comprehensive Armenia-Azerbaijan peace agreement, a process supported by the United States. During the summit, leaders of both countries primarily focused on discussions of moving from the draft peace agreement to a ratified treaty that would establish peace between both countries. Although the meeting advanced negotiations, it left one fundamental issue unresolved: Aliyev’s proposal of amending the preamble of the Armenian constitution, a proposal that prime minister Pashinyan has indicated he is prepared to consider.

While it is presented as an initiative towards peace, Aliyev’s intentions of amending the Armenian constitution extends beyond a simple factual correction. It serves as a strategic effort to increase Azerbaijan’s leverage in future negotiations. The Azerbaijani president aims to alter the preamble of the Armenian constitution based on the belief that it references the 1990 Declaration of Independence, which itself is assumed to refer to the 1989 reunification of Armenia and Artsakh. Factually, this is not entirely true, as the current Armenian constitution itself contains no active territorial claim, nor does it explicitly mention Artsakh to be a part of the Armenian territory. Indeed, Armenia’s Constitutional Court has concluded that the constitution does not prevent recognition of Azerbaijan’s territorial integrity. This suggests that Azerbaijan is merely objecting to symbolism, rather than an operative territorial claim in the Armenian constitution.

Though the genius of the constitution lies in its capacity to adapt to a changing world, its fundamental purpose has always remained the same – to serve as a foundational covenant between the state and its people; these do not include neighboring governments, foreign leaders, or military adversaries, but the citizens and the institutions that govern them. This understanding was reaffirmed between the Republic of Armenia and its people through the 1990 Declaration of Independence, which is the very same provision that Baku seeks to amend.

The Declaration of Independence is not simply ink on paper that references the reunification of territory no longer under the jurisdiction of the Republic of Armenia. It is a foundational document establishing democracy, sovereignty, and self determination by and for the Armenian people. Over the thirty-five years since Armenia regained independence, leaders have passed through history, carrying out referendums that amend the very same constitution that establishes sovereignty for the Republic of Armenia, but these changes have been carried out through Armenia’s own legal system with no outside intervention.

Embodying the collective will of a nation, a constitution not only limits the power of the government, but it defines the relationship between the state and its people – hence, rightfully vesting the citizens of Armenia with the authority of modifying the constitution. If constitutions derive their legitimacy from the people, public opinion becomes especially relevant. In 2024, a poll was conducted in Armenia after Azerbaijan made constitutional change a condition for long-lasting peace, to which a substantial number of Armenian citizens objected. The results showed only 12.2{90b964f27ce7bc9c36fdb61368f54201be816e5f12bfa29e2a237d6d22ae241b} to be in favor of amending the 1990 Declaration of Independence for peace purposes, while a staggering 80.3{90b964f27ce7bc9c36fdb61368f54201be816e5f12bfa29e2a237d6d22ae241b} strongly opposed amending the constitution. Prime minister Pashinyan’s continuous negotiations of constitutional reform in disregard of majority opinion challenge the principle embodied in Article 2 of the Armenian constitution, which states that “In the Republic of Armenia, the power belongs to the people.” Therefore, Pashinyan’s initiative towards amending the Armenian constitution by demands of Azerbaijan stands in opposition to the democratic will of the people, as he uses his constitutional rights to empower the government, with great disregard to the citizens of Armenia.

Although supporters believe that prime minister Pashinyan’s decision of amending the constitution is essential to a long lasting peace with Azerbaijan, this assumption is based on an incomplete understanding of the issue. On the surface, it seems that by submitting to the demands of the Azerbaijani president, prime minister Pashinyan reduces the likelihood of renewed military conflict – serving the intentions of Armenia, Azerbaijan, and the United States, which has supported and facilitated plans of peace between the neighboring countries. However, by supporting this idea, we overlook the fact that weakening the sovereignty of a nation limits control over its own affairs. By simply complying with the proposal of constitutional amendment, prime minister Pashinyan endangers not only the political, but also the economic sovereignty of the Armenian government – granting leverage to Azerbaijan for future negotiations over issues involving regional transit corridors, customs arrangements, and security guarantees.

As peace talks progress between Armenia and Azerbaijan, the struggle for influence intensifies between the neighboring countries. By preserving its legal order with no outside intervention, Armenia strengthens its sovereign position and enhances its strategic advantage in the peace process with Azerbaijan. To prevent any intervention in Armenia’s domestic stability, the peace treaty, by all means, should be separated from constitutional reform. Given Armenia’s current geopolitical stance, the best approach would be to pursue peace with Azerbaijan while vehemently objecting to any alteration of the constitutional order – advocating for sovereignty of the Republic of Armenia. If Baku remains unwilling to accept mutual terms, a viable diplomatic alternative for Armenia is to seek support from the United States, which has played an important role in facilitating the peace process between the neighboring countries.

Ultimately, a democratic system of government dictates that the constitution serves to empower the people. If, for any reason, the amendment of the constitution is not carried out by the independent will of the people, then the constitutional sovereignty of the nation must be called into question. As our nation strives toward peace, may it never forget that peace is only lasting when it is built upon grounds of sovereignty, democracy, and the freely expressed will of the people.

Davit Abrahamyan is a junior at the University of California, Berkeley, where he is studying political science. He pens articles for Asbarez in his free time.




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