Category: 2022

Irvine Mayor Farrah Khan continues to associate with Armenian Genocide deniers

Emil Lazarian
 Benjamin Baird Opinion 0

City of Irvine Mayor Farrah N. Khan

In an act of contrition, City of Irvine Mayor Farrah Khan recently donated campaign contributions she received from a prominent Turkish American businessman who sat on her advisory committee and is known for harboring close ties to the Turkish government. Khan was responding to public outrage over a November 2020 video purportedly showing the mayor and her donor Ergun Kirlikovali joking about making Armenians — or perhaps their historical claims of genocide — “disappear.”

Khan’s political career has been dogged by allegations of favoritism toward Turkey and its allies, often to the detriment of Irvine’s own Armenian American community. However, if she wants to make peace with her Armenian constituents, Khan should take another look at her campaign finance records. 

While running to become California’s first Muslim mayor in 2020, Khan accepted money from a Political Action Committee funded in large part by suspected Turkish government proxies and registered foreign agents. The California branch of the Turkish Coalition of America PAC (TC-USA), which donated $500 to Khan’s campaign, appears to be part of an effort to influence US politicians and encourage support for Turkey’s ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP). 

Under President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Turkey has used subversive methods to interfere in American politics, establishing think tanks, paid publicity agents and English-language media outlets to supplement its traditional lobbying efforts. Alarmingly, Turkey’s propagandists are now funding candidates in small town races to promote Erdogan’s priorities in the United States. 

This includes fighting recognition of the Armenian Genocide: the large scale massacre of around 1.5 million Armenians by Ottoman authorities during World War I. Now that Congress and President Joe Biden have formally recognized the tragedy, groups like TC-USA may be turning to state capitals and municipal governments to challenge Armenians’ historical claims of genocide, for which there is robust scholarly and political consensus. 

TC-USA and its regional PACs, collectively organized under the “Ten Thousand Turks” campaign, claim to represent Turkish American interests and work toward fostering improved US-Turkey relations. Yet, the Armenian Weekly reported on the PACs’ activities and noted that they are “openly committed to Turkey’s aim of rolling back US recognition of the Armenian Genocide.” The newspaper pointed to nine members of Congress out of 11 total who voted against recognizing the Genocide in 2019 and benefitted from Turkish PAC funding. 

“Naturally, Turkish-Americans have the right to contribute to political campaigns in the United States like any other American,” wrote Harut Sassounian, publisher of the California Courier. “The only issue is that they are using their political outreach to spread lies about the Armenian Genocide. [Ten Thousand Turks’] political fundraising website is full of disinformation about the Genocide committed by Ottoman Turkey against Armenians.” 

As deplorable as it may be for TC-USA to fundraise around genocide denial, this is not the “only issue” with the PAC. At least four of its donors were investigated by the FBI for “attempting to infiltrate into the circles of American politicians on behalf of President Erdoğan,” according to a leaked email sent to Erdoğan’s son-in-law. 

In 2015, two additional TC-USA donors caught the attention of presidential campaign advisers to Hillary Clinton, who warned that “the Erdoğan crew also tries to make inroads via donations to Democratic candidates.” Four other donors are so closely intertwined with the Turkish state that they are listed as registered foreign agents of Turkey. 

Following the 2020 election cycle, the Turkish PACs boasted about their success in funding races across the country, highlighting their support for Khan, who they called “a popular friend of Turkish Americans in southern California.” Indeed, as an Irvine City Council member since 2019, Khan quickly established herself as a consistent supporter of Turkey’s anti-Armenian agenda.

In fact, Khan regularly attends and commemorates Turkish and Azerbaijani holidays, and she surrounds herself with diplomatic and community leaders from those countries, which are known as Armenia’s historical adversaries. In 2019, Khan was a guest speaker at the second annual Azerbaijan-Pakistan-Turkey Brotherhood Celebration in Los Angeles.

In 2020, the Fair Political Practices Commission initiated an investigation into Khan after she visited Azerbaijan in 2019 on the country’s dime. Khan, who sat on the Irvine City Council at the time, claimed she visited Azerbaijan as a “private citizen, not in an official capacity.” Ironically, the commission eventually cleared Khan because her trip was “reasonably related to a legislative or government purpose.”

While Khan has praised Turkey and Azerbaijan in proclamations and speeches, she was the only Irvine City Council member to speak out against a November 2020 resolution recognizing Artsakh self-determination, despite unanimous support from Irvine citizens commenting on the bill. The Republic of Artsakh, an Armenian-majority breakaway state, was forced to cede territory to Azerbaijan in 2020 after a Turkish-backed offensive.  

Ultimately, Khan failed to vote on the measure, even though it was revised to simply note that “violence has increased in Artsakh, causing worrying and concern to the Armenian Americans” of Irvine. 

The latest controversy involving Khan occurred at a November 2020 meet-and-greet with members of the Turkish community, including Can Oguz of the Turkish Consulate in Los Angeles. Towards the end of the meeting, which was first shared online by Turkish-language media, Khan received a gift of Turkish Delight candies from a supporter. 

At this point, Kirlikovali interrupted to say that during “Armenians’ occasions,” Khan could eat the candies and “it will disappear.”

“I’ll make sure I eat it in front of them,” Khan responded, laughing. 

Although Kirlikovali later said that he was referring to “Armenian claims” that they invented Turkish Delight, members of Irvine’s Armenian community are skeptical. After all, Kirlikovali, who is known to consult with AKP leaders, has spent a lifetime lobbying to erase any mention of the Armenian Genocide. He is one of two Turkish Americans who, until recently, sat on Khan’s mayoral advisory committee. 

For her part, Khan initially claimed that a video of the exchange shared by the Orange County chapter of the Armenian National Committee of America (ANCA) contained “fake captioning.” Soon after, she had a change of heart and apologized to the Armenian community. 

“I am giving my commitment to cut all ties with those that deny the Armenian Genocide,” the mayor said. 

Khan reaffirmed that commitment during an April 12 City Council hearing discussing “Armenian Genocide Remembrance Day” on April 24. “I have made sure that I do not have any member [of the mayoral administration] that is denying the Armenian Genocide,” the mayor said. 

[RELATED From the Desk of the ANCA-Orange County: Armenian community meets with Irvine Mayor Farrah N. Khan]

“Not only that, I have donated $1,500 dollars to The Genocide Education Project,” she added, referring to Kirlikovali’s contribitions to her campaigns. 

However, if Khan wishes to fully disassociate from genocide deniers, she must also cut ties with TC-USA.

First, Kirlikovali has been one of the PAC’s most generous supporters, donating nearly $23,000 to TC-USA’s California branch, including $1,500 as recently as the 2019-2020 election cycle. Therefore, Khan remains an indirect beneficiary of Kirlikovali’s political contributions. 

Second, taking money from TC-USA creates the perception that Khan is beholden to Turkish foreign agents and suspected proxies. Until the mayor returns or donates the TC-USA money she received, Irvine residents are justified in questioning her impartiality. 

So far, Khan doesn’t seem interested in making amends. The mayor refused to respond in substance to an email describing the Turkish PAC and noting its history of genocide denial.

However, she may be willing to listen to her constituents. To contact Mayor Khan, call 949-724-6233 or email her at [email protected]. Tell the mayor that taking money from the Turkish agents and genocide deniers sows division in the community and prolongs the pain and hardship experienced by the Armenian Diaspora.

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Benjamin Baird is the director of Islamism in Politics, a project of the Middle East Forum.


Armenian community meets with Irvine Mayor Farrah N. Khan

Emil Lazarian
 ANCA Orange County ANCA News 0

Artin Melkomian, Levon Kazarian, Ani Kocharyan and Manuel Sardaryan – UC Irvine ASA; ANCA-OC chair Violet Bulujian; Charlie and Annie Vas – Daughters of Vartan; Nishan Dulgarian – Knights of Vartan; AYF OC “Ashod Yergat” Chapter member Karine Codilian; Ani Sarkissian and Sogher Wartan, Ari Guiragos Armenian School students.

IRVINE, Calif. – Members of the Armenian American community of Orange County met with Mayor Farrah Khan and the City Manager on May 9th following a widely circulated video of Mayor Khan with well-known genocide deniers. In response, many constituents sent letters and emails, called the City of Irvine and attended a City Council meeting on April 12th.

Mayor Khan confirmed that all genocide deniers, including both Ergun Kirlikovali and Erkan Demiragci, have been removed from her advisory committee, and none are on any city council commission or committee. She also said that she no longer associates with genocide deniers.  

Following much discussion about the genocide education program, Mayor Khan stated that she will reach out to Cyril Yu, trustee of the Irvine Unified School Board, to lead the effort to coordinate and support the training of Irvine Unified School District educators by The Genocide Education Project.

Mayor Khan affirmed that a permanent Armenian Genocide Memorial can be erected in the city of Irvine and agreed to work with the community to achieve this. During its April 12th City Council meeting, the city of Irvine proclaimed April 24 of every year to be a day of remembrance for the victims of the Armenian Genocide.

Armenian National Committee of America-Orange County (ANCA-OC) welcomed the mayor’s eagerness and intent to work with the Armenian community and plans to follow up on her promises. In addition, ANCA-OC intends to make sure that the city of Irvine writes to President Biden in support of humanitarian aid to Armenians of Artsakh along with enforcing section 907 to stop military aid to Azerbaijan. Advocates also want a second letter be sent to the Azeri Consul General demanding the release of the Armenian POWs still being held following the 44-day war of 2020.

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ANCA Orange County is a grassroots organization advocating for social, cultural and political interests of Armenia and the Armenian-American community.


AW: The decline of our church requires an outreach revolution

Parkev Tvankchian
 Stepan Piligian In Sight, Columns 0

(Photo: The Armenian Weekly)

When it comes to the challenges that our church faces in the United States, it is clear that a common thread exists. It doesn’t matter where the church is located, the size of the parish or whether it is affiliated with the Holy See of Etchmiadzin (Diocese) or Great House of Cilicia (Prelacy). This is not a discussion about unity or history, but rather a plea for our church leaders to reverse this path of decline. There is a tendency within the walls of our churches to make “safe” attempts at solving our problems. The Armenian community, graced with traditions, has never been a place for major change. We tend to evolve the foundation we have built and limit ourselves to defensive change—defensive in the sense that there is no alternative given the circumstances of a crisis. Why don’t we view the church in crisis? Perhaps because the decline of our church here in America has been in progress for several decades. Most of our dialogue within in the church has been focused on external causes such as the increasing secularization of our society, intermarriage and a world that no longer respects the sanctity of worship time. It almost sounds like a rationalization. We engage in focus groups or seminars, but little effective change takes place.

One reason why the decline has continued despite our efforts has been an inability to look at the church from the outside perspective. Our churches are filled with many dedicated, faithful and committed individuals. It is the reason why our parishes are still here. Despite their inspiring behavior, we can’t ignore that by almost every metric today, we are attracting less of the population. Where there were 100 students in Sunday School, there are now maybe 40 to 50. Worship attendance has declined. Many churches operate with financial concerns and require Herculean efforts to stay afloat. It’s not just the small parishes, where the infrastructure needed can be difficult, but also in our larger parishes where the participation has declined. Published membership figures are flattening, but when normalized for new parishes paints a very troubling picture. Sunday School attendance is embarrassing for an institution that utilizes the school as a preparatory stage for the emerging generations. It is a fact that if the Sunday Schools are weak, it will have a direct impact on the participation of the older vehicles such as the ACYOA or other church-affiliated groups. I have traveled to many parishes in both the Diocese and the Prelacy and see the same _expression_: fear for the future. Enough of describing the problem.

What can be done? We are fighting an uphill battle for an ethnic church which insists on maintaining the classical language while intermarriages are the majority. I love our church, but it has maintained a stubborn arrogance when it comes to attracting the wandering flock. We have been an institution that welcomes people on our terms, but spends little time understanding how to engage the potential. Here is a case in point. An Armenian woman marries a non-Armenian man. During their pre-marriage window, they connect with the church to be married. After their marriage, the identity of the non-Armenian spouse is very limited. Why wouldn’t it be? The service is in a language he doesn’t understand and most Armenians don’t comprehend. There is no process for integrating individuals like this with knowledge on the history, theology and structure of the church other than perhaps some pre-marital counseling. Welcoming people to our church requires offering them knowledge so they can be functional equals. It is absurd to expect people to simply participate because we tell them how wonderful our church is. This, of course, is an example of those who begin their union in the church. An increasing number of weddings are held outside of a sanctuary. With this reality, the children that their marriage is blessed with attend primarily through the efforts of the Armenian spouse. If the Armenian spouse is the husband, the participation level is generally even less. It becomes a challenge to their family life rather than a blessing. I understand there are many exceptions to this, but focusing on exceptions only tends to rationalize our crisis. All the data, whether experiential, anecdotal or data-driven, arrive at the same conclusion. We are in decline and must make dramatic changes to reverse the course.

Problem solving is a tricky business. Most leaders tend to avoid immersing themselves in the root causes because it can be personally risky. Most Armenians do not want to jeopardize their social standing in the community by being controversial. In addition, there is an inherent tendency not to see the problem clearly because those not participating are not a part of the process. I am convinced that progress can be made universally by employing a revolution of outreach.

Just what is meant by outreach? A simple definition reads: “extending services beyond the current or usual limits.” I find this definition rich in content. It suggests an effort for a particular mission beyond the current standard or what is considered the norm. In a church such as the Armenian branch of Christianity, going outside the walls of the church is not considered the norm. The church has operated for centuries as the center of the Armenian universe and has attracted the core of the community to its spiritual and educational offerings. When the diaspora was created as a result of the Genocide, the initial demographics supported a modest replication of the density of village life with Armenian neighborhoods in American cities. In this environment, the church still enjoyed the magnetic attraction, as churches were located in the midst of these locations. As affluence and general suburban sprawl diluted the density of Armenian neighborhoods, the challenge began as access became more difficult and distractions entered Armenian family life. The decline has continued primarily because, despite some modest attempts and good intentions, the church has not adapted to a changing world. We have clung to our beautiful traditions, but fewer people are graced by them. Adaptation is an interesting term because to many traditional thinking Armenians it is equated to negative change or even assimilation. I would pose a question that is clearly in our reality today. Which path offers our communities the best term option? Refusing to change and experiencing decline or adapting to attract some of our lost flock while retaining the important traditions? Intellectually, the answer is obvious, but in practice, change is difficult. Our leaders are fearful of change, and our democratic process has produced little impact.

With the election of a new primate in the Eastern Diocese, it will be an opportune time to review our current practices and address our challenges. I wish the new Primate Hayr Mesrop Parsamyan God’s blessing in his new ministry. I also pray for Bishop Daniel Findikyan who is a great asset to our church and a spiritual inspiration. Leadership changes are interesting because they rarely change anything until the leadership embraces our challenges and shows the courage to address them. Currently, most of our church resources are focused on the needs of this dwindling population. We still expect, by and large, for people to come to church. What if they don’t as is evident by the data? In one sense, it is comfortable and low risk to work within our “walls” as it ensures that change will be gradual or minimal. If we venture into the world of those who have drifted or left, we may find different needs that challenge us. For example, we always seem to assume that when someone doesn’t connect with our church, then their faith is suffering. In many cases, their faith is intact, but they have difficulty expressing it through the vehicle of our church for any number of reasons. This is a serious reality for our church because we are losing believers who fail to identify with the Armenian church. This is a major problem and also a major opportunity. Unlocking the latter will require investing in resources for what I will call an outreach ministry, where national, regional and local individuals will work to attract those on the periphery or unattached. Of course, the implications of this require the church to introduce new thinking to address those currently outside the “walls.” Do we have the will to address the language issue? Can we offer solutions to integrating non-Armenian spouses? Will we address the geographic issues that impact church attendance with remote learning for children and adults? Unless the church adapts, it will continue to decline.

This is not a foreign concept in Armenian history. Given the amount of invasions, migrations and cultural deprivation, Armenians have become experts at adapting to a new environment and retaining the core. The church is no longer the powerful magnet it was and needs to reposition itself by reaching out. This may seem harsh, but it is intended only to articulate the urgency and love for the institution. It will be a sad day if the church is no longer the center of our diaspora, and we become a collection of secular groups.

We need leadership that understands the essence of community life and individual needs. We have some good examples. In Trumbull, CT, there is a priest who is far too humble to be visible beyond his community and exemplifies the ability to do outreach and help individuals find identity. Fr. Untzag Nalbandian has adjusted to community needs with a great pulse on the local population. He is but one man and works tirelessly, but his approach to community life answers some of the questions about building a sustainable model. What is missing today is substantive dialogue and those in authority building a vision for sustainability in our church. The role of our leaders is to use their authority to protect the interests of the church, which includes threats to its very existence. Despite some innovative programs, it seems to be a “keep the lights on” plan. The Armenian church needs a growth vision that is attained by reaching out to the wandering flock created by the impact of a now fourth generation diaspora. It is tragic because our church is beautiful, and when understood (not just its language but its foundation), it can be inspiring. We can and must prevent this catastrophe. It will take financial resources, professional resources and the will to succeed. Are we willing to display the courage to step into uncharted waters and reverse this trend?

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Columnist
Stepan was raised in the Armenian community of Indian Orchard, MA at the St. Gregory Parish. A former member of the AYF Central Executive and the Eastern Prelacy Executive Council, he also served many years as a delegate to the Eastern Diocesan Assembly. Currently , he serves as a member of the board and executive committee of the National Association for Armenian Studies and Research (NAASR). He also serves on the board of the Armenian Heritage Foundation. Stepan is a retired executive in the computer storage industry and resides in the Boston area with his wife Susan. He has spent many years as a volunteer teacher of Armenian history and contemporary issues to the young generation and adults at schools, camps and churches. His interests include the Armenian diaspora, Armenia, sports and reading.


RFE/RL Armenian Report – 05/12/2022

Kalashian Nyrie 
                                        Thursday, 
Armenia, Azerbaijan Reaffirm Commitment To Russian-Brokered Deals
Tajikistan - Foreign Ministers Ararat Mirzoyan (left) of Armenia, Sergei Lavrov 
of Russia and Jeyhun Bayramov of Azerbaijan meet in Dushanbe, 
The foreign ministers of Armenia and Azerbaijan reaffirmed their countries’ 
commitment to implementing Armenian-Azerbaijani agreements brokered by Russia 
when they held a trilateral meeting with their Russian counterpart Sergei Lavrov 
on Thursday.
Lavrov organized the talks with Ararat Mirzoyan and Jeyhun Bayramov in 
Tajikistan’s capital Dushanbe as part of Russia’s apparent efforts to regain the 
initiative in the peace process.
Moscow accused the European Union and the United States last month of trying to 
hijack the process and use it in the standoff over Ukraine.
"I hope that today's meeting will make it possible to move forward along the 
path that was outlined by our leaders," the Russian news agency RIA Novosti 
quoted Lavrov as saying at the start of the talks held on the sidelines of 
meeting of top diplomats of ex-Soviet states.
He alluded to the Russian-brokered agreements to stop the 2020 war in 
Nagorno-Karabakh, open transport links between Armenia and Azerbaijan and 
demarcate their border.
“We believe that there is a good prospect, a good opportunity to achieve … the 
full implementation of the tripartite statements in full," Bayramov said, for 
his part.
In a statement issued after the talks, the Russian Foreign Ministry said the 
three ministers “reaffirmed the commitment to strict compliance with all 
provisions” of those agreements. They also discussed planned negotiations on an 
Armenian-Azerbaijani peace treaty, it said, adding that Moscow is ready to 
facilitate them.
The trilateral encounter followed Lavrov’s separate talks with Bayramov and 
Mirzoyan. The latter was reported to tell Lavrov that a newly formed 
Armenian-Azerbaijani commission on the border demarcation will hold its first 
session in Moscow next week.
Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian and Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev 
agreed to set up the commission before the end of April when they met in 
Brussels on April 6. European Council President Charles Michel, who hosted the 
summit, said they also plan to “move rapidly” towards negotiating the peace 
treaty.
Russia responded by accusing the West of trying to sideline it and claim credit 
for the Armenian-Azerbaijani agreements.
Mirzoyan also indicated in Dushanbe that a Russian-Armenian-Azerbaijani working 
group dealing with economic and transport issues will resume its work in Moscow 
May 16 after a nearly five-month hiatus.
The group’s Russian co-chair, Deputy Prime Minister Alexei Overchuk, visited 
Yerevan and met with Pashinian on Thursday.
Policeman In Pashinian’s Motorcade Arrested Again Over Deadly Crash
        • Narine Ghalechian
Armenia - Citizens pay their respects to a pregnant woman who was hit and killed 
by a police car that was part of Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian's motorcade, 
Yerevan, April 27, 2022.
A traffic police officer whose car hit and killed a young woman while escorting 
Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian’s motorcade in Yerevan was arrested again on 
Thursday two weeks after being released from custody.
The 29-year-old pregnant woman, Sona Mnatsakanian, was struck by a police SUV 
while crossing a street in the city center on April 26. The vehicle did not stop 
after the collision that sparked more opposition calls for Pashinian’s 
resignation. Its driver, Major Aram Navasardian, was arrested a few hours later.
Armenia’s Investigative Committee charged Navasardian with violating traffic 
rules but released him shortly afterwards. It decided not to accuse him of also 
fleeing the scene and not helping the victim, who later died from her severe 
injuries
According to a spokesman for the Office of the Prosecutor-General, a prosecutor 
overseeing the probe ordered the law-enforcement agency to reverse that 
decision, arrest the policeman again and seek a court permission to hold him in 
pre-trial detention. A Yerevan court opened hearings on the arrest warrant later 
on Thursday.
Navasardian rejected through his lawyer the accusations leveled against him. The 
lawyer, Ruben Baloyan, insisted that he did not violate any traffic rules or 
flee the scene.
“Do not forget that the motorcade escorted the country’s leader,” Baloyan told 
RFE/RL’s Armenian Service.
Armenia - Law-enforcement officers inspect the scene of a fatal accident caused 
by a police car escorting Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian, Yerevan, April 26, 
2022.
He cited a government directive allowing such motorcades to move at up to 100 
kilometers/hour inside Yerevan. “[Navasardian’s] car moved at around that 
speed,” he said.
Raffi Aslanian, a lawyer representing the victim’s family, dismissed these 
arguments.
“In accordance with Armenia’s law on road safety, the driver was obliged to stop 
at the scene of the accident and to take the victim to hospital in his or 
somebody else’s car,” said Aslanian.
Pashinian’s limousine and the six other cars making up his motorcade also drove 
past the dying woman and did not help her. The prime minister has still not 
publicly commented on her death.
The deputy chief of Pashinian’s staff, Taron Chakhoyan, claimed on April 27 that 
the motorcade would have caused a traffic jam and made it harder for an 
ambulance to reach the victim had it stopped right after the crash.
Opposition figures and other government critics brushed aside that explanation. 
Some of them blamed Pashinian for the unprecedented accident.
Armenia To Increase Gas Imports From Iran
        • Sargis Harutyunyan
Armenia - An under-construction gas pipeline leading to Iran, 19Mar2007
Armenia plans to significantly increase the presently modest import of natural 
gas from neighboring Iran, a senior Armenian official said on Thursday.
Hakob Vartanian, a deputy minister of territorial administration and 
infrastructures, told RFE/RL’s Armenian Service that the governments of the two 
states will finalize a corresponding agreement during Territorial Administration 
Minister Gnel Sanosian’s visit to Tehran next week.
Armenia has imported roughly 350 million cubic meters of Iranian gas annually 
under a swap deal agreed more than a decade ago. It has paid for the fuel with 
electricity generated by Armenian thermal power plants and exported to the 
Islamic Republic.
The deal runs until 2026. Vartanian said that it will be extended by four years.
“There is now an agreement to increase that volume to up to 600 million cubic 
meters per annum,” added the official.
In his words, Armenia will be able to import up to 1.8 billion cubic meters of 
Iranian gas after completing the protracted construction of a third power 
transmission line connecting it to Iran.
Work on the 276-kilometer Armenian section of the high-voltage line began in 
2006 and repeatedly fell behind schedule. It is now slated for completion by the 
end of 2023.
Russia will likely remain the principal supplier of gas to Armenian households 
and corporate consumers even after its construction. Armenia buys over 2 billion 
cubic meters of Russian gas annually, paying $165 per thousand cubic meters.
By comparison, the market-based gas price for Germany and other European Union 
nations currently stands at $1,200 per thousand cubic meters.
Blinken, Aliyev Discuss ‘Positive Momentum’ In Armenian-Azeri Talks
U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken phoned Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev 
late on Wednesday to discuss ways of building on recent progress made in 
Armenian-Azerbaijani peace talks.
“I spoke with Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev today about how the United 
States can continue to support recent positive momentum on peace talks between 
Azerbaijan and Armenia,” Blinken tweeted after the call.
According to the U.S. State Department, the two men discussed “future concrete 
steps on the path to peace in the South Caucasus,” including the planned 
demarcation of the Armenian-Azerbaijani border and opening of transport links 
between the two nations.
“Secretary Blinken reiterated the United States stands ready to help by engaging 
bilaterally and with like-minded partners, including through our role as an OSCE 
Minsk Group Co-Chair, to help the countries find a long-term comprehensive 
peace,” said the department spokesman, Ned Price.
Price did not mention plans for negotiating a comprehensive Armenian-Azerbaijani 
peace treaty sought by Baku.
In March, Azerbaijan presented Armenia with five elements which it wants to be 
at the heart of the treaty. They include a mutual recognition of each other’s 
territorial integrity. The Armenian government said they are acceptable to it in 
principle, setting the stage for official negotiations on the issue.
Armenian officials revealed earlier this month that Yerevan came up, for its 
part, with six other issues that should also be included on the agenda of the 
talks. They said the proposals relate to the future of status of Karabakh and 
the security of its ethnic Armenian population.
Azerbaijani Foreign Minister Jeyhun Bayramov dismissed them on Tuesday, saying 
that they “can’t be called proposals.”
Netherlands - Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian speaks at the Dutch 
Institute of International Relations, .
Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian complained on Wednesday that Baku wants the 
planned talks on the peace treaty to focus only on its own ideas.
“That does not correspond to understandings reached by us in Brussels,” 
Pashinian said, referring to his April 6 meeting with Aliyev hosted by European 
Council President Charles Michel.
Speaking during a visit to the Netherlands, Pashinian also said that during that 
meeting Aliyev promised to free more Armenian soldiers who were taken prisoner 
during the 2020 war in Karabakh. The Azerbaijani leader has still not honored 
that pledge, he said.
The Azerbaijani Foreign Ministry rejected Pashinian’s “baseless allegations” on 
Thursday. A ministry spokeswoman said they show that Yerevan is “far from being 
sincere about normalizing relations between the two countries.”
Incidentally, Blinken also discussed with Aliyev the “release of the remaining 
Armenian detainees,” according to the State Department spokesman.
Reprinted on ANN/Armenian News with permission from RFE/RL
Copyright (c) 2022 Radio Free Europe / Radio Liberty, Inc.
1201 Connecticut Ave., N.W. Washington DC 20036.

Iran, Armenia ink MoU to broaden coop. in various fields

Chmshkian Vicken
Mehr News Agency. Iran

TEHRAN, May 13 (MNA) – Iran and Armenia signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) in areas of transit, transportation, facilitation of trade in goods, energy, development of environmental cooperation in Aras area and medical tourism.

The document of 17th Iran-Armenia Joint Economic Cooperation Commission was signed between Iranian Minister of Energy Ali Akbar Mehrabian, as chairman of the Commission from the Iranian side, and Mehr Grigoryan Armenian’s Deputy Prime Minister and chairman of the Commission in Armenian capital of Yerevan on Thursday.

Iranian Energy Minister emphasized the approach taken by 13th government under President Raeisi in the development of international relations and stated that the good political ties between Iran and Armenia would certainly strengthen integration in the region.

Lack of a suitable transportation route and also stable financial and banking relations as well as a lack of utilization of the two countries’ high capacities and potentials are of the major problems ahead of enhancing cooperation between the two countries, Mehrabian said and expressed hope that the existing obstacles would be removed through the cooperation of officials of the two countries.

Armenia’s Deputy Prime Minister, for his part, appreciated the efforts made between the two countries in compilation of the document of 17th Iran-Armenia Joint Economic Cooperation Commission and emphasized the serious determination of the government of Republic of Armenia for strengthening cooperation with Iran in various fields.

Grigoryan pointed to the role of Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) in the expansion of integration and increase of trade in the region and said that Armenia is ready to act as a facilitator in relations between Iran and the union.  

He pointed to the issue of transportation and energy as two important bases for expanding relations between the two countries, extending and updating the gas and electricity exchange agreement between the two countries, and following up on the completion of the north-south road of Armenia as part of the corridor which connects Persian Gulf and Black Sea and the facilitation of customs relations between the two countries and the establishment of railway relationship with Iran if the issue of resolving the barriers to transportation routes in the region is realized as some of the most important programs facing the two countries.

MA/5488347

Iran, Armenia ink co-op MOU in Joint Economic Committee meeting

Antranik Varosian
Tehran Times. Iran
  1. Economy
– 13:18

TEHRAN- Iran and Armenia signed a memorandum of understanding at the end of the two countries’ 17th meeting of Joint Economic Committee in Yerevan on Thursday.

The MOU, which covers cooperation in areas of transit, transportation, facilitation of exchange of goods, energy, development of environmental cooperation in Aras area and removal of pollution from border rivers, as well as medical tourism, was signed by Iranian Energy Minister Ali-Akbar Mehrabian and Armenian Deputy Prime Minister Mher Grigoryan, who are the chairmen of the two countries’ Joint Economic Committee.

Mehrabian, who traveled to Yerevan to attend the 17th Iran-Armenia Joint Economic Committee meeting, met with Grigoryan on Tuesday evening.

During the mentioned gathering, the officials discussed the preparations for the Joint Economic Committee meeting, the portal of the Iranian Energy Ministry Paven reported.

In this meeting, which was attended by a large number of deputy ministers, senior officials, ambassadors, and members of parliament of the two countries, the main issues that play a key role in the development of relations between the two countries were discussed.

According to the officials, the purpose of holding the 17th meeting of the Iran-Armenia Joint Economic Committee is the real and tangible development of relations between the two countries.

Among the issues raised at the meeting were transit, transportation, facilitation of trade, and broader cooperation in the field of energy.

Following the Tuesday meeting, the two countries’ 17th Joint Economic Committee meeting officially kicked off on Wednesday and four specialized committees including energy, trade, cultural heritage, tourism, and transportation started their negotiations.

The first day of the two countries’ Joint Economic Committee meeting was held at the secretariates level.

Iran and Armenia have been taking serious measures to boost economic ties in line with the two countries’ positive political relations.

In late April, Iranian Finance and Economic Affairs Minister Ehsan Khandouzi headed a delegation on a visit to Armenia to hold talks with the country’s senior officials with the aim of expanding economic ties between the two nations.

During the visit, Khandouzi met with Armenia’s Deputy Prime Minister Mher Herbert Grigoryan, the country’s Economy Minister Vahan Kerobyan, and Minister of Finance Tigran Khachatryan.

The official discussed the preparations for holding the two countries’ 17th Joint Economic Committee meeting in his meetings with the Armenian officials.

MA/MA

Photo: Iranian Energy Minister Ali-Akbar Mehrabian (L) and Armenian Deputy Prime Minister Mher Grigoryan (R) exchange signed MOU documents at the end of the two countries’ 17th Joint Economic Committee meeting in Yerevan on Thursday.  


Armenians Protest New Dialogue on Nagorno-Karabakh

Garnik Zakarian
National Interest

With the previous devastation in Kazakhstan, and with the recent destruction caused by Russia in Ukraine, the world will certainly hope that the protests in Armenia will be peacefully resolved.

by Mark Temnycky

Last month, Armenian prime minister Nikol Pashinyan and Azerbaijani president Ilham Aliyev met with European Council president Charles Michel to continue their discussions about the ongoing Nagorno-Karabakh conflict.

This is not the first time the leaders of Armenia and Azerbaijan have gathered to try and settle their dispute. For several decades, Armenian and Azerbaijani officials have explored various avenues to settle their differences. Many of these discussions have come to no avail, numerous ceasefires have been violated, tens of thousands of Armenian and Azerbaijani civilians and soldiers have been killed, and many more have been forced to flee the region.

The recent gathering between Pashinyan and Aliyev, however, was rather peculiar. In preparation for their April 6 session, the Azerbaijani government proposed a “new framework” to resolve the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. The five-point plan calls for the Armenian and Azerbaijani governments to recognize one another’s territorial integrity, abstain from additional threats, demarcate the border, open transportation links, and normalize relations. To date, over 2,000 Russian peacekeepers occupy the Nagorno-Karabakh region to ensure additional skirmishes between Armenia and Azerbaijan do not occur.

In response to the Azerbaijani proposal, Armenian foreign minister Ararat Mirzoyan emphasized the need for negotiations. He then stated that the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict was not a “territorial issue,” but rather, one that was a “matter of rights.”

Pashinyan shared similar sentiments when he met with Aliyev. During their session, Pashinyan stated that the United Nations currently recognized “Karabakh as part of Azerbaijan,” and that the “rights of former Azerbaijani residents … had to be respected.”

Michel, as well as other European officials, served as intermediaries during the session. The meetings between Armenia and Azerbaijan then concluded with both leaders stating that they would pursue a “future peace treaty” in an attempt to finally resolve the issue.

However, these events were not well received in Armenia. Following the conclusion of their recent session, thousands of Armenians gathered in Yerevan to protest the statements made by their government. These citizens warned against making concessions to Azerbaijan, and several Armenians have called for Pashinyan to resign.

Government officials have denied the claims made by these protestors, stating that they have not conceded anything. In contrast, the elected representatives argued that the “status of Nagorno-Karabakh [needs to] be discussed.”

Meanwhile, opposition party leaders within Armenia announced that a “large-scale campaign of civil disobedience” would begin, and that demonstrations should be held throughout the country. As a result, government officials are concerned that there may be future threats of unrest. While hundreds of protestors have been detained, numerous demonstrators continue to gather.

The recent developments in Armenia come at a time of great uncertainty in the Eurasian region. Earlier this year, thousands of Kazakhs gathered to protest their government after it “lifted price caps for liquified petroleum gas.” The decision resulted in a surge in fuel prices, and this led to large demonstrations throughout the country. The protests expanded beyond the dissatisfaction with rising fuel prices, and morphed into a demonstration that highlighted social and economic disparities within Kazakhstan.

While the gatherings were initially peaceful, they eventually turned into violent protests. In response, Kazakh president Kassym-Jomart Tokayev declared a state of emergency, and he requested that the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) intervene. Led by Russia, units from Armenia, Belarus, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan were deployed to Kazakhstan to put down the protests. Thousands of protestors were arrested, and several hundred were killed. The demonstrations eventually ended, and the CSTO units withdrew.

One month later, Russia launched its second invasion of Ukraine. Tens of thousands of Ukrainian citizens have died, thousands of Ukrainian and Russian soldiers have perished, and tens of millions of Ukrainians are displaced. Despite the devastation caused by Russia’s unprovoked and unjust war, the conflict continues without an end.

Now, as Armenian citizens continue to protest their government, Pashinyan will continue to monitor the situation closely. Should the demonstrations turn violent, he may echo Tokayev’s call for CSTO intervention, similar to how he requested Russia’s assistance with the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. This, in turn, would lead to the deployment of thousands of foreign units to Yerevan to try and put down the demonstrations. Russia may also be forced to intervene in Armenia. While more than 2,000 Russian soldiers occupy Nagorno-Karabakh, it is unlikely that they would abandon their positions in the region for fear that a new skirmish would emerge. As a result, Russia may be forced to divert some of its forces from Ukraine to Armenia, thus disrupting Russian president Vladimir Putin’s ambitions in the region.

This would lead to further disruptions in Armenia. Earlier this year, Armenians did not approve the deployment of CSTO units to Kazakhstan. If Russia and other neighboring states were to send troops to Armenia, this could lead to further violence, bloodshed, and chaos.

Therefore, Armenia’s elected officials must tread lightly as they work to resolve the ongoing Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. Otherwise, if the Armenian government loses the trust of its people, there may be greater instability within Armenia and the region as a whole. With the previous devastation in Kazakhstan, and with the recent destruction caused by Russia in Ukraine, the world will certainly hope that the protests in Armenia will be peacefully resolved. It cannot afford another Eurasian conflict.

Mark Temnycky is an accredited freelance journalist covering Eastern Europe and a nonresident fellow at the Atlantic Council’s Eurasia Center.

Image: Reuters.

https://nationalinterest.org/blog/buzz/armenians-protest-new-dialogue-nagorno-karabakh-202395




Russian émigrés fleeing Putin’s war find freedom in the cafes of Armenia

Maral Takmazian
The Guardian, UK

Hundreds of thousands of Russians opposed to Moscow’s invasion of Ukraine and alienated by pro-war sentiment are establishing a new life abroad

In the days after Vladimir Putin launched the invasion of Ukraine in late February, Vladimir Shurupov, a cardiologist from the Siberian city of Tomsk, felt he could not breathe properly. “I was having panic attacks, I could not eat or sleep. I just knew I had to remove myself from this place, from this atmosphere,” he said.

Shurupov, 40, had been a quiet critic of Putin’s government for years, but he had never attended a protest of any kind, fearful of unwanted attention or arrest. When the war began, disgust with the regime combined with a fear he would be sent to the front. “If there was mobilisation, I would have been called up as a military doctor, and this is not a war I would be willing to fight in,” he said.

Shurupov discussed with his wife and two sons that perhaps they should try to leave the country. The family had minimal savings but he was able to sell his car for cash and buy four tickets to Yerevan, the capital of Armenia.

Just two days after first discussing leaving, they flew out of Tomsk to Yerevan. After receiving Schengen visas, they moved on to Bulgaria. They have no plans ever to return home.

Vladimir Shurupov and his wife, Rita. Photograph: handout

The Shurupov family are among hundreds of thousands of Russians to have fled the country since the war began on 24 February. Putin has referred to such people as “traitors and scum” and said their departure will help “cleanse” Russian society.

Many are opposition journalists or activists, whose work has in effect been criminalised under increasingly draconian wartime laws in Russia. Others are businesspeople fleeing sanctions. Some simply did not want to be part of a society where pro-war feelings are running so high. Shurupov estimated that of 30 colleagues at his hospital, only three were opposed to the war.

Some of those who left in the days after the invasion have already decided to return, but many are set on making a new life abroad, at least until there are political changes in Russia.

“I don’t want to live behind a new iron curtain. I just had a feeling that there was no future in Russia,” said Valery Zolotukhin, 39, a literary and theatre scholar who came to Armenia with his wife and seven-year-old daughter. “In Russia, you’re living inside the fantasy of a few people … They’ve created an imaginary world and you’re forced to be part of it.”

A century ago, after the Bolsheviks took over Russia, millions of émigrés fled to Istanbul, Prague and Harbin. Today there is an echo of that process as the cafes of Vilnius, Tbilisi and Yerevan are packed with Russians in the first stages of building a new life.

Many Russian émigrés have settled in the Armenian capital, Yerevan, as no visa is required Photograph: Karen Minasyan/The Guardian/AFP

Armenia is one of the most popular destinations, because no visa is required. It has also created favourable conditions for IT businesses, prompting the relocation of thousands of Russian tech professionals over the past two months.

“At the beginning, you walked down the street and saw all your friends from Moscow, and the people from St Petersburg and Nizhny Novgorod you only normally see on Zoom calls,” said Maya Gorodova, a former commercial director at Russian startups, who has set up a coworking space in Yerevan with views to Mount Ararat from the windows.

All 70 current tenants are recent arrivals from Russia, and Gorodova has received calls from Russians in Belgrade, Tbilisi, Tel Aviv and Bali, she said, asking for advice on setting up new work spaces for émigrés.

The outflow of tech professionals is likely to be a huge blow for Russia, which in recent years has become a highly digitised economy. But opposition to the war, a fear of possible mobilisation and the loss of contracts with foreign clients due to sanctions have combined to push many to the exit.

At Hummus Kimchi, a new restaurant run by a brother and sister team transplanted from Moscow, recent arrivals to Yerevan discuss their next moves. Some have their eye on Britain’s Global Talent visa and have paid thousands of pounds to agents who promise to craft their forms to match the Home Office’s checklist. Others note that Germany offers citizenship within five years for arriving IT specialists.

Aleksandra Paravyan and her brother Dmitry in their cafe, Hummus Kimchi, in Yerevan. Photograph: Karen Minasyan/The Guardian

“Of course these are all reserve options,” said one young tech professional, sipping a craft beer. “Hopefully, Putin will die soon and we can all go back.”

For many who have left, emigration was the final moment in a life of gritty opposition activity, including arrests and house searches. For others it was the start of a political awakening.

One woman in her 30s, who did not want her name published, said she had always opposed Putin but had been too fearful to attend protests or post on Facebook. On the second day of the war she wore clothes in Ukrainian colours to work, and her colleagues began insulting her. She realised nobody in her social group shared her revulsion over the invasion.

“It’s impossible to talk to any of my friends, I started chats with a few of them and it feels like they are just pressing control C, control V. They’re all repeating the same phrases,” she said.

She also left behind a long-term boyfriend who works in Russia’s security services. Previously they had not discussed politics much, but before departing she wrote him a long letter setting out her opposition to the war. They have hardly spoken since.

“In a short time here I met more people who think like me than I did in the last few years in Moscow. And I realised that here I’ve stopped always calculating what I should say based on who I’m talking to. I feel so much freer,” she said.

Many Russians in Yerevan spend long hours in the city’s cafes and bars, philosophising about whether there was any way to have stopped Putin earlier, and whether they should have done more. Some remain worried about repercussions at home and speak in mealy mouthed euphemisms about “the unfortunate events” or “the Ukrainian situation”. Others are eager to express their wholehearted support for Ukraine.

Elena Kamay ran street markets in Moscow beloved by the city’s so-called ‘creative class’. ‘We lived in a bubble,’ she says. ‘And now it’s all over.’ Photograph: Karen Minasyan/The Guardian

In Moscow, Elena Kamay ran Lambada Markets, which put on street markets beloved by the city’s so-called “creative class” that has sprung up over the past decade. Stalls sold vintage clothing, items by local designers and other artisan objects. “Of course it was all a facade, we lived in a bubble. And now it’s all over,” she said.

Kamay moved to Yerevan at the beginning of March, and like many has been thinking back over the past decade from today’s vantage point. She accepted that working in Moscow had involved “doing a deal with your conscience”, though she said she had been attending anti-government protests since 2011.

Recently, she said, she had been rereading messages she had exchanged with Oksana Baulina, a Russian activist and journalist who left Russia two years ago and was killed by a Russian airstrike in Kyiv in March while reporting. “I always thought she was exaggerating a bit when she described her views about Russia and the political system, but it turns out she was right all along,” she said.

Elena Chegodayeva also arrived in Yerevan in March, and a few weeks later set up a school from an apartment in the city centre. The 50 pupils and 20 teachers have all recently arrived from Russia. Chegodayeva said she had been pondering the concept of collective responsibility since the war started.

“We are all Russians and we will have to take responsibility for this, just like Germans had to after the war,” she said. “On the other hand, I was two years old when Putin was elected, so it’s not entirely clear what more I could have done.”

Chegodayeva, 24, said she had lost part of her university stipend for arguing with her professor about whether the annexation of Crimea was illegal, and received dawn visits to her apartment from police after taking part in protests. She said the case of a St Petersburg artist who faces 10 years in jail for replacing supermarket price tags with anti-war slogans showed protest in Russia now was futile. She will only return to Russia “if there is revolution in the air”, she said.

Rather than try to persuade people to stay, Putin has celebrated the outflow of hundreds of thousands of educated, anti-war Russians. In a sinister video address in the middle of March, Putin criticised those who moved abroad or supported the west in its current battle with Moscow.

Elena Chegodaeva, a teacher from Moscow, runs a school for Russian children from an apartment in Yerevan. Photograph: Karen Minasyan/AFP

“Any people, and particularly the Russian people, are able to distinguish true patriots from scum and traitors, and simply spit them out like a fly that flew into their mouths,” he said, using some of the harshest language of his two decades in charge. There would be a “natural and necessary cleansing of society”, said Putin, which would be beneficial to the country in the long run.

The question now is whether those who have left will gradually disconnect themselves from Russia, or form a powerful opposition to Putin and his regime from outside, rallying around political forces such as associates of the jailed opposition leader Alexei Navalny, who are mostly now based in Vilnius.

“For 100 years, the understanding of emigration was that people quickly lost touch with Russia and didn’t understand it, so nobody believed the political emigration might have a chance of playing a role in Russian politics,” said Andrei Soldatov, a co-author with Irina Borogan of a recent book about the history of Russians outside Russia.

Now, however, the internet opens up very different possibilities. “The country is still connected to the world. So many Russian journalists left the country and still have contact with their audiences, and this is an absolutely new development for the Kremlin,” Soldatov said.

Before trying to change the regime, many of the émigrés are first focused on trying to change the mind of war-supporting family members who have stayed behind, refusing to leave.

Shurupov hopes his mother will eventually join the family in Europe, but so far she is resisting. “I haven’t been able to convince her about the war, and she doesn’t want to leave. For me, this is a real tragedy.”

Soutenir l’Arménie, pas la diffamer [Support Armenia, not defame it]

Karagyozian Lena
La Tribune, France
12 Mai 2022


OPINION. Dans une tribune publiée le 11 avril, Sébastien Boussois affirmait qu’Erevan soutenait l’agression de Vladimir Poutine contre l’Ukraine. Cet article reprend les éléments de langage de la propagande anti-arménienne du régime Aliev, considèrent dans leur réponse Alexandre Del Valle, géopolitologue et essayiste, Eric Denecé, directeur du Centre français de recherche sur le renseignement, et Ara Toranian, coprésident du CCAF (Conseil de coordinations des organisations arméniennes de France).
Alexandre Del Valle, Eric Denecé et Ara Toranian

12 Mai 2022, 19:03


Dans une tribune publiée le 11 avril dans la Tribune, Sébastien Boussois se pique de revenir à nouveau à la charge contre l’Arménie tout en dressant en contrepoint un portrait flatteur de l’Azerbaïdjan. Faut-il le préciser ? Ce n’est pas la première fois que ce polémiste se fait le relais de la propagande de la pétrodictature azerbaïdjanaise, ni qu’il tente dans un même mouvement de noircir l’image de l’Arménie, seul État démocratique de la région. Notre auteur est coutumier du fait. Et ses articles anti-arméniens sont naturellement repris et cités par la presse « officielle » azerbaïdjanaise. Y en a-t-il d’ailleurs une autre dans ce pays positionné à la 163e place sur 180 au classement de RSF sur la liberté de la presse ?

Mais la capacité d’indignation de notre auteur ne se mobilise pas pour de telles peccadilles. Ce qui l’intéresse, c’est le blason terni de l’Azerbaïdjan qu’il s’agit de redorer. Il faut dire qu’il y a de quoi faire : cet État occupe le bas du tableau de toutes les ONG spécialisées dans la défense de droits de l’homme. Le dernier rapport de Freedom House le situe dans la catégorie des Etats les moins libres du monde et Transparency International dénonce non seulement « la corruption endémique » qui y sévit, mais également son exportation qui « mine les institutions démocratiques de l’Occident, comme le Conseil de l’Europe, mais aussi l’intégrité des marchés financiers et autres ».

Selon les révélations de l’enquête internationale « La lessiveuse azerbaidjanaise » publiée en 2017, sur la simple période comprise entre 2013 et 2014, 2,5 milliards de versements ont eu lieu pour « acheter » des amitiés à l’étranger.  Mais qu’importe. Pour M. Boussois, l’« urgence » est ailleurs. Il s’agit de « dénoncer et condamner le soutien de l’Arménie à la Russie dans la guerre contre l’Ukraine ». Car l’on s’imagine bien que ce « soutien » allégué d’un petit pays exsangue comme l’Arménie pourrait peser d’un poids décisif dans la bataille… Tout cela est bien sûr cousu de fil blanc. L’Arménie n’a jamais apporté la moindre aide militaire à la Russie dans cette guerre. La légende des 4 avions de combat de type SU-30 qu’elle aurait envoyée, selon M. Boussois, pour participer aux bombardements contre l’Ukraine, constitue une pure fake news, fabriquée de toute pièce par le régime Aliev et propagée à dessein sur les réseaux sociaux pour discréditer l’Arménie. On s’étonne que l’auteur de ces accusations ne se soit pas donné la peine d’en vérifier la véracité, alors que des attachés militaires de l’OTAN et des pays de l’UE qui ont effectué une mission en ce sens à Erevan le 31 mars ont formellement démenti ces calomnies.

On s’étonne également que M. Boussois dénonce la mini-manifestation pro-russe organisée le 19 mars 2022 à Erevan, mais qu’il ne pipe mot de celle, beaucoup plus massive, contre la Russie, organisée à l’appel de l’Alliance démocratique nationale le 9 avril. On regrettera enfin que notre docteur en sciences politiques ne se soit pas donné la peine de regarder les votes de l’Arménie à l’ONU. Il aurait pu constater qu’elle n’a pas été avec la Russie, mais qu’elle s’est abstenue lors du scrutin à l’Assemblée générale du 3 février 2022 sur l’agression contre l’Ukraine, et qu’elle n’a pas pris part au vote, comme d’ailleurs l’Azerbaïdjan, lors de la consultation du 7 avril suspendant la Russie du Conseil des droits de l’homme de l’ONU. Cette forme de neutralité diplomatique courageuse aurait au contraire mérité d’être mise en valeur. D’une part parce que la sécurité de l’Arménie est très largement tributaire des forces d’interposition russes qui bloquent pour l’instant les velléités azerbaïdjanaises d’envahir ce qu’il reste de la République du Haut-Karabakh ainsi que le sud de l’Arménie. Ensuite, parce que si le peuple et les médias ukrainiens se sont majoritairement montrés pro-arméniens, il n’en a pas été de même du régime de Zélinsky, proche allié d’Erdogan et d’Aliev, qui a défendu l’offensive militaire anti-arménienne de l’automne 2020.

Les contrevérités et les omissions de M. Boussois se devaient d’être dénoncées, alors que le régime d’Aliev fait feu de tout bois pour améliorer son image considérablement noircie par l’opération de nettoyage ethnique lancée contre les Arméniens durant l’automne 2020, mais aussi par «  les actes de dégradation et de profanation du patrimoine culturel arménien, les églises et autres lieux de culte, monuments, sites, cimetières et artefacts » condamnés par la Cour de Justice internationale le 7 décembre dernier. Un jugement qui a également enjoint Bakou à  « prendre toutes les mesures nécessaires pour empêcher l’incitation et l’encouragement à la haine et à la discrimination raciales, y compris par ses agents et ses institutions publiques ».  Car il s’agit bien d’un racisme promu par l’Etat dont il est ici question et non de simples expressions spontanées émanant d’une société civile chauffée à blanc par la guerre.

On ne peut en tout cas laisser passer ce renversement des rôles qu’opère M. Boussois qui entend visiblement occulté le fait que l’agression du 27 septembre, préparé de longue date avec la Turquie, visait à casser le processus de négociation placée sous l’égide du Groupe de Minsk, seul détenteur d’un mandat international pour résoudre le conflit et à réaliser par la force ce qu’il était devenu impossible d’obtenir par des moyens légaux et pacifiques. Comment dès lors ne pas s’offusquer, lorsque M. Boussois justifie cette attaque aussi meurtrière qu’inégale par le droit de l’Azerbaïdjan à récupérer son territoire, alors qu’il s’agissait surtout selon le mot d’Aliev d’en « chasser les Arméniens comme des chiens », eux qui avaient eu l’audace d’opposer à sa dictature leur droit à l’autodétermination sur le Haut-Karabakh, ex-république autonome de l’URSS où ils ont toujours été largement majoritaires ?

Faut-il rappeler que cette terre, berceau de la nation arménienne depuis l’antiquité, a été machiavéliquement octroyée par Staline à l’Azerbaïdjan en 1921, afin de diviser pour mieux régner ?  Faut-il également se souvenir que l’Azerbaïdjan et la Turquie formant deux Etats pour un même peuple, selon leurs propres termes, ne cessent ne conspirer à la perte de l’Arménie, considérée comme un verrou géographique culturel et religieux faisant obstacle à leur jonction territoriale ?

N’était-ce d’ailleurs pas l’objet du génocide du 1915, à l’égard duquel Ankara comme Bakou, pratique un insupportable négationnisme d’Etat ?

A l’heure où l’Azerbaïdjan entend justement mettre à profit la focalisation de l’attention mondiale sur l’Ukraine pour pousser son avantage militaire contre l’Arménie à qui et à quoi sert la « tribune » du 11 avril de M. Boussois ? La réponse se trouve peut-être sur le site officiel de l’Azerbaïdjan, Azertag, qui a publié le 12 avril un long article d’Aslan Aslanov, porte-voix officieux du président Aliev, qui y dresse le bilan des raisons de la victoire de l’Azerbaïdjan. Ils les résument notamment en ces termes :  « Nous pouvons dire sans exagérer que cet avantage dans la guerre de l’information a été l’un des facteurs qui ont assuré le triomphe au Karabakh et a joué un rôle aussi important dans notre victoire que les armes et les batailles ». Diffusés le lendemain de l’article de propagande de M. Boussois, ces propos se passent de tout commentaire.

Alexandre Del Valle, Eric Denecé et Ara Toranian

Opposition MP: Armenian authorities using law enforcement as ‘cudgel’ to stop protest campaign

Emil Lazarian
Panorama
Armenia –

MP Tigran Abrahamyan from the opposition With Honor bloc on Thursday accused the incumbent Armenian authorities of using law enforcement agencies to stop the protest campaign launched by the opposition.

“The competent authorities are in no hurry to take action against the police officers who throw bottles at people, blatantly violate the professional activities of journalists, spit on a detainee and, in general, subject those taking part in peaceful acts of civil disobedience to inhuman treatment,” he wrote on Facebook.

Abrahamyan blamed the law enforcement for provocations and clashes at more than weeklong opposition protests demanding Nikol Pashinyan’s resignation.

“The authorities are using law enforcement agencies as a cudgel in order to stop the struggle of people at any cost and to extend their grip on power,” the MP said.