Category: 2023

Since December 2022, Artsakh, or the self-proclaimed Nagorno Karabakh Republic, has faced a blockade imposed by Azerbaijan. It started with protests by so-called “eco-activists.” Then, on April 23, 2023, Azerbaijan established a checkpoint at the entrance of the Berdzor (Lachin) Corridor. Since mid-June 2023, it has effectively prevented supplies of any goods from reaching Artsakh via the corridor. These actions have brought the region to the brink of actual starvation, as local resources have been almost completely depleted by the absence of deliveries of food and other necessities.

Given the deteriorating humanitarian situation, the Armenian government has launched a campaign calling on the international community to intervene and accusing the Azerbaijani government of committing genocide against the Armenians of Artsakh. Simultaneously, Armenia continues negotiations with Azerbaijan to sign a peace treaty, with multiple talks taking place in Washington, Brussels and Moscow. The Armenian government has reiterated its willingness to recognize Azerbaijan’s territorial integrity under the 1991 Alma-Ata declaration, including Artsakh, and has dropped any demands for the autonomy of Artsakh within Azerbaijan. Instead, it has called for Stepanakert-Baku negotiations under an international mechanism to address the issue of the rights and security of the Armenian population living in Artsakh. Azerbaijan rejects any international mediation between its government and Artsakh, claiming that the rights and security of the Armenian population are the internal affairs of Azerbaijan.

Meanwhile, Baku calls for the usage of the Aghdam-Stepanakert road to supply goods to Artsakh, arguing that as every state, including Armenia, recognizes Artsakh as part of Azerbaijan, no one should reject the idea of supplying goods from Azerbaijan, as is the case with other regions of the country. Artsakh authorities reject this possibility, arguing that it will validate the use of blockade as a negotiation tactic. They also raise concerns that once the road via Aghdam is functional, Azerbaijan will have another argument not to open the Berdzor Corridor, thus entirely cutting off the connection between Armenia and Artsakh.

Amidst these ongoing debates and mutual accusations, the humanitarian situation in Artsakh worsens daily. As a part of its diplomatic pressure on Azerbaijan, Armenia called on the U.N. Security Council to convene an extraordinary meeting to discuss the situation around the Berdzor Corridor. During the meeting, almost all members of the Security Council raised concerns about the humanitarian situation in Artsakh. They demanded the opening of the corridor, while some also accepted the possibility of using other routes to deliver supplies to Artsakh. However, the discussion at the Security Council ended without any statement or resolution adopted. Statements and concerns from states and international organizations are insufficient to force Azerbaijan to restore the supplies of goods to Artsakh via the Berdzor Corridor. 

Currently, there are only a few options to prevent the looming hunger crisis in Artsakh, and only Armenia can take steps to end the stalemate. All calls to the international community, U.N. Security Council members, and international and regional organizations will only bring results if Armenia takes tangible actions to solve the conundrum. 

There are several scenarios through which Armenia can restore supplies via the Berdzor Corridor. First, Armenia should clearly state that as Azerbaijan pursues a policy of genocide against Artsakh’s Armenians, Armenia cannot recognize Artsakh as part of Azerbaijan. Armenia may say it was willing to recognize Artsakh as part of Azerbaijan to contribute to long-term regional peace and stability, while knowing that Armenians will face multiple hardships living in Azerbaijan as Azerbaijan citizens. Armenia was ready to make this sacrifice, but it cannot do so while the Azerbaijani government commits genocide against Armenians. Armenia may return to its policy of recognizing Artsakh as part of Azerbaijan only after Azerbaijan ends its genocidal policy. By withdrawing its former declaration, Armenia can provide legitimacy to its demands that no supplies should be provided from Azerbaijan via Aghdam, and the supplies of goods via the Berdzor Corridor should be restored. However, this will not bring any change on the ground. Azerbaijan will continue to prevent the supply of any goods via the Berdzor Corridor.

A Flirtey drone delivering an AED (Wikimedia Commons)

If it withdraws its recognition of Artsakh as part of Azerbaijan, Armenia has two options. One is to threaten the use of force to open the corridor. This is quite challenging, as it may open the way for another large-scale war between Armenia and Azerbaijan, with unclear implications. Given the dynamic changes in regional and global geopolitics, it is almost impossible to assess the reaction and steps of external actors – Russia, Iran, Turkey, the EU and the U.S. – if Armenia launches a military operation to end the blockade. Given the gap between Armenian and Azerbaijani military power, this option is risky, even if international reactions are neutral or favorable toward Armenia. The second option is the launch of an airlift to Stepanakert using drones. Azerbaijan may use its air defense systems to shoot down the drones bringing food to Stepanakert. However, it will be challenging to shoot all drones, and it will significantly harm Azerbaijan’s global image, simultaneously bringing additional international attention to the situation around Artsakh.

Suppose Armenia does not withdraw its recognition of Artsakh as part of Azerbaijan. In that case, it will be highly challenging to demand the reopening of the Berdzor Corridor and reject the option to use the Aghdam-Stepanakert route. In this scenario, to prevent hunger in Artsakh, Armenia should start negotiations with Azerbaijan and international actors, including Russia, the EU and the U.S., on the modalities of the use of the Aghdam-Stepanakert road and the possibilities of simultaneous supplies to Artsakh from Armenia via the Berdzor Corridor and from Azerbaijan via Aghdam. 

Not taking steps toward any of these scenarios will only exacerbate the situation and increase the suffering of the Armenians living in Artsakh, making the deadlock even more dangerous.

A march and protest will be held Friday, Sept. 1 during the 89th AYF-YOARF Olympics weekend in Washington, D.C. The protest will kick off demonstrations around the world led by the Armenian Revolutionary Federation (ARF) to demand justice for Artsakh on the occasion of its Sept. 2 independence anniversary.

Protesters will assemble at the Olympics Renaissance Hotel Headquarters at 1 p.m. and march at 1:30 p.m. to Lafayette Park, just north of the White House. The protest starts at 2 p.m. 

Signs and flags will be provided for the march and protest, where demands will be directed to U.S. government officials, urging them to act now to end Azerbaijan’s genocidal blockade of Artsakh’s 120,000 men, women and children; airlift humanitarian aid immediately; stop military aid to Azerbaijan; sanction the reckless Aliyev regime for its unpunished war crimes; and champion Artsakh’s self-determination rights.

“Olympics weekend always brings our community together to celebrate the AYF and its accomplishments, which include the AYF’s tireless Hai Tahd work,” said ARF Eastern Region Central Committee chair Ani Tchaghlasian and AYF-YOARF Eastern Region Central Executive chair Nareg Mkrtschjan. “We know that every effort will be made by those attending Olympics weekend to be at the ‘SOS Artsakh!’ protest to support our brothers and sisters in Artsakh.”

Additional details and updates can be found on the AYF-YOARF Eastern Region’s Facebook and Instagram pages and will be available in next week’s Armenian Weekly.

The socio-economic crisis was one of the causes of the disintegration of centralized governments in Syria and Iraq in 2011 and the emergence of radical militants in rural areas. These militants were motivated by anger towards the urban elite, who for decades neglected rural areas. As civil wars and political instability hit Syria and Iraq, many young rural people were recruited by these groups, who were financed by regional countries or non-state actors. In 2013, the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) was founded with the aim to establish an Islamic kingdom (caliphate) in the region. ISIS was a transnational militant Islamist terrorist group that by 2014 had occupied huge areas in Iraq and Syria and declared its “Islamic Caliphate.” Its militants were responsible for the Yezidi genocide that took place in August 2014 in Northern Iraq and the killing and deportation of thousands of Christians and Muslims. After the dissolution of ISIS in late 2019, the movement went underground, yet today it is taking advantage of the financial crisis in Syria and making a comeback.

The emergence of ISIS was one of the main reasons that Russia directly intervened in the Syrian conflict. As many ISIS recruits were from the North Caucasus, Russia was concerned about the return of radical militants to the Caucasus. Iran had similar concerns then about the expansion of ISIS to its borders and created pro-Iranian militias to fight these terrorist groups. Meanwhile Turkey, taking advantage of the battles between ISIS and Kurdish militants in Northern Syria, pushed its military expansion to contain and prevent the establishment of any Kurdish political entity near its southern border. What could happen to the region if ISIS re-emerges, and what will be its impact on developments in the South Caucasus? 

Socio-Economic Crisis in Syria

According to Syrian political economy expert Joseph Daher, the “currency devaluation and inflation in Syria have triggered a devastating cost of living crisis.” Faced with severe inflation, the Syrian Central Bank devalued the official exchange rate in July for the third time in 2023, from 6,532 Syrian lira to 8,542 Syrian lira to the USD. In the black market, it is traded for 13,000 Syrian lira. This depreciation caused panic in local markets, with rising prices forcing many shops to close to prevent further losses. 

This economic crisis has not just hit the government-controlled areas. A similar crisis is unfolding under the Kurdish and rebel-held zones. In the northeast, the Kurdish-controlled Autonomous Administration announced that by the end of July, it will pay the salaries of its employees according to the USD exchange rate. In the northwest, the “Syrian Salvation Government,” which is controlled by Hayaat Tahrir al-Sham (former Jubhat al Nusra/al Qaida), has permitted the use of USD in trade, as the Turkish lira, which was previously used as the main currency for trade, is facing a new collapse. 

Observers and local analysts argue that this may trigger a new wave of the emergence of terrorist movements, drawing in young people frustrated by the crisis. 

The first photos of Armenian Genocide Memorial Church in Der Zor blown up by ISIS emerged on Sept. 24, 2014.

Is ISIS Making a Comeback?

A few weeks ago, I met an old friend who is a Kurdish official from the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan party (PUK) based in Sulaymaniyah in northern Iraq. The official said that in recent months there have been very active ISIS activities in Iraq near the Syrian border. Civilians are forbidden from visiting certain zones in Iraq due to security concerns. On the other hand, pro-Iranian militias are refusing to merge with the army, creating parallel security institutions. The inability to merge all the remaining militias within the army is hindering the establishment of a strong and centralized security institution to contain the emergence of terrorist groups. Furthermore, underground militant groups affiliated with ISIS may reemerge, as they are profiting from illegal smuggling near the Iraqi-Syrian border.

Despite the fact that in March 2019, ISIS lost the last territory it held in Syria to the Kurdish fighters allied with the U.S., sleeper cells continue to carry out deadly attacks against both Kurdish fighters and government forces. These cells are active in the desert province of Deir ez Zor bordering Iraq. The province is divided into two zones: the northern zone is administered by the Kurds with the presence of U.S. troops, while the southern zone is governed by the Syrian government and the presence of Russian soldiers and Iranian-affiliated fighters. 

On August 11, ISIS militants ambushed a bus carrying Syrian soldiers in the above-mentioned desert province, killing at least 20 and wounding others. The group named Abu Hafs al-Hashimi al-Qurashi as its new leader this month. Abu Hafs al Hashimi is a militant and the fifth and current caliph of ISIS. He was named as caliph on August 3, 2023, in an audio message by the spokesperson of ISIS, Abu Huthaifa al-Ansari. The announcement came four months after the killing of his predecessor Abu al-Hussein al-Husseini al-Qurashi in northwestern Syria by fighters loyal to Turkey. Little is known about Abu Hafs al Hashimi, but Western media reports have mentioned that he played a key role in the Yezidi genocide and spent time in a U.S.-run prison, while Syrian media say that he is local from Deir ez Zor desert, where local Sunni tribes live. 

ISIS has also intensified its activities by freeing ISIS members from jail and forming contacts with ideologically similar movements such as the “Guardians of Religion,” who have their stronghold in the mountains of Idlib bordering Turkey. 

The Political and Regional/International Implications of ISIS’s Revival

The political situation in Syria is also feeding the re-emergence of ISIS. Politically, Syria is becoming a new battleground between Russia and the U.S. Moscow is concerned that the U.S. may open a new front in Syria against Russia to deviate the Kremlin’s military attention from Ukraine. On the other hand, according to political analyst Maria Maalouf, there is a growing political consensus in Washington that “Russia and Iran are aiming to kick the U.S. troops from Syria”. In June 2023, the Washington Post published a “leaked classified intelligence document” according to which “Iran and its allies are building and training forces to use more powerful armor-piercing roadside bombs intended specifically to target U.S. military vehicles and kill U.S. personnel” in Syria. 

At present, the strategic military balance in Syria between the U.S. and Russia favors Moscow. The number of American troops there is around 900, most of whom are contractors, while Russia has at least 6,000 soldiers, including Wagner fighters. Russia and Iran (through its militias such as Hezbollah) control vast areas of Syria, which they administer jointly with the Syrian government. Meanwhile, the U.S. operates in northeastern Syria under the Kurdish administration, and Turkey operates in northwestern Syria, mainly in Idlib.

Iranians and Russians have concerns about the presence of the U.S. troops not just for geopolitical but also for geo-economic reasons. During my visit to the St. Petersburg International Economic Forum, many Iranian experts raised concerns that one of the key obstacles to linking the Levant to the International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC) is the presence of U.S. troops and their control of key strategic roads connecting Iraq to Syria. For Iran, connecting Tehran to Baghdad and then to Damascus via future railways requires the removal of U.S. troops so that Iran and Russia can have highway access to the Eastern Mediterranean.

By connecting key players in a geopolitically and geo-economically strategic region, the Russian-backed INSTC and the Iranian-backed Tehran-Baghdad-Damascus railway have the potential to promote regional interconnectivity and defuse political tensions between regional states. The recent Iranian-Saudi and Syrian-Saudi rapprochement and negotiations show that the region is heading towards a “shy” collaborative mood, actively seeking economic development and openness instead of conflict. 

In the meantime, conflicts between the Kurds and the Turkish army could jeopardize stability. Recently, the Turkish army has escalated its military operations against Kurdish militias (mainly YPG in northeastern Syria and PKK in northern Iraq). According to the Armed Conflict Location and Event Data Project, there have been more than 665 Turkish airstrikes and drone strikes in northern Iraq and Syria in the first half of 2023. Most of these targets were Kurdish officials and fighters. 

It is important for the U.S. to de-escalate tensions between the Kurds and the Turks and cut the road that connects the Syrian-Iraqi border where Iranian militias are in control. 

Impact on South Caucasus

The socio-economic situation and the political atmosphere in Syria and Iraq can create the grounds for the re-emergence of ISIS and radical groups to launch attacks against government positions. These groups can also be used by international and regional actors to push their agendas and contain their rivals. Turkey’s intensified attacks against the Kurds could give a green light to Russia and Iran to minimize U.S. influence in northeastern Syria. Amid this complex situation, another volatile region may be affected by instability in Syria – the South Caucasus. 

A new wave of terrorism and instability in Syria will have repercussions in the South Caucasus, where the possibility of a new round of clashes around Artsakh between Armenia and Azerbaijan increases amid Azerbaijan’s ongoing blockade of the Berdzor (Lachin) Corridor and the humanitarian catastrophe in Artsakh. Baku may take advantage of the new developments in Syria and the shift of attention of the regional actors Russia, Turkey and Iran from the South Caucasus to launch a new escalation. 

Aris Givelekian Andrew Gorgissian

This summer, two active AYF New York “Hyortik” Junior members participated in the Armenian National Committee of America’s (ANCA) Summer Academy. High school students Andrew Gorgissian and Aris Givelekian were eager for the opportunity to learn about Hai Tahd while staying in the nation’s capital. 

“The ANCA Summer Academy opened my eyes to advocacy and Armenian issues. Throughout the week, many of our lectures and group activities were conducted on the topic of Artsakh. My peers and I were able to understand more about the reality and ongoing tragedy that Artsakh is facing during the blockade,” Gorgissian shared. “Toward the end of the week, our group went to Capitol Hill to persuade congressional staffers to co-sponsor H.Res.108, which condemns the atrocities that come with the blockade of the Lachin Corridor.”

Gorgissian explained that the group learned new concepts about government and policy, while also bonding through activities including touring the Wilson House, paddle boating on the tidal basin and playing board games at the Aramian House. He said they formed strong connections with each other, which will help them to strengthen their Armenian community.

“My peers and I were all amazed by the ANCA’s efforts to persuade politicians to support Armenia, and we aspire to support the Armenian cause in any means necessary,” Gorgissian said. “The ANCA Summer Academy motivated me to spread my knowledge of Armenian issues to my fellow peers and my local Armenian community. I truly enjoyed the balance of education and leisure that we experienced throughout the program. I am forever grateful for the accommodations that the ANCA has provided and the people I’ve met throughout the ANCA Summer Academy. I long to use all of the lessons I’ve learned in order to improve myself and benefit others around me.” 

“During my stay at the Aramian House as an ANCA Haroutioun and Elizabeth Kasparian Summer Academy intern, I learned a lot about political advocacy for the Armenian Cause,” Givelekian said. “Each and every day, 16 other interns and I sat through meetings, lectures and discussions regarding the current state of Artsakh and Armenia. Following this, we made our way to Capitol Hill where we went to all 440 congressional offices to inform and discuss the current situation of Artsakh.”

Givelekian also enjoyed the activities planned for the ANCA Summer Academy participants, particularly paddle boating, touring Washington D.C and Georgetown, and getting ice cream. 

“All in all, I had a very memorable experience, and I encourage everyone who seeks to join ANCA as a future intern or volunteer to take this opportunity,” Givelekian said.

The AYF “Hyortik” Chapter looks forward to seeing what Andrew and Aris bring back to the chapter and the New York community. We encourage other members to participate in this program after learning about Andrew and Aris’s positive experiences.

Adriana

Adriana dreamt of leaving Armenia to work as a model in a country where pursuing a public-facing career would not expose her to danger. In this dream, she would take her dog Froggie and flee to a place where she could start a family of her own. She did not believe she was strong enough to endure the discrimination and bigotry she would face in Armenia, where there are no laws protecting the rights of the transgender community.

She shared these aspirations with her friend Monica. Adriana never had a large circle of friends. She sought “quality, not quantity in friendship,” in Monica’s words. She also shared her fears with her friend. Adriana always felt that she was in danger, but the police dismissed her reports as products of her “imagination, not real proof.”

One day Adriana met a boy online who wanted to meet her in her home. It seemed suspicious, but she invited him over. He arrived at her door brandishing a knife. Adriana kicked the door shut and called the police. They told her to calm down and sleep it off, that she would feel better in the morning. Abandoned by law enforcement to protect herself, Adriana would regularly invite Monica over so that she would not be alone in her apartment. 

On August 20, the police received calls about a fire in an apartment on Yeznik Koghbatsi St. in central Yerevan, Armenia’s capital. After the flames were extinguished, officers found a corpse marred by lacerations. They later confirmed that Adriana, at age 28, had been stabbed to death and her apartment set on fire. 

“Adriana could never hurt or cause anyone pain. She was an extremely good and kind person,” Monica said to the Weekly, restraining her voice to hold back tears. “She was not for this world. This world is very evil.”

Police arrested the 26-year-old suspect at a border checkpoint in Bavra along Armenia’s northern border, as he was attempting to flee to Georgia. He has admitted to committing murder, and law enforcement has launched criminal proceedings.

Just as Adriana’s requests for help were disregarded by the police, the transgender activist community in Armenia has been advocating for legal guarantees for its rights and security for years, to little avail. In her eight years as president of Right Side NGO, transgender activist Lilit Martirosyan has raised this issue in front of government officials. She has demanded laws criminalizing hate speech and discrimination and upholding equal rights for people of diverse gender identities and sexual orientations. She warned that if these legal measures were not taken, a member of her community could be targeted with murder. Now her premonitions have been realized, and she feels exhausted. 

Documented cases of violence against transgender people are not unprecedented in Armenia. Several years ago, another trans woman managed to escape from her apartment when it was targeted by arson, according to Right Side NGO. In August 2022, a member of a far-right organization filmed himself attacking a trans woman and published the video online. 

“Unfortunately, we don’t have any support from the government, from the police or from society. We are alone,” Martirosyan said, her voice anxious and desperate. She repeated herself for emphasis. “The LGBTQ community is alone. The trans community is alone in this country.” 

Candlelight vigil for Adriana

The trans community did not even have the chance to grieve Adriana’s passing in peace. On August 21, Right Side NGO organized a candlelight vigil in Komitas Park, a serene, circular courtyard bordered by trees in Yerevan. More than 100 LGBTQ activists, Adriana’s family, the Dutch ambassador to Armenia and a representative from the British embassy were present. The vigil was disrupted by a group of agitators who threw eggs, bottles and stones at the mourners. Police officers, who had gathered in the park in preparation for the vigil, did not intervene. 

Before the vigil was attacked, Monica and Adriana’s mother had a brief moment to grieve together. Adriana’s mother was accepting of her daughter’s gender identity. 

“Her mother said, Monica jan, she loved you. She was very connected to you. She only said your name,” Monica said. “She was crying and wouldn’t let go of my hand. She said that she felt her daughter’s presence while holding my hand.”

News reports of Adriana’s death have been inundated with hateful comments from people living in Armenia, praising the murderer, calling for the death of all trans people and threatening specific trans activists. Martirosyan has been named, as have people who work for Right Side NGO. As a prominent activist, Martirosyan is accustomed to being targeted with hate speech. She doesn’t leave the house without a mask. She can’t go grocery shopping without being harassed. “It’s a dream for me to go to a café,” Martirosyan said. 

Yet since Adriana’s murder, hate speech against the trans community has climbed to a new, unbearable pitch. As a model, makeup artist and blogger with a notable social media presence, Monica has been inured to discrimination and bigotry. Yet now, Monica’s Instagram and Tik Tok have been overwhelmed with warnings that her death will be next. She has been receiving death threats in her voicemail. She is living in hiding at an anonymous address. For the first time since coming out to the public, she is afraid for her life. 

“I love Adriana. I miss her. I don’t believe this. The thought that I could be next is killing me from within. Physically and psychologically, I am suffering,” Monica said. 

Martirosyan has called on the EU, Council of Europe, Western governments and international organizations to appeal to the Armenian government to protect trans rights. She believes the Armenian diaspora and all Armenian organizations must stand with the LGBTQ+ community.

“I do not want to survive. I want to live happily. I have that right. Adriana also had that right,” Monica said.

Khoren and Nanar wrapped in the Armenian flag

“If it wasn’t the best thing in the world, I wouldn’t have gone back three times.” My friend Ani’s words kept ringing in my head as I stood at the entrance to the educational and cultural youth center of Ninotsminda. My excitement and nervousness mingled together, creating a sense of anticipation I hadn’t felt before.

I felt overwhelmed by the crowd as about 120 kids barged into the center to greet this year’s Camp Javakhk counselors. Their eyes were wide with curiosity and excitement. The more extroverted kids started asking questions and immediately initiated conversations. The shy ones simply stared, smiled and walked away.

The participants were split into three groups—red, blue and orange—according to their age. Each group was paired with two counselors and a few local teenagers, or oknagans, eager to assist. Patil and I were co-counselors for the youngest group, ages 8 to 10.

During the daily schedule’s free period, I connected with participants from other groups. I sat on the stairs with the older girls and learned about their hobbies and interests. Their talents surprised me—one was a yellow belt in karate, another was a language enthusiast, and another was an adept bead maker.

Amid the excitement, kids tugged my arms, urging me to visit their impromptu “tattoo salon,” where they passionately sketched the Armenian and Artsakh flags, the iconic silhouette of Mount Ararat and a cross on my hands. In their vibrant strokes, I saw not only artistic _expression_ but also a profound connection to our national identity and heritage and a shared love for our homeland.

We headed to a field near the center of the village, and despite the scorching sun, being with fellow counselors, oknagans and kids lightened the walk. The view of the field took my breath away, reinforcing my belief that I was in heaven. I immediately messaged my friend Ani: “You were right!”

As the days progressed, bonds formed with both the kids and my fellow counselors. Amidst the countless moments that wove the tapestry of our camp experience, a few stood out as favorites: the morning marzank, or exercise, which we always ended by playing “Gats” by Taline and Friends and dancing with the kids as our absolute silliest selves; our time spent at the field, embracing the breathtaking landscape and even learning some karate moves; dancing to Armenian music with the older girls, celebrating our shared heritage.

The late-night planning sessions and candid talks with my fellow counselors brought us closer together. We shared stories, laughter and a common purpose. Each counselor added something unique to the mix. Tania’s homemade tahdig offered a taste of tradition and love. Lorik’s thoughtful preparation ensured a cup of tea was always at hand. Aram became a companion in appreciating the beauty of Manuel Menengichian’s songs. Naira shared a sense of humor that melted away our exhaustion. Patil radiated sunshine with her optimism and good vibes. Isabel’s presence as the best roommate and confidant added warmth to every moment. These connections, simple yet strong, shaped an unforgettable journey at camp.

The campers’ reluctance to say goodbye was a testament to the bonds we’d built. Kids gifted us handmade bead rings and heartfelt letters, accompanied by the admonitions to “please don’t forget me.” Khoren and Hovo gave us persistent hugs and invitations to their homes. In those moments, I realized that being a Camp Javakhk counselor extended far beyond our five short days together. It was about leaving an indelible mark on their lives and carrying their stories with us, wherever we went.

As a Camp Javakhk counselor, I witnessed growth not only among the campers but also in myself. Saying goodbye to the campers, I realized I carried more than just memories. I was taking with me a renewed sense of purpose and a deeper connection to Javakhk and our fellow Javakhktsis.

The Javakhk region, with its rich history and cultural significance, stands as a testament to the enduring spirit of the Armenian people. This added a layer of meaning to the opportunity to immerse myself in this vibrant community. As I bid farewell, I carried the weight of this importance alongside the memories, a reminder of the responsibility we each held in preserving and cherishing the heritage of this remarkable region.

Artsakh residents at Azerbaijan’s border checkpoint (Azerbaijan Public TV)

Several dozen Armenians from Artsakh were among those permitted to cross the Berdzor (Lachin) Corridor this week, for the first time since Azerbaijan tightened its blockade of the route in mid-June. 

The first group, which traveled on August 21, consisted of 41 Russian citizens born in Artsakh and students enrolled in Armenian universities who are starting classes this fall. They were escorted to Azerbaijan’s checkpoint along the Berdzor Corridor, the sole route connecting Artsakh with Armenia, where they were subjected to inspections of their passports and luggage by Azerbaijani border guards. They then walked across the bridge to board cars on the other side of the checkpoint that drove them into Armenia. A second group traveled on August 22. 

Azerbaijan’s blockade of Artsakh started over eight months ago on December 12, 2022, when government-sponsored protesters posing as eco-activists closed the Berdzor Corridor. They ended their protest on April 23, 2023, when Azerbaijan set up an illegal military checkpoint along the corridor, placing all movement between Armenia and Artsakh under the control of Azerbaijani border guards. 

For months, the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) and Russian peacekeeping mission were the only entities allowed to travel between Armenia and Artsakh. They delivered essential supplies in response to dwindling resources of food and medicine. The ICRC also transported medical patients from Artsakh to Armenia for emergency operations and necessary treatment. In mid-June, however, Azerbaijan barred the ICRC and Russian peacekeepers from crossing the border checkpoint to deliver humanitarian aid, precipitating a humanitarian crisis in Artsakh. 

Azerbaijan has also periodically obstructed the ICRC from transporting medical patients. On August 22, the ICRC evacuated seven patients from Artsakh, and escorted seven more patients back home from Armenia. 

Artsakh authorities welcomed the movement of 41 people across the Berdzor Corridor this week, calling it a “positive development,” yet noted that there are many individuals stuck on either side of the border who are still waiting to cross. They include Artsakh residents who have been stranded in Armenia since the start of the blockade and 333 medical patients requiring urgent treatment awaiting transportation by the ICRC to Armenian medical facilities. 

“These figures don’t even include the numerous others seeking to move for various humanitarian, employment and personal reasons,” said the NKR InfoCenter, Artsakh’s official news outlet. Artsakh authorities also criticized the “humiliating conditions” at the checkpoint and “illegal surveillance of and obstacles for the citizens of Artsakh.” 

Helen Dadayan’s relatives are among those waiting to cross the Berdzor Corridor. Dadayan, an Artsakh resident from the town of Chartar, was stuck in Armenia since the start of the blockade, separated from her family. She died in a car accident on the Yerevan-Gyumri highway on August 13. 

Her relatives gathered in front of the ICRC office in Stepanakert on August 19 to demand that her remains be repatriated to her home in Artsakh.

“Helen’s remains have been in the Goris morgue for about a week now. The ICRC has been delaying its response for a long time. We have come here to ask them to do their job and, at the very least, provide us with a reason for the delay,” Helen’s brother Nver Stepanyan told a local reporter. “If that doesn’t work out, then they should negotiate so that the parents can go and participate in the funeral.” 

Artsakh authorities further accused Azerbaijani journalists of filming Armenians crossing the checkpoint for “propaganda purposes.” Armenians are met at the checkpoint with large numbers of Azerbaijani journalists from state-controlled media. The journalists closely follow them with cameras as they walk through the checkpoint, approach the border guards for passport checks and luggage inspection, and board their vehicles. Azerbaijani public media disseminates these videos as evidence that there is no blockade and the corridor is open. 

Azerbaijani public television reported that “up to 60 Armenian residents of Nagorno-Karabakh with Russian passports” traveled to Armenia.

“These people supported separatism in Azerbaijan,” an Azerbaijani reporter said from the checkpoint. “Yet, the Azerbaijani side provides them an opportunity to go to any destination of their choice without barriers, totally safely.”

Journalist Lindsey Snell called this a “repugnant practice.” 

“Azerbaijani state-run media films each time Armenians are allowed to pass the Lachin corridor. They don’t give consent, and they’re too terrified to object,” Snell wrote on social media, sharing a video of an Armenian woman at the border checkpoint breaking down in tears.

“As a security sector reform specialist with experience in several countries in three continents, I can say that this is psychological abuse of Nagorno-Karabakh underage children by Azerbaijani security services, supported by female journalists,” foreign policy consultant Sossi Tatikyan wrote on social media. 

Meanwhile, tensions along the borders of Artsakh and between Armenia and Azerbaijan have also been escalating. Artsakh authorities have regularly reported shootings of Armenian farmers working in their fields as well as agricultural equipment by Azerbaijani soldiers, forcing farmers to halt their work. Artsakh leadership calls this a tactic to aggravate the food shortage caused by the blockade. Meanwhile, Armenian soldier Vanik Ghazaryan was killed on August 21 after Azerbaijani soldiers opened fire on Armenian military positions near the border village Akhpradzor. Armenia and Azerbaijan regularly accuse each other of ceasefire violations along their shared border.

Last week, the United Nations Security Council convened an emergency meeting to discuss the humanitarian situation in Artsakh arising from the blockade, at Armenia’s request. Nearly all of the 15 member countries of the Security Council called for the reopening of the Berdzor Corridor and immediate resumption of humanitarian aid deliveries. Azerbaijan, meanwhile, denied that Artsakh is under blockade. The Security Council did not release any resolutions or statements following the meeting.

The latest ANCA action campaign advocates for a U.S.-led resolution at the UN Security Council urging Azerbaijan to end its Artsakh blockade, airlift assistance to Artsakh and enforce U.S. military aid restrictions to Azerbaijan.

WASHINGTON, D.C. – The Armenian National Committee of America (ANCA) ramped up pressure on the Biden Administration and Congress this week, issuing a nationwide call to action in support of a United Nations Security Council resolution demanding Azerbaijan lift its genocidal blockade of Artsakh’s indigenous Christian population.

Over 200,000 letters from pro-Artsakh advocates have already reached President Biden, Vice President Harris, and U.S. Senate and House members, calling for immediate steps to “avert an impending genocide in Nagorno-Karabakh (Artsakh) caused by Azerbaijan’s 250+ day blockade of the Lachin Corridor – the only humanitarian lifeline linking Artsakh to Armenia.”

Specifically, Armenian Americans and their allies are urging the U.S. to:

— Lead a United Nations Security Council resolution condemning Azerbaijan’s blockade of Artsakh, and calling for the immediate reopening of the Lachin (Berdzor) Corridor consistent with the binding provisional order issued by the International Court of Justice (ICJ);

— Suspend any new, current or pending U.S. military or security assistance to Azerbaijan, and fully enforce Section 907 of the FREEDOM Support Act;

— Provide emergency U.S. humanitarian assistance to the Armenian victims of Azerbaijani aggression in Nagorno-Karabakh, including by means of a humanitarian airlift;

— Apply statutory sanctions against Azerbaijani officials responsible for the genocidal blockade of Nagorno-Karabakh.

Pro-Artsakh advocates can take action by visiting anca.org/UN.

Last week, on the eve of the United Nations Security Council discussion of the humanitarian impact of Azerbaijan’s more than 250-day blockade of Artsakh, Senate Foreign Relations Committee chairman Robert Menendez (D-NJ) and Senator Alex Padilla (D-CA) appealed to United States Permanent Representative to the United Nations Linda Thomas-Greenfield, urging her to introduce a UN resolution calling for an immediate end to Azerbaijan’s eight-month blockade of Nagorno-Karabakh, including allowing unfettered humanitarian access to Armenians in Nagorno-Karabakh.

In their August 15 letter, Senators Menendez and Padilla asked Amb. Thomas-Greenfield, who is currently serving as President of the UN Security Council, to “work with all UNSC members to pressure the Azerbaijani government to lift the blockade and prevent what the evidence suggests is a coordinated effort to ethnically cleanse the people of Nagorno-Karabakh.”

In an August 14 letter to President Biden, Congressional Armenian Caucus co-chair Adam Schiff (D-CA) urged the U.S. to lead a UN Security Council resolution calling on Azerbaijan to immediately comply with the orders of the International Court of Justice as well as an independent report on the human rights and humanitarian situation. “Though the U.S. government, the European Union, UN experts, and Russia have condemned the blockade and called for the corridor to be opened to regular traffic, Azerbaijan has ignored such statements for months. The U.S. Department of State and USAID have tried to use diplomacy to put an end to Aliyev’s blockade of the Lachin Corridor, but the time for statements and such calls has clearly long passed. The United States must take concrete actions and immediately use other tools to press Azerbaijan to return to compliance with international law and order,” wrote Rep. Schiff.

On August 22, Rep. Schiff issued a video appeal calling on the U.S. government to lead a UN Security Council resolution and to enforce Section 907 restrictions on U.S. military aid to Azerbaijan.

Fellow Congressional Armenian Caucus co-chair Frank Pallone (D-NJ), and Representatives Tony Cardenas (D-CA), Raja Krishnamoorthi (D-IL), Seth Magaziner (D-RI), Jim McGovern (D-MA), Katie Porter (D-CA) and Dina Titus (D-NV) also went on the record calling for U.S. leadership to lift Azerbaijan’s Artsakh blockade. Sen. Bill Cassidy (R-LA) condemned Azerbaijan’s “genocide against Christian Armenians” in multiple social media statements regarding the Artsakh blockade.

During the August 16 UN Security Council meeting, Amb. Thomas-Greenfield offered remarks “urging the government of Azerbaijan to restore free movement through the corridor – so commercial, humanitarian and private vehicles can reach the population of Nagorno-Karabakh.”  All sitting members of the UN Security Council called for the immediate reopening of the Lachin Corridor and to ensure unhindered humanitarian access to the region. Pressure continues on the U.S. and other UN Security Council members to pass a resolution or issue a declaration demanding Azerbaijan lift its Artsakh blockade.

Earlier this month, the First Chief Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court (ICC) Luis Moreno Ocampo issued a report that determined Azerbaijan’s deliberate blockade of the Lachin Corridor constitutes an act of genocide under Article II, (c) of the Genocide Convention: “Deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction.”