AW: Cindy Fitzgibbon becomes Boston’s first female broadcast chief meteorologist

WCVB Chief Meteorologist Cindy Fitzgibbon (Photo provided by WCVB Channel 5)

Cindy Fitzgibbon has made history in the Boston television news market. After 27 years in the industry, she has been promoted to chief meteorologist at WCVB Channel 5.

“It’s a big honor,” expressed Fitzgibbon. “It is something that I never thought I would see.”

Fitzgibbon, an Armenian American and native New Englander, sat down with the Weekly for a virtual interview almost a week into her new role leading the station’s StormTeam 5. Behind her was a bustling newsroom getting ready for the noon broadcast. 

Her day had started at 1:44 in the morning amid heavy downpours overnight. Fitzgibbon said she allows herself two taps of the snooze button on her iPhone before getting ready to head out the door and make her way into the newsroom in Needham. During her short commute, she’s on the phone with her EyeOpener producer, who is busy building the rundown for the live newscast that begins at 4:30 a.m. Fitzgibbon, who appears on air every five to ten minutes, creates and updates her own weather graphics throughout the fast-paced newscast, which ends at 7 a.m. Then, she does live cut-ins for ABC’s Good Morning America through nine o’clock. After a team meeting at 9:30 a.m., Fitzgibbon goes back on camera for promos and the Midday newscast. She’s off the air at 12:30 p.m. and dedicates the remainder of her day to her family.

“[My kids] have grown up with their meteorologist mom who gets up and goes to work in the middle of the night, but then I’m available. I’m around. I am present. I am involved in what they’re doing,” said the proud mom of two high school athletes, “I stay up as late as I can with them before I have to go to bed to prepare for the next day. It’s the best of both worlds. I get to do both.” 

WCVB announced Fitzgibbon’s promotion following the retirement of veteran meteorologist Harvey Leonard. Fitzgibbon is the first female chief meteorologist in the Boston market, a significant chapter in her career and a celebration of women in the field of broadcast meteorology. In 2018, the American Meteorological Society, of which Fitzgibbon is a member, studied the underrepresentation of female meteorologists in leadership roles. Researchers found that women make up 29 percent of all broadcast meteorologist positions, but only eight percent claim the title of chief. 

“Traditionally, a chief meteorologist has been male, and traditionally, the chief meteorologist works nights Monday through Friday. It’s just kind of the way it always was,” explained Fitzgibbon. “That is clearly not the standard anymore. It was just slow in coming to Boston. Finally, we have our first female chief meteorologist in this market.”

Decades before breaking barriers in Boston, Fitzgibbon was just a young girl growing up near Portland, Maine with an eye to the sky. “I was always very curious about the weather, and I was obsessed with snow,” she said. Fitzgibbon even maintained a journal of snow measurements that she would share with her disinterested friends. “Had there been such a thing as social media and Twitter, I’m sure I would have been sending those amounts in to the local meteorologist,” she said.

One week after graduating from Lyndon State College in Vermont in 1995, Fitzgibbon packed her bags for her first on-air job in Bismarck, North Dakota. “I was as green as green can be,” recalled Fitzgibbon, who, at the age of 21, became that market’s first accredited meteorologist. She would soon move on in 1996 to WPTZ (Burlington, Vermont-Plattsburgh, New York market), where they were starting a brand new morning show. Four years later, she traveled to the Sunshine State and became the first female degreed meteorologist at WBBH in Fort Myers, Florida.

Fitzgibbon would eventually make her way back up the east coast to New England, where she would begin her decades-long career in the Boston market, delivering her morning forecasts at WFXT (Boston 25) and now at WCVB Channel 5.

“The weather is tough here in New England. It’s a craft that I have been trying to perfect for 20 years in this market,” she said. “You’re always learning as a forecaster, but the longer you spend forecasting in an area, the better you get.”

In addition to meteorology and motherhood, Fitzgibbon is also passionate about her Armenian heritage. A descendant of Genocide survivors, Fitzgibbon has fond memories of growing up around her Armenian aunts and cousins. She remembers her maternal grandmother speaking Armenian with her and teaching her the language. “It’s important for me that my kids recognize their heritage and know what that means,” said Fitzgibbon.

During the 2020 Artsakh War, Fitzgibbon helped raise awareness on social media about the atrocities taking place in her homeland. “I felt compelled to put it out there to a broader audience that might not be aware,” she explained. “There was a part of me that was impacted, and I wanted to share my Armenian heritage and share what was happening to draw more attention to it to an audience that might not know about it.”

Fitzgibbon is a frequent headliner of events hosted by Armenian Heritage Park, and she is also a member of the advisory council for the Armenian Women’s Welfare Association (AWWA).

Viewers in Boston can continue to count on Fitzgibbon as WCVB’s chief meteorologist to deliver accurate and informative forecasts to start their day. Fitzgibbon says she is also excited to spearhead a Hearst Television initiative called “Forecasting our Future” with special coverage focused on the impacts of climate change on local communities.

Assistant Editor
Leeza Arakelian is the assistant editor of the Armenian Weekly. She is a graduate of UCLA and Emerson College. Leeza has written and produced for local and network television news including Boston 25 and Al Jazeera America.


Memories of a Maestro: How the Sergei Parajanov Museum came to be

Entrance to the Sergei Parajanov Museum (Courtesy of the museum)

Nestled on the cliffside of Dzoragyugh, a former district of historical Yerevan, stands the Sergei Parajanov Museum, a former workshop of a carpenter. But how did this marvelous museum, in dedication to a worldwide film icon, come to be? Designer and chief architect of the museum, Arshak Ghazaryan, lifts the veil to reveal the difficult journey to immortalize Parajanov’s artwork. 

While initially striving to become a painter like his father, who instructed many of the great Armenian painters of the 20th century, Ghazaryan ended up falling in love with architecture and graduated from Yerevan State Polytechnic University in 1976 with a degree in the field. 

Ghazaryan worked on many projects during his career as an architect. He worked in the ARMSTATE Project Institute, which took on a multitude of projects. In 1983 he became the chief architect for the Dzoragyugh Ethnographic District Project, which operated under the Department of Preservation and Restoration of Historical Monuments, the first of its kind in the Soviet Union. In the future, the Sergei Parajanov Museum would become part of the Dzoragyugh Ethnographic District Project.

In 1988, photographer and director of the Folk Art Museum, Zaven Sargsyan, who later became the director of the Sergei Parajanov Museum, brought Parajanov’s collection of collages from Tbilisi, Georgia to Yerevan. These collages were created by Parajanov during his imprisonment and were said to have saved his life while in captivity. An exhibition was created, and many Armenians and foreign visitors came to view it, including Ghazaryan.

Ghazaryan and many other artists like Sargsyan and Grigor Khanjyan believed in the necessity of a house-museum for Parajanov. After witnessing the exhibition at the Folk Art Museum, Ghazaryan came up with the idea of a site in the Dzoragyugh Ethnographic District.  

Ghazaryan relayed this idea to Khanjyan, the informal advisor of fine art to Karen Demerdjian and the curator for the Dzoragyugh Ethnographic District Project. Khanjyan went to Demerdjian and requested that the cliffside building in Dzoragyugh, only half-built at the time, should be gifted to Parajanov as a house-museum. 

“Demerdjian agreed, and the decision was made,” said Ghazaryan in a recent interview with the Weekly. “After that, Parajanov’s other artwork was brought from Tbilisi [to Yerevan] overnight. It was a major project. We were rushing for that building to be given to him because Parajanov was already sick.”

Parajanov was seriously ill with diabetes at the time, and his health was failing, often struggling to walk. 

Architect Arshak Ghazaryan, filmmaker Sergei Parajanov and former Sergei Parajanov House-Museum director, Zaven Sargsyan pictured outside the work-in-progress museum. Photographer unknown.

Ghazaryan met Parajanov for the first time outside the future house-museum. Even though this was their first meeting in person, Ghazaryan felt as if he had met Parajanov long ago when he first watched Shadows of Forgotten Ancestors on television.  

“My impression of him had already been formed 20 years ago when I was a teenager,” recalled Ghazaryan. “For me, he was a spring of pride, an Armenian and a great artist. The most important element was that even though he had done so much work and had so much knowledge, he had no arrogance whatsoever.”

Together, they toured the building as Ghazaryan explained the vision for the project: a space for an art studio, museum and living area.

Inner courtyard of the Sergei Parajanov Museum (Courtesy of the museum)

“I was anxiously waiting to hear what he had to say. I asked, ‘What would you advise us to do better?’ He said, ‘Continue like this. Whatever you have done is good.’”

As construction got underway in 1988, the Karabakh movement had begun as well. After that, everything began to get complicated.

“But in every situation, Karen Demerdjian, Grigor Khanjyan and city hall were doing everything so that construction could continue. It was going very slowly. Then construction stopped, not because of the movement, but because there was a complaint written to Moscow by a nearby tenant.”

Complaints were issued that the building violated many codes and that it was disturbing those living nearby. This delayed construction until mid-1989, as Ghazaryan and his team worked to garner approval again and prove that they were, in fact, not in violation of any codes.

“We were rushing. We all understood that we had to be quick so that he could live there at least one day for it to become a house-museum.”

Everyone working on the project was in a hurry because in 1989, Parajanov had been diagnosed with lung cancer, and his health was rapidly declining. He underwent a pneumonectomy, a lung removal surgery, that same year in Moscow, but his condition unfortunately did not improve. Despite this, he was still active, even traveling to Germany in 1990 where he received an award and announced the creation of his house-museum and workshop. 

On July 17, 1990, he returned to Yerevan extremely ill and was taken to the hospital.

“The last time I saw him was in the hospital. In three days, he died…on July 20,” shared Ghazaryan. 

Parajanov was a beloved artist, filmmaker, director and a champion for artistic liberation. His artwork still continues to inspire the modern world and has even shaped pop culture in America. He never got to see the museum come into complete fruition and was never able to live in it. Thus, the museum is not considered a house-museum. The museum officially opened in the summer of 1991, a year after his death.

Entrance hall of the Sergei Parajanov Museum (Courtesy of the museum)

“Parajanov would go in and out of the museum during its construction,” said Ghazaryan. “His energy remained in the museum. That is why the museum lives on today.”

While talking about the final moments that he spent with Parajanov, Ghazaryan said, “We didn’t speak. We just looked at each other. Before he died, he kept saying over and over again ‘I will live in Dzoragyugh.’ I told him very quietly, ‘Dzoragyugh is waiting for you.’”

The Sergei Parajanov Museum atop the Hrazdan Gorge in Yerevan (Courtesy of the museum)

Jane Partizpanyan is a journalism and public relations major at California State University, Northridge. She works as a contributing writer for the Daily Sundial. She's also a public relations coordinator at the Agency 398 PR firm and a published poet.


AW: Armenia’s Existential Decision: Modernization

The third installment of a multi-part series, this article was originally published in Armenian by Mediamax, on June 6, 2022.

Avetik Chalabyan’s legal representatives have published the co-founder of ARAR Foundation’s article penned at the Armavir Penitentiary Institution, where he is currently being held under trumped up charges.

Avetik Chalabyan

In my previous article, I had outlined the first pillar of Armenia’s existential decision, the regathering of Armenians. We acknowledge that reality will always differ from our plans and visions; however, we must develop and formulate them around a united approach, followed by plans for systematic implementation. Therefore, I will continue the series with this article, focusing on the second pillar, modernization.

Beginning from the establishment of the Artaxiad Dynasty, followed by the adoption of Christianity and the creation of the Armenian alphabet, Armenia and Armenians became progressive, educated and creative elements in the region up until the end of the 14th century, where Armenia finally came under the rule of Turkish power, where they created a wonderful civilization through generations, with its influence reaching as far as the French Provence and Calcutta in India.

Whether the majestic capital city of Ani, the University at Tatev glowing with its scientific minds, the divine Book of Lamentations by Narekatsi and countless other intellectual and spiritual contributions over centuries, the Armenian nation, hidden in mountains and clinging to her lands, summoned its power and talent to enrich humanity, to enlighten mankind and solidify its place in the annals of human history.

Even after that, when Armenia descended into four centuries of darkness and slavery brought about by the Turkish race, Armenians exiled from their homeland continued on with their creative spirit to serve humanity wherever they ended up. However, these four centuries left an indelible mark on the Armenian homeland. During these 400 years, all urban planning, building of churches and monasteries, scientific and artistic endeavors were deprived of their benefactors, political leadership ceased to exist, and the creative segment of the society became exiled and detached from its roots. Even after the subjugation of eastern Armenia by Russia, it took at least half a century for the regathering of Armenians and gradual improvements in living conditions that enabled them to become organized to lead the modernization, economic and cultural developments in the South Caucasus. 

This process continued on until the end of the 20th century. Thus, in a span of 100 years, modern Armenia became the scientific, industrial and cultural leader in the South Caucasus, moving past its more resource-rich neighbors.

It is the bitter irony of fate that Armenia took significant steps toward modernization while under 100 years of Russian subjugation and managed to waste all its advantages during 30 years of self-rule to become the weakest link in the South Caucasus. The nation that had given tens of thousands of scientists and engineers to the world lost to its semi-barbarian neighbor, who has been able to technologically equip and modernize its armed forces while Armenian armed forces were left with military equipment and strategies and logistical capabilities from the previous century.

Today, Armenia has reached a strange crossroads, where on the one hand a significant technological node has been developed in her capital city, integrating itself into the global value chain and creating significant value for the country, and on the other hand, its provinces are saddled with poverty, technologically lingering in the first half of the past century. On the one hand, we have private schools, whose graduates are accepted into some of the world‘s best universities, and on the other hand, we have staggering illiteracy indices in the provinces. On the one hand, we have some of the highest number of scientific publications in the former USSR, and on the other hand, the overwhelming majority of the population has no connection with the scientific advances made in the country. And, we are conceding college graduates to the majority of CIS countries.

This crossroads, as paradoxical as it may be, has a simple explanation in the wild capitalism that has reigned in the country after independence. The oft aggressive initiators of this wild capitalism have established their sovereignty over the country, utilizing her natural resources, scientific-technological and cultural capabilities. Over time, they have formulated two parallel realities: a privileged minority that reinvents itself in prosperity, education and modern professions with subsequent new economic opportunities; and the resource-deprived majority that continues to linger in its poverty and misery.

The rapid rise of Nikol Pashinyan to power is resultant from the delayed reaction of the destitute segment of our society (today reaching 60 to 70 percent of the population) against the wild capitalism, the forgiving of its many sins and the strong allergy toward its potential return.  However, the modernization processes started by Pashinyan were doomed to failure from the beginning, as they were implemented under a false agenda, dictated by neoliberal policies espoused by foreign powers supporting his government and with half-baked recipes. To date, Pashinyan’s administration can be proud of only two accomplishments: asphalting certain local and country-wide roads and making some improvements in the efficiency of the tax system. For the sake of justice, these achievements have resulted in increases in supporters of Pashinyan, especially in the provinces, where well-maintained asphalt roads were unseen luxuries during the rule of the previous authorities. 

Therefore, any new government coming after Pashinyan will have to face a critical imperative to modernize Armenia; however, that modernization will be impossible without changes in our political-economic model and a significant redistribution of public good through state levers. This will demand a new “public contract,” where a segment of the society that has succeeded and reached a significant level of well-being, will voluntarily start to help the other segment that is still experiencing poverty, by the calculation that poverty must be eradicated in Armenia over the next 20 years, where the overwhelming majority of the country will prosper and will be able to take advantage of the fruits of modern scientific-educational and technological advances.

If the new government after Pashinyan can implement this public contract, then there are at least a few important areas for modernizing the country, upon which not only public resources should be focused, but also various resources coming from abroad. The first and the most critical one is education. I have noted above that although Armenia is the most developed scientific and technological country in the South Caucasus, it is also the most uneducated one. That’s because education is available only to a minority of the society.

Today, only one-third of high school graduates are admitted to institutions of higher education in Armenia, not all of them graduate, and only a quarter of that number receive technological specializations that create competitive value for Armenia. Over the next 20 years, the number of people receiving higher education in Armenia should double, and the number of graduates in technology should at least triple. Along with the increase of the general quality of higher education, this will provide an opportunity to make a significant breakthrough in the economic competitiveness and general quality of the population of Armenia. Such a breakthrough, however, requires enormous efforts. The small number of recipients of higher education in Armenia is not so much a matter of educational supply, as of demand.

In the conditions of poverty and limited availability of high-quality education, most young people in Armenia have neither the opportunity to prepare for university exams, the financial means to study there, nor an idea of how they will capitalize on their education after graduation.

As a result, education remains largely the privilege of the children of the educated section of the society, and this watershed is gradually deepening. Therefore, if we want to carry out a real educational revolution in Armenia, we must address the deep problems conditioned by poverty, in particular:

  • In all large settlements (with at least 1,000 inhabitants), there should be state-funded kindergartens. Children’s education should start from preschool age and be free.
  • In these settlements, schools should be modernized, and the state should provide not only free education, but also food, uniforms and school supplies.
  • The state order in universities should be expanded several times. All state universities should establish regional branches with the state subsidizing their work.
  • Additional educational opportunities should be created everywhere in the country; “TUMO box” type facilities should be available to all children.
  • Private schools should receive funding from the state per student equal to the state, which will create a competitive environment and continuously improve the quality of school education.
  • Universities should be completely depoliticized and focus on creating quality and demanded educational value together with employers.
  • The top two to three leading universities of Armenia, continuously improving the quality of education, should appear in the list of the top 500 universities in the world, with the goal of achieving higher positions in the future.

This is a very ambitious program and is possible only with a significant effort. It will require not only significant material resources (additional 300-500 million US dollars per year), but also thousands of dedicated people who will implement the program. Repatriation is important here, as most of the fighters of such an enlightenment movement must be recruited from abroad, be it a physics teacher in a border village or a professor of biotechnology at the best university in the country. The good news is that all of this, albeit on a limited scale, has already begun (e.g. TUMO centers, Ayb schools, Root laboratories, Teach Armenia and similar programs). This movement is already gaining momentum and proving its vitality. Therefore, the task of the next stage will be to scale the programs that have already proved their viability, to make them accessible to every child and thus to overcome the most important challenge of Armenia’s modernization.

Interconnected with the previous one, the most important task of modernization will be to change the existing territorial distribution of the population in Armenia. Today, 30 percent of the population of Armenia lives in villages, and 20 percent in settlements with urban status, which are basically big villages. Such a structure of the population has been formed historically, in particular, as a result of de-industrialization during the period of independence, but this is not an optimal solution for the 21st century. The situation is complicated by the fact that most of the rural settlements are small and do not have enough scale to provide minimal social infrastructure. Today, the average Armenian village has approximately 1,000 inhabitants and 400 hectares of arable land, neither of which is sufficient for normal socio-economic activity. If we also take into account that this average is also conditioned by the presence of several dozen large settlements, it is obvious that most of the rural settlements are not viable in the long run, where there is already a continuous outflow from them.

As difficult as it may be, the possible solution is to concentrate the population in Armenia in smaller, but large, well-off and prosperous settlements, where the social infrastructure necessary for modern life is available, there are quality educational opportunities, and the concentration of labor and infrastructure make them attractive for investment. This process has already started in Armenia, but it must be implemented with much greater determination. To this end, priority settlements in each region should be identified for development, and the state should start investing in improving the social infrastructure of those settlements, modern planning for expansion and creating favorable conditions for attracting investors there. To avoid arbitrary decisions, centralized public investment must be combined with the ability to take the initiative, present innovative projects and attract investors. This will also create a competitive environment throughout the country and will stimulate the local settlement development initiative. Ultimately, the goal is to move approximately one percent (about 30,000 people) of Armenia’s annual population from low-income and rapidly evolving settlements over the next two decades to improve their quality of life, creating new economic opportunities and providing access to children. There will be modern education and its associated benefits.

I would also like to address an important question: who will be the engine of modernization? If during the years of the Russian Empire and the Soviet Union the main impulses of modernization were given from the imperial center and carried out on the spot by creative Armenians, then in the coming decades, most likely, there will be no such “imperial” umbrella. Armenia must modernize by cooperating with Russia, the European Union, the United States, China and other technologically advanced countries (for example, Japan, Korea, Iran, India) and try to take advantage of the accomplishments of these countries. In the current highly polarized geopolitical situation, this will require a very complicated tug-of-war, but it is absolutely necessary if we want to expand the resource base from which the ambitious project of radical modernization of our country will be fed.

After all, only such modernization will allow us not only to develop the country and make it competitive in the modern world, but also to accumulate sufficient resources for the effective defense of the country and the advancement of our national goals. Each of you should ask yourself what you are doing to modernize our country, and what you can do in the next stage to increase the existing results tenfold.

Ara Nazarian is an associate professor of Orthopaedic Surgery at Harvard Medical School. He graduated from Tennessee Technological University with a degree in mechanical engineering, followed by graduate degrees from Boston University, Swiss Federal Institute of Technology and Harvard University. He has been involved in the Armenian community for over a decade, having served in a variety of capacities at the Hamazkayin Armenian Educational and Cultural Society, the Armenian Cultural and Educational Center, Armenian National Committee of America, St. Stephen’s Armenian Elementary School and the Armenian Revolutionary Federation.


CivilNet: Environment Ministry pledges to address Lake Sevan algal bloom

CIVILNET.AM

20 Jul, 2022 10:07

The Ministry of Environment pledged to address Lake Sevan’s ecosystem after releasing a statement explaining the causes behind a recent algal bloom in the lake.

A road construction company controlled by a senior Armenian government official won a government contract worth about $2.5 million, an Armenian investigative site reported.

The leaders of Iran, Russia, and Turkey discussed efforts to settle the Karabakh conflict at a major summit in Tehran aimed at resolving the conflict in Syria.

A team of U.S.-based lawyers submitted a report to the United Nations documenting alleged violations of an international racial discrimination treaty by Azerbaijan.

Source: Ruptly

RFE/RL Armenian Report – 07/20/2022

                                        Wednesday, 


COVID-19 Cases Rising Again In Armenia

        • Anush Mkrtchian

Armenia -- Medics at the Surb Grigor Lusavorich Medical Center in Yerevan, 
Armenia's largest hospital treating COVID-19 patients, June 5, 2020.


Mirroring a global trend, coronavirus infections in Armenia are rising rapidly 
again after falling to record low levels in May, government data shows.

The Armenian Ministry of Health recorded a total of 629 COVID-19 cases last 
week, up from 354 cases in the previous week and 174 cases in the period from 
June 27 to July 3.

The ministry reported an average of several cases a day in May. The country’s 
infection rates remained negligible until the end of June.

Despite the soaring cases, health authorities in Yerevan have reported no 
coronavirus-related deaths so far this month.

“Severe cases are not registered in large numbers yet,” Romela Abovian, a senior 
official from the National Center for Disease Control and Prevention, explained 
on Wednesday. “There are hospitalized people but many of them were vaccinated 
and are coping [with the disease] well.”

Abovian blamed the resurgence of the virus on the even more contagious BA.4 and 
BA.5 sub-variants of Omicron which are becoming prevalent around the world.

Davit Melik-Nubarian, a public health expert, said that waning vaccine 
protection is another factor behind what appears to be a new wave of infections.

Armenia - A man is vaccinated against coronavirus at a mobile vaccination center 
in Yerevan, October 24, 2021.

According to the Ministry of Health, less than half of Armenia’s population has 
received two doses of a coronavirus vaccine. The vast majority of them were 
vaccinated last fall and winter.

Only 60,000 or so people in the country of about 3 million have received a third 
“booster” shot to date. The vaccination process practically ground to a halt in 
May.

Melik-Nubarian said the COVID-19 resurgence could intensify after schools and 
universities across the country reopen their doors in September. Still, he 
suggested that it will be less severe than the previous waves “in terms of the 
loss of human lives.”

Abovian said that the authorities will consider restoring mandatory mask-wearing 
and reimposing other restrictions if the upward trend continues unabated in the 
coming weeks.

Melik-Nubarian was skeptical on that score, arguing that such restrictions were 
barely enforced in Armenia when they were in force.

The Armenian authorities have registered more than 10,300 coronavirus-related 
deaths since the start of the pandemic.



Yerevan Silent On French-Armenian Leader’s Deportation

        • Artak Khulian

France - Mourad Papazian, a leader of the French-Armenian community, speaks at 
an Armenian genocide remembrance ceremony in Paris, April 24, 2022.


The Armenian authorities have declined to explain their decision to ban a leader 
of France’s influential Armenian community critical of Prime Minister Nikol 
Pashinian from entering Armenia.

Mourad Papazian, co-chairman of the Coordination Council of Armenian 
Organizations of France (CCAF), was detained at Yerevan’s Zvartnots 
international airport and deported back to Paris last Thursday. He says that 
said immigration officers there gave no reason for his deportation.

The National Security Service (NSS), which is in charge of passport control at 
Zvartnots, on Wednesday refused to explain what was a rare entry ban slapped on 
a prominent Armenian Diaspora figure. The NSS only cited a legal provision which 
allows it to withhold such information if it breaches “the secrecy of a person’s 
private or family life.”

Papazian, who is also a leading member of Dashnaktsutyun, a pan-Armenian party 
in opposition to Pashinian’s government, insisted, meanwhile, that his expulsion 
was politically motivated.

“Mr. Pashinian doesn’t accept opposition both inside and outside [Armenia,]” he 
told RFE/RL’s Armenian Service. “There is a serious problem with democracy 
behind this affair.”

France/Armenia - French President Emmanuel Macron speaks during the 
Co-ordination Council of Armenian Organisations of France (CCAF) annual dinner 
in Paris, 05Feb, 2019

The CCAF, which is an umbrella structure uniting France’s leading Armenian 
organizations, condemned Yerevan’s decision as an “attack on democracy” and 
“brutal blow” to the French-Armenian community.

“Armenia also belongs to the Diaspora, to the sons of survivors of the [1915] 
genocide, especially when they fight for their rights,” the CCAF said in a July 
15 statement. “And no one can decide to exclude activists of the Armenian cause 
from it to settle political scores.”

The Armenian government has still not reacted to this criticism echoed by its 
domestic political opponents.

Zareh Sinanyan, the government’s Armenian-American high commissioner for 
Diaspora affairs, claimed this week that he does not know why Papazian was 
denied entry to Armenia. Sinanyan at the same time accused the CCAF and 
Dashnaktsutyun of pressuring European politician not to cooperate with the 
authorities in Yerevan.

Some Armenian pro-government media outlets have said that Papazian was deported 
because the authorities believe he was behind an anti-Pashinian demonstration 
staged during the prime minister’s June 2021 visit to Paris.

Papazian denies any involvement in that protest. He was able to visit Armenia as 
recently as in May.



Death Of Arrested Government Critic ‘Investigated’

        • Naira Bulghadarian

Armenia - Activist Armen Grigorian at a rally in Yerevan, November 28, 2020.


Law-enforcement authorities have pledged to investigate the sudden death of a 
vocal critic of the Armenian government who was controversially arrested two 
months ago.
Armen Grigorian, a well-known entertainment producer, collapsed in a courtroom 
on Friday as he stood trial on charges of insulting residents of two Armenian 
regions supporting the government.

Grigorian had made disparaging comments about them a year before his arrest 
condemned by the Armenian opposition as politically motivated. He was taken into 
custody by the National Security Service, which normally deals with grave crimes.

The 57-year-old activist’s death sparked outcry from opposition leaders as well 
as the country’s human rights ombudswoman, Kristine Grigorian (no relation). The 
latter demanded “clarifications” from prosecutors and the Ministry of Justice, 
which runs Armenia’s prisons.

The Investigative Committee said this week that it has opened a criminal case in 
connection with Grigorian’s death, the precise cause of which is still not known.

The Office of the Prosecutor-General specified that the law-enforcement body is 
conducting an inquiry into prison medics’ failure to adequately perform their 
duties, rather than the wisdom of holding Grigorian in detention.

“Throughout the confinement period Armen Grigorian was under the surveillance of 
medical personnel and received treatment,” the Ministry of Justice insisted for 
its part.

In a statement, the ministry revealed that Grigorian complained of headaches, 
high blood pressure and dizziness right after being taken to a prison 50 
kilometers west of Yerevan. But it said that neither the activist nor his lawyer 
formally notified the prison administration of his health problems.

Armenia - Angry opposition supporters protest outside the prime minister's 
office in Yerevan following the death of an arrested government critic, July 15, 
2022.
The lawyer, Ruben Melikian, said on Friday that his client, who was a medic by 
education, did not allow him to “speak up about those problems in the court or 
any other bodies.”

Melikian and opposition leaders have blamed the country’s political leadership 
for Grigorian’s death. They have linked his May 18 arrest to daily 
antigovernment protests launched by the opposition in Yerevan on May 1.

More than two dozen other opposition activists are also currently under arrest. 
Most of them are accused of assaulting riot police during the protests aimed at 
forcing Pashinian to resign. The authorities maintain that the accusations are 
not politically motivated.

The opposition has accused Pashinian’s administration of weaponizing pre-trial 
arrests to try to neutralize its members and supporters fighting for regime 
change.

Zaruhi Hovannisian, who leads a team of civic activists monitoring Armenian 
prison conditions, likewise criticized on Wednesday the authorities’ excessive 
recourse to such arrests.

“Both under the former authorities and now pre-trial arrest has been used for 
pressuring individuals or as a punitive measure against them,” Hovannisian told 
RFE/RL’s Armenian Service on Wednesday. “This does not correspond at all to 
objectives set in the Criminal Code.”


Reprinted on ANN/Armenian News with permission from RFE/RL
Copyright (c) 2022 Radio Free Europe / Radio Liberty, Inc.
1201 Connecticut Ave., N.W. Washington DC 20036.

 

Armenia pledges to complete Karabakh withdrawal this summer

Ani Mejlumyan Jul 20, 2022
Karabakh will continue to maintain its own army. (handout from de facto Karabakh defense ministry)

Armenia has announced it will withdraw all remaining military units from Nagorno-Karabakh by September, fulfilling a pledge it made at the end of the 2020 war with Azerbaijan.

The head of Armenia's Security Council, Armen Grigoryan, told state media on July 19 that all conscripts will return home by September and will not be replaced. Most soldiers in the Armenian military are conscripts; Grigoryan added that contract soldiers from Armenia are not currently serving in Karabakh.

Karabakh will continue to maintain its own army, which is heavily integrated within Armenia’s command structures.

In the 2020 Russia-brokered ceasefire signed by Armenia, Azerbaijan and Russia, Armenia agreed to withdraw its forces from lands internationally recognized as belonging to Azerbaijan, as Russia deployed 2,000 peacekeepers.

“Since the ceasefire, they [Armenian units] have been returning to Armenia. The process is approaching completion and will conclude in September,” Grigoryan said.  

Military officials had indicated in late June that the withdrawal would soon conclude. Colonel Sahak Sahakyan, the chairman of the Lottery Commission, which oversees the draft, told journalists on June 28 that Armenia would not send conscripts to Karabakh anymore.

"Our last conscripted soldiers for the summer of 2020 will be discharged by August 30. We will no longer send conscripts to Artsakh,” Sahakyan said, using an alternative name for Karabakh.

Azerbaijan has increased pressure in recent weeks for Armenia to complete the pullout.

On July 15, ahead of a meeting between Armenian and Azerbaijani foreign ministers in Tbilisi, President Ilham Aliyev again complained that Armenian troops were violating the ceasefire. "If Armenia doesn't intend to withdraw from the territory of Azerbaijan, then it should let us know in clear terms, and Azerbaijan will consider further actions," he said. “We are a victorious country and we have restored our territorial integrity.”

Armenia’s opposition has seen the withdrawal as proof that the government of Nikol Pashinyan is ready to “leave Artsakh unprotected," as Gegham Manukyan – an ARF Dashnaktsutyun member of the Armenia Alliance – wrote on Facebook.

The situation in some parts of Karabakh remains tense. In March, Azerbaijani forces took new territory around the village of Parukh, inside Karabakh, which was supposed to be protected by Russian peacekeepers. Some residents recently returned, but they say their position is precarious.

Nevertheless, Security Council chief Grigoryan downplayed the risks of withdrawal: "The [Russian] peacekeepers are of key importance in guaranteeing the security of Armenians in Nagorno-Karabakh." He called the incursion into Parukh (which Azerbaijanis spell Farrukh) “a gross violation of the 2020” ceasefire.

Military service in Armenia is mandatory. Every male at the age of 18 is obliged to serve for two years. Before Armenia’s defeat in the 2020 war, many conscripts were sent to serve in and around Nagorno-Karabakh.

Ani Mejlumyan is a reporter based in Yerevan.

Azerbaijan starts post-war resettlement in Karabakh

Heydar Isayev Jul 20, 2022
"Smart village" or "digital prison"? (government handout)

Azerbaijan has begun to resettle people displaced by war more than 30 years ago. The government is calling it the “Big Return.” 

On July 19, police accompanied 10 families (58 people) back to Aghali village in Zangilan, one of the districts in Karabakh that Azerbaijan lost to Armenian forces in the first war between the two sides in the early 1990s and regained in 2020. Overall, 41 families (about 200 people) are to be resettled in the village this week, Trend reported.

The 10 displaced families, all originally from Aghali, had been living in government housing near Baku. State television AzTV reported that the first returnees were chosen from among those “living in the most difficult conditions,” and that the allocation of houses was decided by lottery. The former IDPs will continue to receive some state support for three years. 

As with most positive news in Azerbaijan, officials found a way to credit the president. Ilham Aliyev’s special representative in Zangilan, Vahid Hajiyev, told reporters that the whole relocation process is “under the president’s direct watch.” 

More than 600,000 IDPs were scattered around Azerbaijan in the early 1990s. After the 2020 war – in which Azerbaijan retook more than 8,000 square kilometers of territory in and around Nagorno-Karabakh, about 75 percent of the land it had lost to Armenian forces in the first war in the 1990s – many began agitating to return to their former homes posthaste. But it is unclear how many still want to return; a generation has been raised having never seen their ancestral homeland. And can Baku afford to resettle everyone who wants to return? 

The timeline for resettlement slipped several times amid reports of labor disputes among construction workers.

The government designated Aghali as the first site for its much-touted “smart villages” concept, a showcase development that seeks to use digital connectivity, automation, and renewable energy to build thriving rural communities. Hajiyev also said that the residents who will settle in Agali “will be provided with high-quality houses equipped with smart technologies.” 

Government critics believe these devices will allow authorities to monitor and maintain a tight grip on the village. 

Ilgar Mammadov, chairman of the semi-opposition Republican Alternative Party, said during a visit to Aghali last month that local officials told him facial-recognition cameras will monitor the entrance of the village. He called Aghali “a test of a new totalitarianism” and “a digital prison,” dismissing the government’s efforts to celebrate the “Big Return.” 

Heydar Isayev is a journalist from Baku.

https://eurasianet.org/azerbaijan-starts-post-war-resettlement-in-karabakh

Azerbaijan Starts Return of People to Recaptured Areas


Voice of America

Azerbaijan on Tuesday began the process of returning its people to land recaptured from Armenian separatists in what Baku calls "The Great Return" following a 2020 war over disputed Nagorno-Karabakh.

The oil-rich country has vowed to repopulate lands recaptured in the six-week war with its arch-foe and Caucasus neighbor Armenia that killed more than 6,500 people two years ago.

President Ilham Aliyev had for years promised to retake lands lost in the 1990s, and the first returns marked a symbolic moment for Azerbaijan.

An official said almost 60 people moved back to a village they had had to flee in 1993, when ethnic Armenian separatists broke away from Baku, triggering a conflict that claimed around 30,000 lives.

Hundreds of thousands of Azerbaijanis quit the area during the fighting.

"Fifty-eight people returned to the district of Zangilan" recaptured by Baku in October 2020, Vahid Hajiyev, special presidential representative in the region, told reporters.

More than 30,000 ethnic Azerbaijanis fled Zangilan, near the Iranian border, in 1993.

"At this stage, a total of 41 families will return" over the next five days to the newly rebuilt village of Agally in Zangilan, Hajiyev said.

'Native land'

The government has pledged to provide jobs for the returnees, Hajiyev said. It has already built dozens of houses in Agally equipped with solar batteries, a brand-new school and a kindergarten, he added. "Over the next months the village will be fully repopulated."

Emotions ran high as repatriates stepped down from buses in Agally's windswept central square, where a new fountain sparkled under a sweltering sun.

"We are so happy to be back," one of the returnees, 64-year-old Mina Mirzoyeva, told Agence France-Presse. "This is our homeland, our native land."

Rahilya Ismayilova, 72, said that back in 1993, she had been forced to ford a river into Iran with her small children, fleeing for her life from the Armenian separatist forces.

"May all the refugees return to their homes, just as we did today," she said. "I fled my village with my four children, and today, I am back with my big family, with my nine grandchildren."

Baku has vowed to spend billions of petrodollars on the reconstruction of Nagorno-Karabakh and nearby recaptured areas.

It allocated $1.3 billion in last year's budget for infrastructure projects such as new roads, bridges and airports in the region.

But a large-scale return of refugees remains a distant prospect given the scale of the devastation and the danger from landmines.

Peace talks

In autumn 2020, Azerbaijan and Armenia went to war for a second time for control of Karabakh. The fighting ended with a Russian-brokered cease-fire agreement.

Under the deal, Armenia ceded swaths of territory it had controlled for decades, and Russia deployed some 2,000 peacekeepers to oversee the fragile truce.

Armen Grigoryan, chair of Armenia's security council, said Tuesday that Yerevan's forces would complete their withdrawal from areas that had been under separatist control by September.

This weekend, the foreign ministers of Armenia and Azerbaijan met in the Georgian capital, Tbilisi, for their first one-on-one talks since the war.

They were expected to build on an agreement which Aliyev and Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan reached under European Union mediation in May to "advance discussions" on a future peace treaty.

The two leaders met in Brussels in April and May. European Council President Charles Michel has said their next meeting is scheduled for July or August.

Following its invasion of Ukraine on February 24, an increasingly isolated Moscow lost its status as the primary mediator in the conflict.

The EU has since led the Armenia-Azerbaijan normalization process, which involves peace talks, border delimitation and the reopening of transport links.

https://www.voanews.com/a/azerbaijan-starts-return-of-people-to-recaptured-areas-/6665547.html

Defence export: Armenia turns to India for military hardware amid war against Azerbaijan

India –



Recently in June, a defence delegation from the Republic of Armenia visited India, meeting with their counterparts here. The delegation came armed with a shopping list. While little is known about its contents, drones have been confirmed to have figured prominently on the list. But not drones alone, an official confirmed without going into any further details. This is not the first time that Armenia has evinced interest in Indian military hardware. In 2020, it concluded a deal with India worth 40 million for the supply of four indigenously built weapon-locating radars. The SWATHI radars have been developed by the Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO).

Also, READ: UK PM race: Indian-origin Rishi Sunak inches closer to victory, wins 4th round of voting over Penny Mordaunt

Since then, Armenia’s defence requirement has grown exponentially. ‘The Karabakh war made us rethink our defence needs,’ said an Armenian official who did not want to be named. The war referred to the one the tiny South Caucasian nation fought with Azerbaijan over the contested territory of Nagorno-Karabakh. For twenty years the Armenians had held the ethnic Armenian enclave which technically formed part of Azerbaijan, as a result of the controversial borders drawn up during the erstwhile Soviet Union where the exercise was primarily based on keeping individual republics dependent on Moscow.

However, in 2020 Armenia lost all the territory to Azerbaijan, including the corridor that connected Armenia to the enclave. Though a member of the Russia-led Collective Security Treaties Organisation (CSTO), Russia refused to intervene in the war since it considered Nagorno-Karabakh to technically not be ‘Armenian territory’. Russian defence equipment also proved not to be a match for the Turkish equipment that was deployed, especially Turkish Bayraktar TB2 drones. Turkish military counsellors and arms won the war for Azerbaijan. ‘Russia intervened only when it felt Turkey would become a permanent presence in the region,’ said the official bitterly. The result – a Russian peace keeping force in Nagorno-Karabakh. But the war also showed the limits of Western support and help for Armenia, as well as the limits of Armenian soft power -primarily its diaspora abroad, which is a source of pride for many Armenians. Armenia, even as located in a hostile neighbourhood, remains dependent on Russia. And Russia now remains focused on Ukraine.

The war has also isolated Armenia in other ways, by way of few foreign investments, decline in trade and commerce, exacerbated by the pandemic. Cash strapped Armenia has been unable to modernise its industrial base or step up its R and D. Armenian analysts bemoan the fact that the country has been unable to take advantage of China’s Belt and Road Initiative and coveted Chinese investments seemed to have bypassed the tiny country even as rivals Azerbaijan and Turkey have apparently benefitted. It is another matter that along with investments Armenia has also escaped the famous Chinese debt trap unlike similarly cash strapped Tajikistan, for instance. But its bilateral trade with China amounting to $873 USD is heavily tilted in favour of the latter. It would also be interesting to know how Armenian analysts view events in Sri Lanka.

This makes the situation very favourable for India. India’s ties with Armenia are civilizational, thanks to its diaspora, Armenia and India continue to share a unique bond. High profile visits have characterized bilateral relations, and new life was breathed into the relationship beginning with Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s meeting with Armenian President Nikol Pashashian in New York in September on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly. India sees Armenia not only as a friend but a good counterweight to Turkey whose President Recep Tayyip Erdogan has been particularly belligerent on the Kashmir issue, and followed a number of policies inimical to India, as well as to Azerbaijan, closely allied with Turkey and Pakistan.

Armenia is strategically located bordering Russia, Iran, Turkey. It is a significant part of multimodal trade routes. The Armenian North South Road Corridor is being developed to connect the Black Sea ports through the territory of Armenia and Georgia and further to Europe.

The implementation of the Project is expected to improve Europe – Caucasus – Asia road communication at the intersection of West Asia and East Europe. During his visit to Yerevan last year in October, External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar pledged his support for the corridor. Earlier in 2021, Armenia was included in the virtual conference to commemorate the Chabahar Port. Its North South Corridor easily connects to the International North South Transport Corridor that India is involved in together with Russia and Iran. The first freight recently arrived through the INSTC from Russia to India. The Armenian Road Corridor becomes a natural part of the INSTC, which India has pitched for further linking to the Chabahar Port which it is helping develop.

This offers a valuable option to the BRI. India must therefore seize the opportunity to direct investments to the country, which will help to both develop the corridor, currently being funded by amongst others the Asian Development Bank, as well as resuscitate Armenia’s flailing economy. While China’s Confucius Institutes have made inroads and become quickly popular with Armenians, Indian soft power through Bollywood, Indian cuisine, and the centuries old Armenian diaspora in India has an edge. But it needs to be backed up by equally strong investments and trade. Current bilateral trade between India and Armenia hovers around a paltry $ 234 million. Of this Armenia enjoys the balance of trade but its main exports are minerals and metals. It is seeking to set up its manufacturing base and Indian companies and entrepreneurs with enormous experience can help in this.

Together with defence, trade, and investments, Armenia can become a strategically significant partner for India, where India can set up bases and a commercial and defence hub for joint manufacture and Indian exports beyond. Located in Russia’s sphere of influence, this is an additional advantage for India. Any Indian bases there should not be irksome to Russia, even as it offers an alternative to Armenia and will preempt China’s expanding footprint.

https://www.dnaindia.com/world/report-defence-export-armenia-turns-to-india-for-military-hardware-amid-war-against-azerbaijan-2970048


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Defense exports: Armenia turns to India for military hardware amid war against Azerbaijan – The Bharat Express News
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Is Turkey Sincere About Peace With Armenia? By Michael Rubin

1945

Fifteen years ago, a Turkish nationalist shot Turkish-Armenian journalist Hrant Dink point-blank in the head, shouting to horrified onlookers in the heart of Istanbul that he killed the “infidel.” The murder made international headlines and shocked not only Armenians but also liberal Turks. There was a silver lining, though, as the Turkish government sought to change the narrative by addressing its bilateral tensions with Armenia.

Armenian President Serzh Sargsyan invited his Turkish counterpart, Abdullah Gül, to a soccer game in Yerevan, and more such exchanges followed. Finally, in October 2009, Armenian and Turkish negotiators agreed on two bilateral protocols that created a roadmap to formalize diplomatic relations, opening the border to end Turkey’s unilateral blockade and setting up a joint committee to address the Armenian Genocide.

Within days, however, optimism turned to defeat. The Turkish parliament refused to ratify the Zurich protocols, absent a greenlight from Azerbaijan. It was a nonsense excuse: Ankara commands Baku, not vice versa. It was also classic Recep Tayyip Erdogan. He feigned diplomacy to avoid accountability for the violence that logically flowed from his nationalist and extremist excesses.

At the same time, Erdogan sought advantage from a lack of relations. The Turkish-Azerbaijani blockade of Armenia forced Armenia to rely on Iran as its economic outlet to the world. Partisans then pointed to these ties as reasons to ally with Turkey and Azerbaijan over Armenia. In reality, this policy was like an arsonist setting his neighbor’s house on fire next door and then complaining about the smoke. Nevertheless, in Washington, such tactics work, both because the Turkey cadre at the State Department far outnumbers employees assigned to manage the relations of other regional countries and because Azerbaijan and Turkey’s embassies have traditionally been more active than Armenia’s.

History repeats. As Turkey today faces triple-digit inflation and looming bankruptcy, Erdogan again signals a willingness to bury hatchets and talk. Whereas he once berated Israeli President and Nobel Laureate Shimon Peres as a murderer, he now welcomes his Israeli counterpart to Ankara. And whereas he once promised he would stop at nothing to hold Saudi Crown Prince Muhammad Bin Salman (MBS) accountable for the murder of Saudi journalist and former intelligence operative Jamal Khashoggi, he welcomed MBS to Ankara last month after ordering the court case against him dropped. That Riyadh played hardball with Erdogan and forced his retreat raises questions about why Washington and Brussels always opt for a softer approach and then wonder why it never works.

Now, it is Armenia’s turn to be the subject of Turkey’s diplomatic turn. Almost two years ago, Azerbaijan, along with Turkish Special Forces and Israeli drones, launched a surprise attack on Artsakh, the Armenian-populated republic in Nagorno-Karabakh, a region whose status they had pledged to resolve diplomatically. That the attack occurred on the 100th anniversary of the Ottoman assault on the Armenian-populated region was no coincidence. Erdogan repeatedly framed the attack in religious terms as a jihad against Christians.

Today, however, Turkey signals renewed interest in negotiating with Armenia. On July 1, Turkey agreed to open the border for cargo and non-Armenian, non-Turkish passport holders. Erdogan and Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan spoke directly as a result. While Turkish officials said they were coordinating with their Azerbaijani counterparts, Baku has been generally cool to Turkey’s diplomatic moves. The looming question now is whether Turkey truly wants to normalize ties with Armenia or, conversely, just wants to appear moderate.

There are ways to find out.

Rather than meet in Austria or other third countries, Turkey and Armenia can resume their talks in Ankara and Yerevan. Turkey signals willingness. Should Turkey be sincere, Turkish negotiators should pay their respects at the Armenian Genocide Memorial. They can also signal that they support a fair solution to the Nagorno-Karabakh dispute by encouraging Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev to resolve it rather than supporting his attempts to eliminate the Armenian population and erase their cultural heritage. The elimination of cultural heritage and restraint from ethnic cleansing should not be something over which Turkey should seek to bargain. Indeed, there is hypocrisy about Erdogan complaining about the treatment of Muslims while presiding over the elimination of Christian presence in Turkey, Azerbaijan, and even northern Syria.

It is in the interest of all parties to resolve disputes in the South Caucasus diplomatically. To do otherwise only benefits Russia and Iran. If the State Department wants to show diplomacy to be back, however, it can play a role. First, rather than reward Ankara for signaling conciliation, it should instead judge Turkey on the substance of its actions. Never again should Turkey reap the benefits of a policy it has no intention to implement. Second, it should appoint someone with ambassadorial rank to succeed U.S. Minsk Group Co-Chair Andrew Schofer, who has rotated into a new assignment. That the French and Russian co-chairs were ambassadors, but Schofer was a self-inflicted wound to U.S. influence. Third, maximalist approaches will never bring peace. Only cultural and political autonomy will. Artsakh is not Donetsk; it is not an artificial creation. Instead, it predates and has survived Ottoman, Soviet, and Azerbaijani attempts to erase it. It is time to embrace the Kosovo model.

Expert Biography – Now a 1945 Contributing Editor, Dr. Michael Rubin is a Senior Fellow at the American Enterprise Institute (AEI). Dr. Rubin is the author, coauthor, and coeditor of several books exploring diplomacy, Iranian history, Arab culture, Kurdish studies, and Shi’ite politics, including “Seven Pillars: What Really Causes Instability in the Middle East?” (AEI Press, 2019); “Kurdistan Rising” (AEI Press, 2016); “Dancing with the Devil: The Perils of Engaging Rogue Regimes” (Encounter Books, 2014); and “Eternal Iran: Continuity and Chaos” (Palgrave, 2005). You can follow him on Twitter: @mrubin1971.