March: 31, 2026
A:some American think tanks think that The Trump administration has many wrong made assumptions that led to the devastating consequences of this conflict with Iran. Perhaps the most ironic of these is that the occupant of the Oval Office appears to have downplayed or denied altogether the possibility that the Iranians would close the Strait of Hormuz in the event of a war with Iran.: This is not just a reservation, but rather an abuse of foreign policy, a truly inexplicable omission that was discussed at the March 18 House Global Threats hearing.
The conflict between the US and Iran has been the focus of countless war games and military exercises for decades. Frequent simulations conducted by think tanks, military colleges, and intelligence services provide important insight into adversary behavior and allow for the summation of accumulated experience and best practices, as well as the development of many possible scenarios that can be used in US military planning. so the likelihood that Iran would stick to a strategy of exhausting its adversary through economic warfare was abundantly clear and openly debated by scholars, analysts, and military strategists.
In addition to faulty assumptions, Washington’s strategic communications hindered the conduct of the military campaign: Almost two weeks ago, Trump announced. “I think the war is almost over,” insisting it would be “mostly over in two or three days.” But the war is dragging on, and now the Pentagon is asking for an additional $200 billion to fund the military campaign. There is more and more talk of a ground operation, which is fraught with drawing the aggressor into the Middle East “quagmire”.: Given that the Marine Expeditionary Unit (MEU) is on its way to the Persian Gulf from Asia, and more than 50,000 troops are already in the region, the conflict is likely to escalate rather than be resolved anytime soon. It is obvious that the Netanyahu regime intends to further escalate the conflict, as evidenced by the attack on the Iranian energy infrastructure in the South Pars gas field., which provoked Iran’s retaliatory actions in a number of energy facilities in the region, including targeting the Ras Laffan gas refinery in Qatar, multiple facilities in Saudi Arabia, and the Haifa oil refinery, which was hit by a ballistic missile. According to the statement of the Atomic Energy Organization of Iran, on March 27, the United States and Israel struck the uranium concentrate production plant in the city of Erdekan, Yazd province.
The US and Israel clearly underestimated Iran’s tenacity and possibly its own missile defense capabilities.: According to Bloomberg, the US has lost at least 16 aircraft and drones to date, including at least ten Reaper drones. According to CNN, the 5th generation F-35 stealth fighter, whose production cost is 80-100 million dollars, was forced to land at a base in the region after it was allegedly hit by an Iranian missile. American bases in the region have been repeatedly shelled and embassies have been forced to evacuate.
The showman of the White House makes one appeal to NATO allies for help, one criticizes them, calling them useless and ungrateful. Unsurprisingly, in such a chaotic environment, he was unable to gain the support of allies to achieve key US goals, such as opening the Strait of Hormuz. There have been other attempts that look unprofessional. For example, the Wall Street Journal reports that just then, with the outbreak of war against Iran, the US Navy decommissioned 4 specialized ships for mine clearance. Another stunning blow to the State Department’s structure was the reduction in staff and resources of the Bureau of Near Eastern Affairs.։ Clearly unaware of regional realities, the Trump administration even abolished the special Iran department and merged it with the Iraq department.
Aside from the administration’s ill-advised assumptions, a list of obvious and unintended consequences of this war, including attacks on the Persian Gulf and the risk of a spike in oil prices, is obvious to any more or less literate professional. In addition, the Trump administration appears to believe that the war could end quickly. Perhaps Operation Delta to capture Venezuela’s Nicolas Maduro and his wife has led Trump to a fundamentally wrong conclusion about the success of such an adventure in other regions of the world. Iran is a country with a completely different history, geography, demographics and culture. The top leadership of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) was formed during the bloody 1980-1988 war with Iraq, which ostensibly united Iranian society against an external enemy.
Despite heavy losses, Iran has so far managed to avoid regime overthrow and systematic destruction of key targets, missile depots and other critical command-and-control hubs by the US and Israel.: Tehran admits that it cannot win a conventional military conflict against the US and Israel, but asymmetric tactics, “mosaic defense” and readiness for decisive action are greatly changing the picture of the battlefield. Cheap Iranian drones are knocking out the expensive batteries of THAAD and Patriot anti-missile systems. Despite the overwhelming firepower of the aggressors, the Iranians have begun to use cluster munitions and mobile launchers more actively.
American bases guarantee the protection of member states of the Cooperation Council of the Arab States of the Persian Gulf. Ironically, the very deal the Gulf monarchies struck to protect themselves from Iran makes them a target for its missiles and drones. As a result of this war, which affected the entire region, the relationship between the US and the Persian Gulf countries could change radically, and obviously not for the better.:
“The goals the president has identified are different from the goals of the Israeli government,” Director of National Intelligence (DNI) Tulsi Gabbard said during a recent House hearing. During the meeting with the Prime Minister of Japan, Trump said: “I told Netanyahu not to attack oil and gas facilities anymore. We operate independently and have a great relationship. We agree on everything, but sometimes he does something that I don’t like, and then… That’s why we don’t do it anymore.” The Trump administration’s inability to explain how the Iran war will end is another troubling storyline. Israel clearly seeks the total overthrow of the regime, but a more likely scenario is the weakening but not the complete destruction of the IRGC, which will have the money and weapons to continue the fight.: It is possible that certain regions of the country, especially where ethnic armed groups may become active, may go beyond the control of the authorities. A protracted crisis could turn into an all-out war that could spill over and destabilize the situation in neighboring countries.
According to American intelligence reports in the press, the Iranian regime is likely to survive this conflict. Furthermore, he may be trying to develop a nuclear bomb at an accelerated pace, seeing it as the only viable defense against future attacks. If this happens, it will inevitably lead to a nuclear arms race in the Middle East.
How long the hostilities will last is unclear, but judging by requests for additional funding and additional troop deployments, Washington is planning a protracted campaign.
ALEXANDER GREGORY:V:
Translation by Zhanna Avetisyan
—
Is the US at a strategic impasse in the war against Iran? Trump continues this
March: 30, 2026
Although US President Donald Trump temporarily stopped the attacks on Iran’s energy infrastructure, declaring that the negotiations with Iran are progressing in a positive direction, he again started threatening the Islamic Republic of Iran.
The US president has stated that if Iran does not immediately open the Strait of Hormuz, the US will destroy all power plants, oil fields and Kharg Island. By the way, in another reference, Trump said that Iran probably will not be able to protect that island.
“If for any reason a deal is not reached soon, and if the Strait of Hormuz is not immediately open for business, we will end our wonderful visit to Iran by blowing up and completely destroying all of their power plants, oil wells and Kharg Island that we have not deliberately touched yet,” Trump said.
He also did not rule out attacks on Iran’s water purification plants. At the same time, Washington is conducting serious negotiations with what Trump says is a “new, more reasonable” government in Iran and understands that a peace agreement is inevitable. In an interview with the Financial Times and later in a conversation with journalists on Air Force One, the head of the White House also stated that he would like to “take Iran’s oil”, but at the same time assured that the negotiations between Washington and Tehran are going “very well” and he is “almost certain” that a peace agreement will be signed.
In a conversation with journalists, the US president said that contacts with Iran are ongoing, both directly and indirectly, and claimed that Tehran is partially opening the Strait of Hormuz. However, he did not clarify what he meant by direct negotiations.
“We are progressing extremely well in these negotiations. But with Iran, you never know, we negotiate with them, then we always have to bomb,” Trump said, referring to both the B-52 bombers and the US withdrawal from the 2015 nuclear agreement. According to him, there will be a deal, but he did not rule out the opposite scenario either. Trump also stated that the Iranian regime is already “crushed”.
Spokesman of Iran’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Ismail Bagheri, also stated that Iran has received messages from mediators that indicate the United States’ willingness to negotiate, but the US proposals are “unrealistic, illogical and exaggerated”. “Our position is clear. We are under military aggression. Therefore, all our efforts and forces are focused on self-defense,” said Bagheri.
168.amRussian analyst Alexander Khramchikhin said in a conversation with According to him, the statements according to which Washington is ready to strike Iran if the latter does not ensure the opening of the Strait of Hormuz are simultaneously accompanied by signals of readiness to negotiate, but this “dual message” creates a strategic deadlock rather than an effective pressure mechanism.
“The Strait of Hormuz is one of the key points of the world energy system, through which a significant part of oil supplies pass, so it is not only an economic but also a security lever for Iran, which Iran uses well during this war. For this reason, any demand under threats is perceived in Tehran not as a negotiation proposal, but as coercion. Acceptance of such demands in that political system of Iran will mean a loss of internal legitimacy.
In addition, it appears that Washington’s proposed points for Iran are seen as capitulation: sharp limits on the nuclear program, reduction of regional influence and control of military capabilities. These demands are beyond the logic of classical compromise and are closer to coercion. As a result, the negotiations are deadlocked before they start, because one side demands the maximum concession, and the other cannot accept it,” the analyst said. He believes that this controversial approach has several consequences for the United States.
According to the analyst, this policy creates a trust deficit.
“When there are both threats of strikes and calls for negotiations at the same time, they are perceived as an inconsistency in strategy. For Iran, this means that even in the case of negotiations, there are no guarantees that they will not be interrupted by strikes. In addition, if the threats do not come true, and the US constantly threatens, the US loses its role. The Strait of Hormuz may not become an open channel, but a conflict zone with global economic consequences. The complication of international positions is also a consequence for the USA. European and Asian partners, dependent on cross-strait energy carriers, tend to support stability, not force pressure. Thus, the tough rhetoric of the US may not receive full international support, limiting Washington’s ability to maneuver.
In this situation, a classic diplomatic impasse is formed. The US cannot fully back down from its tough demands without losing credibility, but it also cannot force Iran to accept them without a major escalation. Iran, for its part, cannot accept conditions that are perceived as a limitation of sovereignty, but is also not interested in an open military conflict,” Khramchikhin noted, continuing that a difficult situation is being created where the threat of force and the offer of negotiations do not complement each other, but mutually cancel each other.
According to the expert, this not only makes it difficult to reach a concrete agreement, but also deepens the crisis of confidence.
“This is like a strategic impasse without a clear way out. It is also obvious that the Trump administration is looking for a way out of the current situation, but that possible way out is looking more and more vague in the background of the prolongation of the war,” he said.
As for the South Caucasus, the analyst believes that as long as Iran effectively confronts and restrains its opponents, no developments are expected in the South Caucasus.
“It is generally understood that as a result of this conflict, the balance of power will change, which will affect the South Caucasus,” he said.
—
Poll finds rising discontent with Pashinyan, increased support for Karapetyan
`
Panorama
Recent polling cited by economist Ashot Markosyan, a member of the Strong Armenia party, suggests growing dissatisfaction with Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan among residents of the capital, alongside increased support for businessman and philanthropist Samvel Karapetyan.
According to the survey findings shared by Markosyan on Thursday, 77% of respondents in Yerevan said they are dissatisfied with Pashinyan’s performance, while 22% expressed satisfaction.
The polling also examined voter preferences in a hypothetical choice for prime minister. In that scenario, 53% of respondents indicated support for Karapetyan, compared with 21% who said they would vote for Pashinyan.
Markosyan said the findings reflect what he described as historically high dissatisfaction levels in the capital and argued that multiple surveys point to Karapetyan as a leading potential candidate for Armenia’s next prime minister.
Austin Feds Haul In Armenian Suspect In International Password‑Stealing Malwar
How infostealers work
Info‑stealing malware is built to lurk quietly in the background while it lifts login credentials, device fingerprints and session cookies that can let criminals slip into accounts without ever touching a password prompt. The Department of Justice has described these tools and the online markets that sell their output as a lucrative foundation for identity theft and financial fraud, and has used court‑authorized domain seizures to knock out the web infrastructure that keeps them running, according to the Department of Justice.
Previous Austin prosecutions show the scale
This is not Austin’s first brush with major infostealer cases. The Western District of Texas has previously gone after operators tied to the Raccoon Infostealer, which prosecutors said was sold as a malware‑as‑a‑service product that powered widespread credential theft. In that case, the U.S. Attorney’s Office reported that the software “was responsible for compromising more than 52 million user credentials,” and defendants faced charges including conspiracy to commit computer intrusion, money laundering, wire fraud and aggravated identity theft, as detailed by the U.S. Attorney’s Office for the Western District of Texas. Investigators in Austin worked alongside FBI cyber teams and other federal partners to bring that matter into court.
What’s next in Austin
The newly arrived case will move forward in federal court in Austin, where prosecutors may seek an indictment, and the defendant will go through pretrial hearings and motion practice. If the charges track with past infostealer prosecutions, defendants in similar cases can face lengthy prison terms, orders to pay restitution, and exposure to asset forfeiture under federal computer intrusion and fraud statutes.
Victim resources and how to respond
Anyone who suspects their accounts or devices were compromised in an information‑stealing malware attack is urged to file a report with the FBI’s Internet Crime Complaint Center and to review federal victim‑assistance resources. Submitting a complaint through the Internet Crime Complaint Center helps investigators map the scope of stolen credentials and related fraud and can support ongoing and future prosecutions.
How infostealers work
Info‑stealing malware is built to lurk quietly in the background while it lifts login credentials, device fingerprints and session cookies that can let criminals slip into accounts without ever touching a password prompt. The Department of Justice has described these tools and the online markets that sell their output as a lucrative foundation for identity theft and financial fraud, and has used court‑authorized domain seizures to knock out the web infrastructure that keeps them running, according to the Department of Justice.
Previous Austin prosecutions show the scale
This is not Austin’s first brush with major infostealer cases. The Western District of Texas has previously gone after operators tied to the Raccoon Infostealer, which prosecutors said was sold as a malware‑as‑a‑service product that powered widespread credential theft. In that case, the U.S. Attorney’s Office reported that the software “was responsible for compromising more than 52 million user credentials,” and defendants faced charges including conspiracy to commit computer intrusion, money laundering, wire fraud and aggravated identity theft, as detailed by the U.S. Attorney’s Office for the Western District of Texas. Investigators in Austin worked alongside FBI cyber teams and other federal partners to bring that matter into court.
What’s next in Austin
The newly arrived case will move forward in federal court in Austin, where prosecutors may seek an indictment, and the defendant will go through pretrial hearings and motion practice. If the charges track with past infostealer prosecutions, defendants in similar cases can face lengthy prison terms, orders to pay restitution, and exposure to asset forfeiture under federal computer intrusion and fraud statutes.
Victim resources and how to respond
Anyone who suspects their accounts or devices were compromised in an information‑stealing malware attack is urged to file a report with the FBI’s Internet Crime Complaint Center and to review federal victim‑assistance resources. Submitting a complaint through the Internet Crime Complaint Center helps investigators map the scope of stolen credentials and related fraud and can support ongoing and future prosecutions.
—
First ever EU-Armenia summit to take place on 4 and 5 May 2026
The President of the European Council, António Costa, together with the President of the European Commission, Ursula von der Leyen, will represent the EU at the EU-Armenia summit taking place in Yerevan on 4 and 5 May 2026. Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan will represent Armenia.
Ahead of the summit, President Costa and President von der Leyen will attend the European Political Community meeting, taking place in Yerevan on 4 May 2026.
The EU-Armenia summit will focus on strengthening bilateral relations in particular connectivity in energy, transport and digital. Leaders will also discuss the progress related to ensuring peace, security, connectivity and prosperity in the South Caucasus, as well as current global challenges, including the latest developments in the Middle East and Ukraine.
Armenia is a close EU partner, and we look forward to deepening this relationship with our first-ever summit. United by shared values and a commitment to international law and the rules-based international order, this milestone will mark an important investment in peace, security, connectivity and prosperity in the South Caucasus.
António Costa, President of the European Council
The EU-Armenia Summit reflects the increasing dynamism of the bilateral partnership over the past years. EU relations with Armenia are based on the EU-Armenia Comprehensive and Enhanced Partnership Agreement (CEPA), in force since 2021, and the Strategic Agenda for the EU-Armenia Partnership, agreed in 2025. The EU is a key partner for Armenia’s reform agenda and for trade and investments. It is also the country’s largest donor. In its conclusions of October 2023, the European Council tasked EU institutions to “strengthen EU-Armenia relations in all their dimensions”.
Background
Through the CEPA agreement, Armenia has committed to pursuing a comprehensive reform agenda based on democracy, transparency and the rule of law – in particular the fight against corruption, reforming the judiciary and enhancing its accountability to citizens, and ensuring equal economic, employment and social opportunities for all.
In September 2024, the EU launched a visa liberalisation dialogue with Armenia to support Armenia in its goal of achieving a visa-free travel regime with the EU.
On 14 July 2025, European Council President António Costa and European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen met with Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan to reaffirm and advance the growing partnership between the European Union and Armenia.
In August 2025, the EU welcomed the initialling of the Armenia-Azerbaijan peace treaty and the signing of a political declaration. This agreement between Armenia and Azerbaijan marks a significant breakthrough to end decades of conflict. The EU stands ready to help develop inclusive regional connectivity through investments and the full opening of communications in the region, in support of sustainable peace and stability.
—
Mohammad Bagher Zolghadr was appointed as the new secretary of Iran’s Security Council
According to the decree of the President of Iran, Mohammad Bagher Zolghadr was appointed the new secretary of the Supreme National Security Council of the Islamic Republic. Mohammad Mehdi Tabatabai, head of the public relations department of the presidential office, informed about this.
“With the approval of the Supreme Leader of the Islamic Revolution and the President’s decree, Mohammad Bagher Zolghadr was appointed the Secretary of the Supreme National Security Council,” wrote Tabatabai on his X page.
—
It is a special “compressed spring”, the opening of which sometimes has disastrous consequences
March: 24, 2026
Political scientist Vahe Davtyan writes: “There are conditions in which the only alternative to revanchism is assimilation. Substantial nutrition. A people living in a closed cycle of injustice for years cannot help but accumulate negative energy. And that energy sooner or later transforms into big waves of extremism. It is a special “compressed spring”, the opening of which sometimes has disastrous consequences.
The reality is, sooner or later that spring snaps.
Read the classics of geopolitics, from Haushofer to Gumilev, who long established this fundamental pattern at the biological level. Each ethnic group strives for the expansion of its living space. Meanwhile, the purposeful compression of that space within the ethnic group leads to deep mental distortions, collective complexes. As a result, there is a desire to establish justice. Sometimes it’s a healthy aspiration, sometimes it’s fanatical. But that is perhaps another topic.
That accumulation begins with the elementary opposition “I-he”, “us-them”, without which there is no identity. Neither national nor political. Instead there is a virtual identity, a digital identity with extensive artificial intelligence infrastructure.
And today they are trying to root out that organic opposition by unilaterally establishing “peace” and liquidating the Declaration of Independence, by symbolic importation of wheat and gasoline, and by statements about the non-existence of the Artsakh movement. The goal is simple: by excluding that opposition, we also exclude our re-consciousness.
Parallel to that, in Azerbaijan, “us-them” is a basic factor of state policy. The second Artsakh war and subsequent developments created fertile ground for nation-building, national and political identity formation in Azerbaijan. Today they are in the most active stage of that process. Meanwhile, they urge us not to use the place name “Artsakh” so that in Azerbaijan… they don’t use “Goychan”.
This is a psychological operation, the goal of which is the deactivation of collective memory, the gradual dismantling of political subjectivity. In this context, the artificial cancellation of the “us-them” contrast is not a reconciliation mechanism, but a disorientation mechanism.
The paradox is that on one side “us-them” is institutionalized, on the other side it is presented as a source of backwardness and even a threat.
However, historical experience shows that such asymmetries do not last long. A spring cannot be compressed indefinitely.”
—
Armenia ranks 89th in the World Happiness Report out of 147 countries listed.
Finland tops the list, followed by Ireland, Denmark, Costa Rica, and Sweden.
Among Armenia’s neighbors Georgia ranked 91st, Turkey (94th), Iran (97th) and Azerbaijan (102nd).
Rankings are based on the following single life evaluation question called the Cantril Ladder:
Asbarez: ARF Western U.S. Diaspora Conference Concludes: A Beginning, Not an E
The ARF Western Region convened its Diaspora Conference at the Beshir Mardirossian Youth Center in Burbank, California, over the weekend of March 14–15. The two-day internal working conference brought together distinguished diaspora scholars, educators, community leaders, and ARF members for a structured dialogue dedicated to one purpose: honest and substantive reflection on the diaspora’s present realities and future direction.
The conference did not seek to produce declarations or headlines. Participants engaged across nine thematic sessions covering the historical characteristics of the diaspora, Armenia-Diaspora political dynamics, Armenian education and language, diasporic identity and culture, the Armenian Cause in the 21st century, and the possible goals of diasporic nation-building itself.
What emerged most clearly was that the Armenian diaspora cannot be understood only as a sentimental extension of the homeland, nor merely as a loose collection of communities trying topreserve memory and identity. The discussions pointed instead to a more demanding and complex reality: if the diaspora is to remain meaningful, it must be approached as a multilayered, multicenter transnational network, self-aware, and evolving, with responsibilities that go beyond institutional maintenance.
This was visible in the very structure of the conference. Education was discussed not simply as a pedagogical issue, but as a question tied to language continuity, identity formation, and long-term communal resilience. Youth was examined not only as a demographic category, but as the site where questions of belonging, leadership, and future commitment will ultimately be decided. Discussions on the Armenian Cause were not limited to inherited formulas, but opened the door to preliminary rethinking about mission, scope, and relevance under new realities. Crucially, the agenda made clear that these themes are deeply interconnected — a diaspora that weakens in language and culture will eventually weaken in political clarity; one that does not cultivate young leadership will struggle to sustain its institutions.
The final group discussions were especially important in this regard. By dividing participants into working groups around language, identity, educational structures, youth, leadership preparation, and the rethinking of the Armenian Cause, the conference began moving from diagnosis toward possible direction. No final doctrine was announced, and none was expected. But that was precisely the point. The value of the conference lay not in manufacturing artificial consensus, but in helping identify the real questions, tensions, and priorities that require further work.
What made this conference significant was not merely its agenda, but its premise. At a moment when both Armenia and the diaspora are navigating profound and simultaneous transformations — geopolitical, demographic, generational, and cultural — the relationship between the two can no longer rest on inherited assumptions. The fall of Artsakh, the reconfiguration of Armenia’s alliances, the accelerating assimilation of diaspora communities, and the emergence of a generation that relates to Armenian identity on its own terms have all converged into a single urgent question: what does it mean, in 2026, to be part of one Armenian world — and what kind of partnership that world actually requires.”
The conference follows directly from the public debate-discussion held on March 12 at the Krikor and Mariam Karamanoukian Glendale Youth Center, which explored Armenian diaspora nation-building opportunities before a wider community audience, and two preparatory articles published in Asbarez that framed the stakes and the educational agenda of the gathering. Taken together, these three moments — public debate, press preparation, and internal conference — represent a deliberate sequencing: understand before acting, and reflect before declaring.
This conference should be seen as a beginning rather than a conclusion. The issues placed on the table are too large, too layered, and too consequential to be exhausted in one weekend. In the coming period, public articles will be shared reflecting on the major the key questions and challenges that deserve wider communal consideration. The conversations held over these two days were internal in process, not in purpose — their work belongs to the broader Armenian world. What was discussed in Burbank will not stay in Burbank.
—
RFE/RL – Armenian Authorities Say Leaked Constitution Draft ‘Not Final’
- Astghik Bedevian
Armenia’s Ministry of Justice has denied that a leaked draft constitution published by a local news website represents the final version prepared by the government.
At the same time, it declined to clarify whether a key reference to the country’s Declaration of Independence has been removed from the yet unpublished document.
“This is not the text that we will be publishing. We are going to publish a new text, not amendments to the Constitution,” Mariam Melkumian, a spokesperson for the minister of justice, told RFE/RL’s Armenian Service.
The website Ishkhanutyun.am reported earlier on Friday that it had obtained a revised version of Armenia’s constitution, according to which, the preamble to the constitution does not include a reference to the 1990 Declaration of Independence.
That declaration cites a 1989 act on the unification of Soviet Armenia and the then Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Oblast, a provision that Azerbaijan considers a territorial claim.
Melkumian declined to give a direct answer when asked whether the reference to the declaration is absent from the final draft, saying only that further clarification would be provided later.
Minister of Justice Srbuhi Galian also declined to clarify the issue when she announced earlier this week that work on the draft text had been completed. She told media on Monday that discussions are still ongoing within the government and the ruling party’s parliamentary faction, and that the full text, including the preamble, will be published at a later stage.
Azerbaijan has demanded the removal of the declaration from Armenia’s constitution as a precondition for signing a peace agreement between the two countries.
Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian has recently pledged to implement such a change, describing the declaration as a source of conflict. He has also maintained that adopting a new constitution without the reference reflects Armenia’s own agenda.
Opposition groups in Armenia have criticized Pashinian’s position, arguing that removing the reference to the declaration from the constitution would amount to a unilateral concession that could prompt further demands from Azerbaijan without guaranteeing a lasting peace.
—