Armenia ex-President about PM: This man has poor understanding of negotiation process

  News.am  
Armenia – Jan 31 2022

Exactly what you said proves the fact that this man has a poor understanding of the negotiation process and does not know the details of the negotiation process nor the essence, said Armenia's third President Serzh Sargsyan in an exclusive interview.

He referred to Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan's statements that the issue of Nagorno Karabakh was delegated to the UN Security Council after the April War, while recalling the UNSC resolutions of 1993, and also speaking about the possibility of the UNSC to adopt or not to adopt a document.

"First, what do the UNSC resolutions of 1993 have to do with this? Those were about a completely different issue. All those resolutions adopted in 1993 were calling for cessation of armed hostilities. Those were meant to decide neither on the status, nor anything else for that matter. And the claim that the [new] UN Security Council resolution would not be adopted raises a question: exactly what line of argumentation does he rely on to yield such a conclusion ?" said Serzh Sargsyan.

"I am saying that the [new] UN Security Council resolution would no doubt be adopted, based on the fact three out of five Permanent Members of the Security Council – United States, Russia and France – were those proposing the draft. Can you at all imagine a situation when, if I must repeat myself, three out of five Permanent Members (United States, Russia and France) table a draft resolution, and even if [it were not adopted] – what would happen? Even if they decided to go to extreme measure and one of the Permanent Members used the veto power, what would we lose? The co-chairs simply could not make certain proposals and then in the course of their discussions turn 180 degrees and suddenly adopt a different decision? That’s impossible," Sargsyan said.

In response to the remark that if such a thing had happened, the responsibility for the non-resolution would have fallen on the international community, the third president of Armenia said that not even the international community but a particular member of it would have become responsible. "This [document] was not ‘a catastrophe’. For us that was, of course, not the document of our dreams, neither the Kazan document was the embodiment of our dreams, but it was an acceptable document for us. It was an implementable one on the ground too. That is obvious," Serzh Sargsyan said.

Armenia ex-President: It seemed as if it not Armenia leader, but Azerbaijan president spoke

  News.am  
Armenia – Jan 31 2022

Absolutely no any verbal promise has been made. It has never been our workstyle – to yield something in accordance with verbal arrangements, the third President of Armenia Serzh Sargsyan said.

He commented on the allegations of Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan that Serzh Sargsyan made verbal promises (on the Karabakh settlement) and in 2018-2019 it is time to fulfill these promises, which have not been recorded in any document.

"When I was listening to the portions about Artsakh in that interview, it was astonishing to hear some so-called “arguments”, which I heard in 2008, 2009 and 2010 from the President of Azerbaijan. It would seem to me at certain moments – to be very honest with you – that it was Azerbaijani President speaking, not Armenia’s governor. It was very painful because he no longer could use those objective arguments that would give us good chances to achieve a status for Artsakh, as if he tries to put forward those arguments, tomorrow they will remind him of his own words," Sargsyan said.

He noted that thinking people and some political forces in Armenia are disappointed. "I have come to observe that among certain political forces in Armenia and many intelligent people there is a sense of disillusionment. There is a certain atmosphere of disappointment. And the allegations of those – I mean both the incumbent authorities here and those in Azerbaijan – that the Nagorno Karabakh issue is resolved, has in some ways affected these people. I have come on air to declare once again that Artsakh will never be part of Azerbaijan. And for that – despite the calamitous war, despite the capitulation – there are still opportunities to be seized," he said.

Armenia ex-President: Did you hear clear answer from Armenian officials about future of Karabakh issue?

  News.am  
Armenia – Jan 31 2022

We are not fascists and we are not racists to say that the parliament of Nagorno-Karabakh must consist only of Armenians, the third president of Armenia Serzh Sargsyan said this in an exclusive interview, countering arguments by Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan that if elections were held in Nagorno-Karabakh and Azerbaijanis participated in them too and were elected, it means that Artsakh would not be purely Armenian.

“Are there only Armenians elected in the Armenian National Assembly today? What does it all mean? If this is yet another manipulation, it’s a failed one. If this is – what can I say – an issue about lack of knowledge, then it’s ridiculous. What I am saying is, of course, also a message to the international community, because the very same co-chairmen, even after the disastrous war still were speaking about the basic principles,” he said.

In response to a comment that it had been a long time since the co-chairs had spoken, Serzh Sargsyan said, “It’s been a while because no one is speaking about that any more. Have you come across any clear answer by the incumbent Armenian officials about the future of the Karabakh issue? The most they do is making references to their government program adopted still before or maybe after the war. Why is that the case? Are they shy? Are they afraid? Or, as they say, they have some verbal agreements that impede making such statements?”

Intelligence report: Turkey hub of anti-India operations

Tribune News Service of India


New Delhi, Jan. 30, 2022

Turkey is the new Dubai as far as influence operations against Kashmir
are concerned, concur security officials here who are now detecting
attempts to expand its ambit to cover the Indian mainland Muslims as
well as raise doubts about India’s foreign policy.

Two intelligence reports late last year had flagged the emergence of
Turkey as the hub of anti-India activities pushed by Pakistan’s ISI
after its earlier stomping grounds of the UAE and Saudi Arabia became
out of bounds as these countries intensified ties with Delhi to the
extent of storing their strategic reserves in India.

The expansion of Turkey’s foreign policy footprint tallies with
Ankara’s attempt to influence Muslims beyond the Arab heartland.
Despite a failed attempt to form a grouping with Pakistan and
Malaysia, ties with ISI turned warmer and have gone beyond Kashmir to
backing Islamist organisations in India.

The report to NSC Secretariat speaks of three-pronged efforts by the
Turkish government and related institutions — by media (employment to
Kashmiri journalists); educational institutes (well-paying
scholarships) and NGOs (influence Indian Muslims on foreign policy
inimical to Indian interests).


 

Germany faces new realities in Russia-Ukraine crisis

Asia Times



[If the buffer states between Berlin and Moscow disappear, the Germans
will quickly be between a rock and a hard place]

By Francesco Sisci


Many German gains at the end of the first Cold War could be lost. The
possibility of a second Cold War in Europe is no longer farfetched
and, to avoid it, Berlin should perhaps look it right in the eye and
think of China.

Germany was the country that gained the most since the end of the Cold
War 30 years ago. It regained the unity it lost in 1945, and it pushed
Russia back over a two “buffer-country” line, the greatest distance
from its unwieldy neighbor in its entire history.

The new buffer state lines were those of the former Soviet empire that
joined the European Union (EU) and NATO, and the fledgling states
emerging from the Soviet collapse such as Belarus and Ukraine.

Then, Germany saw a huge field of possibilities to expand its
increasingly precise and efficient manufacturing industry, while other
developed countries were chasing the new internet economy and exiting
manufacturing.

Eastern Europe, Russia and also China were all anxious to buy the
symbol products of new wealth: the BMWs, Mercedes and Porsches, all
far more glittering and tangible than the ethereal latest services
from the web – Google, Amazon and Facebook.

The rest of the EU was bound to Germany by the euro, by the
ever-closer relations of financial and productive subordination to
Germany’s virtuous debt to GDP ratio and by essential supply lines
stretching to Italy, Spain and France.

These European relationships were growing stronger and more solid than
those with America. The basis of American-European relations had been
defense against the Soviet threat, but with the collapse of the USSR
that existential threat was gone.

But the US-NATO defense alliance was abused, with high costs and low
performing deployments in Afghanistan and Iraq. Moreover, there was
the euro, separated from the dollar, and Washington’s increasing
distraction by Asia, which was not a challenge for Germany.

For Germany, the efficiency of its economy was the answer to any
theoretical political trial. For Germany, it was an ideal world – if
Russia had not begun to change it by narrowing the buffer lines.

Thinner buffers

Since 2008, Russia had eliminated or thinned the first line of buffer
countries. Listing the events in no particular order, Russia has split
and caged Georgia with a series of internal and external conflicts.

It has successfully supported the Assad regime in Syria, strengthening
itself in its port of Tarsus in the Mediterranean Sea. It aided the
Benghazi faction in Libya, it foiled a democratic election in Belarus
and virtually reannexed the republic. It detached Crimea from Ukraine
and annexed it.

Russia also tried to expand into Azerbaijan supporting Armenian
ambitions. It failed, but Armenia is now closer to Moscow. Moscow may
have inspired a coup in Kazakhstan, and in practice extended its power
throughout former Soviet Central Asia, thereby erasing any dreams of
an alternative gas supply to Russia.

There was a prospect of bringing Kazakh or Turkish gas to Europe and
Germany with a pipeline through the Caspian Sea, Azerbaijan and
Turkey. Instead, Russia wanted and wants to channel all that gas only
through its pipelines to increase its political leverage with the EU
and indirectly with the US.

All this leaves Germany in a very different reality than 30 years ago.
Russia is now much closer to German borders. It can also be a good
thing because some of the countries returned under the strict
protection of Moscow were considered by some as bunglers and
scoundrels, and it was so much better to talk directly with the
Russians.

But the Russian extension to the west has also sent the second line of
buffer countries, those now in the EU and NATO, into turmoil and
dwindles prospects of negotiations on energy supplies. If the Russian
pipelines have no potential alternatives in Central Asian gas routed
through Turkey, then Berlin is under a Russian monopoly.

Germans can console themselves by thinking that the Russians need
German euros more than the Germans need Russian gas. But the reality
is that the Russians have proven that they are willing to suffer for a
political purpose, so they can take fewer euros. The Germans, on the
other hand, can hardly do without gas.

So, what can happen in the Ukraine crisis for Germany? The pro-Russian
coup in Kazakhstan may show that Moscow does not want a neutral
government in Kiev, nor a buffer state, but a satellite country.

For Berlin, the idea of admitting into NATO a fragile and decomposed
country, a “thief” of gas from the pipelines, like Ukraine is
certainly disturbing. But the de facto annexation of this immense land
and the anxiety and apprehension it spins throughout Europe, with
ramifications as far as Portugal, opens up possibly worse scenarios.

The ghost of a second Cold War in Europe, not only in Asia, is rising
again. Here, Germany will want to avoid being on the front line again,
at all costs, and must protect itself. Russia may want guarantees but
similarly so does the rest of Europe.

Russian President Vladimir Putin’s move toward Ukraine, at the same
time as the coup in Kazakhstan, opens up new and existential scenarios
for Germany. The time when commercial economic integration could
replace geopolitics is over.

If Germany does not oppose Russia in Ukraine, it returns to the front
line and becomes a subject, not a leader, of the EU. The relationship
with the US, today dialectic, becomes hierarchical again because only
America can guarantee German security from the Russians or from
Polish, Romanian and Baltic anxiety.

Germany cannot get out of its geography, much less out of the EU and
NATO. It can try to play there, but Putin has changed his games.

Putin’s miscalculations

In other words, Putin may have miscalculated. By pushing too hard on
Ukraine, he found resistance and in the face of this resistance, he
did not immediately withdraw, but insisted, and so he is forcing
Germany into choices it did not want to make.

Berlin would have wanted to maintain a special axis with Moscow over
the other European countries, but this axis cannot exist in spite of
the European countries. If it has to be in spite of them, Germany may
be pushed to bend with the rest of Europe.

It is unthinkable and not practical that it would choose Moscow over
Europe, which it is an integral part of.

Therein lies the dilemma. Putin is in a corner and coming out of the
Ukraine game defeated could have heavy domestic consequences. Chaos in
Moscow would be a jinx for Berlin.

Germany may want an honorable compromise for Putin, but the Eastern
European countries may want to take this opportunity to push back the
Russians and step out of their shadow with more certainty, even at the
cost of possible instability in Moscow.

Moreover, beyond the intentions of others, Putin is hesitating by
keeping troops on the border without letting them withdraw or advance.
The more time that passes in this indecision, the weaker his hand
becomes, and the more complicated the game and German desires also
become.

German Chancellor Olaf Scholz thus faces not a simple crisis in
Ukraine, but rather a complex redefinition of his country’s foreign
and economic policy after 30 years. And he has no time, because
Putin’s indecision does not help him.

That leaves the energy question. How does one survive or resist under
threat from Putin’s gas policies? Russian gas is indeed convenient,
but now thanks to new shale technologies, the world has perhaps more
oil and gas than mineral water.

Extractions have been reduced due to the economic crisis after Covid
and production has not restarted immediately. But the gas is there and
there’s a lot of it. The immediate problem is how to bring it to
Europe.

If liquified American gas comes in, regasification plants must be
equipped, but once that happens, Russian gas may become redundant.
Here the Russians have a window of only a few months to bargain with
the Germans and the Americans.

This, however, touches on webs of legitimate personal and business
interests that have been intertwined with Russian gas over the past
decades. These entanglements today may cloud the vision of many in
Europe and contribute to confusion, multiplying the risks of mistakes
and accidents in Ukraine and its surroundings.

Finally, how the Germans handle the Russians in Ukraine could become
the foreplay of a more sensitive terrain – how Berlin (and by
association the EU) will handle China. So far Germany has been very
good in keeping the two issues apart – a stern position on human
rights issues, and a very realistic approach to business.

Still, if things change with Russia, then they may change with China,
too. Priorities and goals are different between the two countries.
Still, if a new era of geopolitics is looming and realistic
geoeconomics is doomed, Germany may want to think hard about it.

This is very important for China, too. Perhaps Beijing should consider
what it should do to keep economic and political relations with
Germany and the EU on a fairly even keel when perhaps an even bigger
storm is coming.


 

The Press Collection of The Mekhitarist Library is Now Online

PRESS RELEASE
Armenian Communities Department of the Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation Avenida de 
Berna 45-A, 1067-001 Lisboa, Portugal
Contact: Vera Cunha
Telf: (+351) 21 782 3658
Web: gulbenkian.pt

ՄԽԻԹԱՐԵԱՆ ՄԻԱԲԱՆՈՒԹԵԱՆ ԳՐԱԴԱՐԱՆԻ ՀԱՆԴԷՍՆԵՐԸ ԱՅԺՄ ՀԱՍԱՆԵԼԻ ԵՆ ԱՌՑԱՆՑ
Մխիթարեան Միաբանութեան հանդէսներու թուային գրադարանը եւ կայքէջը թողարկուած են. 
անոնք կը ներկայացնեն 1794-էն 1920-ի միջեւ տպուած հայ մամուլէն հաւաքածոներ՝ 
թուայնացուած ու անվճար։
 
Առ այժմ, Մխիթարեան Միաբանութեան Վիեննայի Աւագ Մենաստանի գրադարանի հարուստ 
հաւաքածոյէն թուայնացուած է աւելի քան 400.000 էջ։ Թուայնացումի եւ հանրութեան 
անվճար տրամադրելի դարձնելու այս ծրագիրը համագործակցութեան արդիւնքն է՝ Մխիթարեան 
Միաբանութեան, Գալուստ Կիւլպէնկեան Հիմնարկութեան Հայկական Բաժանմունքին եւ 
Հայաստանի Հանրապետութեան Գիտութիւնների Ազգային Ակադեմիայի Հիմնարար Գիտական 
Գրադարանին միջեւ։
 
Թուային գրադարանի կայքէջը կը ներկայացնէ Միաբանութեան գրադարանէն հաւաքածոներ, 
անոր նպատակն է մէկ հասցէով կամ յղումով ընթերցողն ու հետազօտողը առաջնորդել դէպի 
թուային նիւթերը, որոնք ամբարուած են Հիմնարար Գիտական Գրադարանին շտեմարաններուն 
մէջ, եւ ցանկագրուած Ակադեմիային կողմէ։ Թուայնացումի աշխատանքը շարունակական է, 
իսկ նիւթերը համապատասխան կայքէջերուն եւ շտեմարաններուն մէջ հասանելի պիտի դառնան 
իրենց պատրաստութեան կարգով։
 
Այս յոյժ կարեւոր նախաձեռնութեան եւ մեծածաւալ աշխատանքին շնորհիւ, հայ ժողովուրդի 
մշակութային գրաւոր ժառանգութիւնը հասանելի պիտի դառնայ հանրութեան՝ առցանց, անվճար 
ու բաց ձեւաչափով։
 
Ծանօթանալու համար ծրագիրին նպատակներուն, եւ կարդալու թուայնացուած մամուլը, 
կարելի է այցելել թուային գրադարանին կայքէջն ու շտեմարանները՝ 
https://urldefense.com/v3/__https://arm.mechitaristlibrary.org/__;!!LIr3w8kk_Xxm!_RJCU0gdfvXy2W-rB01icKewykfKe-xdiE9UhWHsuV5rQkdYt6xfAfpPIp1bHg$
 
https://urldefense.com/v3/__https://arar.sci.am/dlibra/collectiondescription/11?language=hyw__;!!LIr3w8kk_Xxm!_RJCU0gdfvXy2W-rB01icKewykfKe-xdiE9UhWHsuV5rQkdYt6xfAfog3ndrDw$
 
https://urldefense.com/v3/__http://vmc.sci.am/__;!!LIr3w8kk_Xxm!_RJCU0gdfvXy2W-rB01icKewykfKe-xdiE9UhWHsuV5rQkdYt6xfAfq7lcSf3Q$
 
 
Հիմնարկութեան ներկայ ինչպէս նաեւ այլ ծրագիրներու մասին կարդալու եւ տեղեկանալու 
համար այցելել՝ 

  կայքէջը եւ արձանագրուիլ լրատուին։
 
--
 
THE PRESS COLLECTION OF THE MEKHITARIST LIBRARY IS NOW ONLINE
 
The Mekhitarist Congregation’s journal collection and its portal website are now 
live, featuring digitized Armenian press published between 1794 and 1920, in a 
free and accessible format.
 
To date, the online library of the Mekhitarist press and its corresponding 
databases have been endowed with more than 400,000 pages of digitized Armenian 
newspapers and periodicals from the rich collection of the Mekhitarist Monastery 
of Vienna. The digitization of these materials and making them available to the 
public is made possible through the collaboration between the Mekhitarist 
Congregation, the Armenian Communities Department of the Calouste Gulbenkian 
Foundation and the Fundamental Scientific Library of the National Academy of 
Sciences of the Republic of Armenia.   
 
The portal website gives the reader and researcher access to the Mekhitarist 
Congregation digital library content via one address: an address that directs 
the visitor to all the digitized and indexed materials stored in the databases 
of the RA Fundamental Scientific Library. Digitization is continuous, and new 
materials will be added periodically as additional journals are digitized.
 
Addressing the great and immediate need for accessibility, the goal of the 
collaboration is to make this great pan-Armenian wealth of knowledge and 
collective heritage available to all free of charge, ensuring its wide and easy 
accessibility.
 
To read more about the project’s objectives and to access the digitized 
materials, please visit the portal website and the respective databases here:
https://urldefense.com/v3/__http://www.mechitaristlibrary.org/__;!!LIr3w8kk_Xxm!_RJCU0gdfvXy2W-rB01icKewykfKe-xdiE9UhWHsuV5rQkdYt6xfAfpSGiP6qQ$
 
https://urldefense.com/v3/__https://arar.sci.am/dlibra/collectiondescription/11?language=en__;!!LIr3w8kk_Xxm!_RJCU0gdfvXy2W-rB01icKewykfKe-xdiE9UhWHsuV5rQkdYt6xfAfqQK_7nXg$
 
https://urldefense.com/v3/__http://vmc.sci.am/__;!!LIr3w8kk_Xxm!_RJCU0gdfvXy2W-rB01icKewykfKe-xdiE9UhWHsuV5rQkdYt6xfAfq7lcSf3Q$
 
 
For further information on the programmes of the Armenian Communities Department 
of the Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation please visit: 

  and subscribe to our newsletter.
 
--END--

Artsakh Govrnment Joined the Technoschool Project

PRESS RELEASE

    reArmenia collaboration platform

    Halabyan, 65/5

    Yerevan, Armenia, 0078

    Contact: Anzhela Alekian

    Tel: +374 91 34 94 00

    E-mail: [email protected]

[email protected]

    Web: http://rearmenia.com/

The Artsakh Government has joined the project aimed at creation of TechnoSchool in Martuni

The Ministry of Education, Science, Culture and Sports of the Artsakh Republic has joined a project aimed at the creation of Moonq TechnoSchool of Artsakh and provided financial support.

The TechnoSchool of Artsakh is an educational project in the field of IT which will be implemented by the “I” Educational Fund. The goal is to provide children with quality technical knowledge which will affect their development prospects in their own settlements and open the way to the IT market.

“The Technoschool is the technological future of Martuni and neighboring villages. By creating a Technoschool, we will raise technological education to a qualitatively new level. The Ministry of Education, Science, Culture and Sports of Artsakh Republic supports this unique project and is matching the first 14 million drams invested. Moonq TechnoSchool is our victory in the field of education,” says Lusine Gharakhanyan, the Minister of Education, Culture, Science and Sports of the Artsakh Republic.

Ashot Avanesyan, a mathematician and programmer, is the creator of the project. After years of studying in Stepanakert and working in Yerevan, he returned to his native village and developed this idea, which will need about 68 million AMD for the implementation.


It should be noted that This endeavor will entail the development of not only a school, but also mobile laboratories. The building will have three furnished halls, one co-working space, and a bathroom. The administration of Haghorti village has provided use of the community hall building to the project. After completion, 100 young people will have an opportunity to attend the institution and the number of project beneficiaries will reach 280. Over the next five years, we will have about 270 new IT specialists, and that will bring about 1 billion AMD to the country in the form of salaries alone. Additionally, more than 10 new IT companies will be founded.

“These educational programs were developed back in 2017 in order to simply revive life in the villages of Artsakh, to make changes in the education of children and adolescents, but most importantly, to modernize the education sector. This all started when we just began to walk around the villages with laptops. And then, more than 30 IT specialists united around this idea. Now our student initiative has turned into a large regional project, and the Government of the Republic of Artsakhhas also joined,”  says Ashot Avanesyan, Director of the “I” Educational Fund.

The “I” Educational Fund was established in 2019 by Ashot Avanesyan and his wife Luiza. As of today, the foundation courses have already helped 80 Artsakh children aged 13-17. After graduation, students get the opportunity to create their own companies. The first successful project is the StartSystems startup, founded by the first graduates of the course. At the moment, more than 100 children are participating in these foundational courses in Martuni region without a school building, and that number will exceed 120 in the next two months. The Stepanakert laboratory has 50 students. At the beginning of next year, the “I” Educational Foundation will have more than 200 graduates with IT knowledge. More information on the project can be found here.

 

Erdogan Triumphs as Putin Stabs His Best Ally in the Back / Activist Post / David Boyajian

Jan 19 2022

JANUARY 19, 2022

Op-Ed by David
Boyajian

President Putin has been making some astonishing demands,
including:

  • NATO mustn’t admit additional countries near Russia, such as Ukraine and Georgia.
  • NATO must cease military activity in non-NATO territories: Georgia, Ukraine, the Caucasus, Central Asia, and parts of eastern Europe.

Yet, incredibly, Putin has himself been enabling a NATO member’s aggression bordering Russia.

In 2020, the Kremlin embraced Turkey’s sending American-designed/equipped
F-16s and Bayraktar drones containing NATO
components
 into Azerbaijan.

Turkey and Azerbaijan (“one nation, two states”) subsequently defeated the Armenian populated Artsakh Republic/Nagorno-Karabagh and Russia’s longtime
ally, Armenia
.  Israel backed Azerbaijan militarily.

The brutal 44-day war ended with a so-called peace
agreement
 on November 9, 2020.

Russia facilitated Turkey’s (and, de facto, NATO’s) participation in Putin’s self-defeating grudge war against Armenians:

  • Putin stood aside as Turkey openly deployed troops, weapons, and thousands of Russian-hating international terrorists into
    Azerbaijan.
  • Turkey and Azerbaijan struck parts of Armenia, not just Artsakh. Yet Russia and the Russian-led CSTO (Collective Security Treaty Organization) patently ignored their defense
    pacts with Armenia.
  • For decades, Russia had stopped battles over Artsakh between Azerbaijan and Armenians at an early stage despite Artsakh’s lacking a defense treaty with Russia. This time, though, Moscow intervened only belatedly (November 2020) as it
    posted Russian “peacekeeping” troops in parts of Artsakh.
  • Moscow welcomed Turkish soldiers to partner with Russians in “monitoring” the peace agreement.
  • Since the war ended, Putin and the CSTO (Azerbaijan isn’t a member) have shamelessly humiliated their Armenian ally. For instance, Russia is permitting Azeri troops — unquestionably at Turkey’s urging — to invade southern
    Armenia, seize highways, kill civilians, and attack Armenia’s diminished military.
  • Russia and the CSTO continue to rebuff Yerevan’s legitimate requests for assistance.

In contrast:

  • In January, Putin promptly dispatched
    CSTO troops into member Kazakhstan to subdue violent protests.
  • NATO never signed a formal agreement barring eastward expansion.  Therefore, despite the Kremlin’s contention, NATO isn’t
    legally required
     to bar Ukraine’s possible membership.  Russia and the CSTO are, however, legally required to adhere to
    their signed, formal defense pacts 
    with Armenia but aren’t doing so.

Elected on an anti-corruption platform in 2018’s democratic “Velvet Revolution,” Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan was reelected in 2021.

Russia dislikes democratic leaders.  They’re harder to arm-twist and bribe.  True, Pashinyan has been somewhat friendlier to Western nations than Armenia’s earlier leaders.

Yet, post-independence (1991), Yerevan has maintained excellent political and economic relations with the EU, U.S., and NATO.  In 2005, America built one of its largest embassies in the world under President Robert Kocharyan, a Putin favorite.

Regardless, Putin hated Pashinyan, barely spoke to him, and never gave him a chance.

European–Armenian relations go back thousands of years.  A strong U.S.–Armenian friendship dates to the 19th century.  This is natural for an ancient Christian nation speaking an Indo-European tongue.

Armenia has, nevertheless, allied itself with Russia for historical reasons and as security against genocidal Turkey and
Azerbaijan.  A more reliable Russian ally doesn’t exist.

Yerevan and Pashinyan certainly made mistakes before and during the war.  But Putin’s angry betrayal of Armenians has been undeserved and irrational.

Pashinyan never oriented Yerevan away from Moscow.  He couldn’t.

Russia supplies nearly all its ally’s gas, oil, and weapons, controls much of its energy infrastructure, including the Metsamor nuclear power plant, and has two military bases in Armenia.

The Kremlin’s imperialist attitude towards small allies: ‘You wouldn’t exist if not for Russia, so be eternally grateful.  Otherwise, we’ll punish you even if it severely damages Russia.’

Indeed, due to Putin’s grudge war against Armenians:

  • Turkey and NATO are now embedded deeper than ever in Azerbaijan and the Caucasus — militarily, politically, and economically.
  • Russia’s foremost ally lost.

No wonder the neo-con U.S. State Department’s and NATO’s condemnations of Turkish/Azerbaijani aggression have been generally low-key.

True, Russia may now have more control over Armenia and has deployed 2000 troops in Artsakh.  But Russia could have gotten these without the war.  Instead, the Kremlin chose anger and war over sound judgment.

Ironically, though livid at Pashinyan’s mild Western outreach, Moscow seems fine with Turkey’s Western military, economic, and political memberships: NATO, EU Customs Union, and scores more.

Similarly for Azerbaijan: The UK has invested $100
billion, the EU is a major trade partner,
and American investment is massive.

Western money helped build Azerbaijani energy pipelines which avoided Russia, going instead through Moscow’s adversary, Georgia.  Even Donald Trump attempted to
build a $200 million hotel in Baku.

But no, Moscow prefers to bully and betray its best ally.

Is Armenia really an important ally?

Were Armenia to somehow exit Moscow’s camp, Turkey and NATO would rapidly displace Russia from the Caucasus because:

  • Azerbaijan, a Western source for gas and oil, has long sided with Turkey not Russia.
  • Georgia is supported by the West, links Turkey and Azerbaijan, and is, in effect, a NATO candidate.

The Caspian would become a
NATO/Turkic lake.

Moreover, Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, and Turkey’s pan-Turkic aspirations lie just across the Caspian.

Russia would face a future grimmer than what NATO in Europe poses.

Besides Moscow’s recent treachery, Armenians remember Moscow’s gifting Artsakh, Nakhichevan,
and Western Armenian territory to Azerbaijan and Turkey in the 1920s,

Russia’s growing weakness also makes Armenians question its reliability.

Russia has lost most of eastern Europe to NATO.  Despite territorial gains in Ukraine and Georgia, Moscow may eventually lose them (and Belarus) unless it invades some or all of them, which is possible
but risky.

Central Asia looks shaky due to Turkish, Western, and Chinese inroads.

Without allies in the Black Sea, Russia worries about NATO exercises such as Sea
Breeze 2021
.

Turkey poses other problems for Russia.

Over Putin’s protests,
Turkey sells Bayraktars and other weapons to
Ukraine.  Ankara demands that Crimea be returned to Kyiv.  President Erdogan has threatened Russia with a Muslim uprising and declared that Turkey is ascendant in Central Asia.  Russia still can’t oust Turkey from Syria.

Influenced by Russia’s Eurasianist theorist Aleksandr Dugin, Putin thinks he’s luring Turkey away from NATO.  Erdogan is unlikely to fall for that trap.

Suppose Yerevan could escape the Russian bear’s grip.  Joining NATO would not guarantee its security.  Turkey, which has murderous plans
for Armenia, would vastly outweigh it.

Turkey threatens Greece, Cyprus, and others, invades whatever countries it pleases, and supports ISIS and other international terrorists while the U.S., NATO, and Europe look the other way.

Kowtowing to Turkey for 100+ years has destroyed the West’s credibility.

The Caucasus’s future is hard to predict, but some major things – unlikely as they seem now – could reshape the region in the medium and long terms.

  • To create a permanent Caucasus base, Russia may strong-arm Armenia into the Russian Federation and even, perhaps, make it Russia itself.
  • Russia – enchanted by Eurasianism – could sell Armenia to Turkey and Azerbaijan in pursuit of a Russo-Turko alliance.
  • At great political cost, Russia could shut down the entire NATO/Turkish eastward adventure by invading Georgia and Ukraine.

As for Armenia, it must maneuver between the region’s competing powers as it has for 3000 years.

David Boyajian’s primary foreign policy focus is the Caucasus.  His work can be found at http://www.armeniapedia.org/wiki/David_Boyajian.


​Vachik Mangassarian, Veteran Character Actor, Dies at 78

The Hollywood Reporter
Jan 24 2022

Vachik Mangassarian, Veteran Character Actor, Dies at 78

The Armenian performer had roles in 'CSI,' 'Agents of S.H.I.E.L.D.' and, more recently, a supporting role in Paul Weitz's 'Moving On' film.

BY ETAN VLESSING

Vachik Mangassarian COURTESY OF ROBERT KAZANDJIAN

Vachik Mangassarian, an Armenian actor known for his TV roles on CSI: Crime Scene Investigation, NCIS, Curb Your Enthusiasm and Agents of S.H.I.E.L.D, has died. He was 78.

Mangassarian died in Burbank from COVID-19-related complications, his manager, Valerie McCaffrey of McCaffrey Talent Management, told The Hollywood Reporter.

Born in Iran of Armenian descent, he emigrated to the U.S. at age 23 and worked as a waiter in Los Angeles as he set his eyes on a career in Hollywood.

Besides doing theater work, he had early roles in Iranian movies before landing his first American film role in The South’s Shark in 1978. Mangassarian played the role of a father in The Stoning of Soraya M, which starred Jim Caviezel and portrayed the stoning of an Iranian woman.

He also appeared in the movie Lost and Found in Armenia, which starred Angela Sarafyan and Jamie Kennedy in an landmark collaboration between Armenian and American actors.

Mangassarian most recently completed a supporting role in Paul Weitz’s new film Moving On, starring Lily Tomlin and Jane Fonda.

As a supporter of the Armenian community, he anchored his own radio and a TV show, The Armenian National Network, for 10 years as he and guests discussed politics, film and art.

Survivors include his sisters, Linda Lalaian and Elda Hacopian.

Flights to resume between Turkey and Armenia

Jan 25 2022



Turkey and Armenia will resume flights on February 2, 2022, for the first time since November 2019. There are currently no direct flights between the two countries. Previously, passenger flights were operated by Atlasjet, an airline company that went bankrupt in 2019. The announcement comes amid attempts to normalize ties between Turkey and Armenia.

The decision was first announced last year by Turkey's Foreign Minister Mevlüt Çavuşoğlu. Shortly after the announcement the two countries also appointed special envoys on a reciprocal basis.

On January 14, the two envoys, Serdar Kilic, a former ambassador to the US, and Ruben Rubinyan, deputy chairman of Armenia’s National Assembly, met for the first time in Moscow. Following the meeting, the two countries announced that the charter flights operated by the Turkish budget carrier Pegasus Airlines and Moldovan low-cost airline FlyOne would resume operations on February 2.

According to Reuters reporting, “Pegasus will hold its first flight from Istanbul to Yerevan on February 2 with a return flight on February 3, a spokesperson for the airline said, adding the route would open with three reciprocal flights per week.”

In a statement issued by Turkey's Ministry of Transport and Infrastructure, FlyOne flights will be landing at Istanbul Airport at 19:50 while the flight for Yerevan leaving Istanbul Sabiha Gökçen Airport will depart at 23:35 local time the same day.

Other positive developments include Yerevan lifting an embargo on Turkish goods in light of positive developments in normalization process last year. The decision was imposed on December 31, 2020 in retaliation after Ankara backed Baku during the 44-day war with Armenia over the Nagorno Karabakh territory.

During the January meeting in Moscow, the parties focused on “boosting trade and transport links as well as appointing diplomatic representatives,” reported FT.

Turkey and Armenia were close to finding some common ground in 2008 when Turkey's then-President Abdullah Gul traveled to Yerevan to watch the first of the two qualifying World Cup matches between Turkey and Armenia. A year later, Serge Sarkisian, the Armenian president, traveled to Turkey's province of Bursa to watch another football game between the two national teams. The game and Sarkisian's visit to Turkey followed the signing of a series of protocols in Zurich that were designed to normalize relations between the two countries. Described at the time as “football diplomacy,” the negotiations eventually fell through after Turkey withdrew due to mounting pressure from Azerbaijan. Armenia formally declared the protocols null and void in 2018.

While there is no date set for the next meeting between Turkey and Armenia, one Turkish news agency reported on January 21, that it will likely take place in Turkey or Armenia as there was no longer a need for a third country involvement, the news agency said, citing diplomatic sources.

The ongoing negotiations are a positive sign, something that is repeated across the board by a number of experts and observers covering the regional developments. However, as International Crisis Group country analysts note in their brief released on January 13, “More such stepping stones will be needed to help rebuild low trust between the sides. A disruption of this effort to establish neighbourly ties – only the third effort in as many decades and an important opportunity for Turkey, Armenia and the whole region – could only make that mistrust sink lower.”

https://globalvoices.org/2022/01/25/flights-to-resume-between-turkey-and-armenia/