Turkish press: CSTO to deploy peacekeeping troops in Kazakhstan

Ali Cura   |06.01.2022
Photo Credit: Collective Security Treaty Organization https://en.odkb-csto.org/


MOSCOW

A Russia-led military alliance announced late Wednesday that it will send peacekeeping troops to Kazakhstan, where massive riots stemming from nationwide protests over high fuel prices have led to a state of emergency and the resignation of the government. 

Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, the current chair of the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO), said the organization considered the threats to the national security and sovereignty of Kazakhstan before reaching the decision.

The CSTO Security Council, the highest body of the organization, decided to deploy peacekeeping forces to the country for a limited time in order to stabilize conditions in Kazakhstan, he said.

Earlier in the day, Kazakh President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev requested help from the CSTO, a military alliance that brings together six former Soviet republics including Russia, to put an end to the riots in the country, which he described as “a terrorist threat.”

– Protests in former Soviet country

The protests broke out on Jan. 2, when drivers in the city of Zhanaozen in the country’s oil-rich Mangystau region staged demonstrations against huge price hikes for liquefied petroleum gas (LPG), which later spread to the city of Aktau.

Supportive protests in the western cities of Atyrau, Aktobe and Oral, where the country’s petroleum and natural gas reserves are located, spread to other corners of Kazakhstan and turned into public demonstrations.

As the protests spread across the country, Tokayev declared a state of emergency in the city of Almaty and the Mangystau region from Jan. 5-19 to maintain public security. He also imposed a curfew in Almaty, the country’s former capital, where thousands of people had taken to the streets.

While police used stun grenades and teargas to disperse the protesters, they responded with stones. Clashes were also reported between the police and demonstrators.

Tokayev accepted the government’s resignation in a presidential decree. Later, demonstrations reached a nationwide level, followed by a countrywide state of emergency.

The government also decided Wednesday to introduce price controls on LPG, gasoline, diesel fuel and basic food products for 180 days.

*Writing and contributions by Dilan Pamuk in Ankara

Asbarez: New Date for Tufenkian Gallery’s to Showcase of Ara Oshagan’s Artwork

“How The World Might Be” Exhibition poster

LOS ANGELES—Tufenkian Fine Arts will present “How the World Might Be,” a solo show featuring artworks by Los Angeles-based photographer and installation artist Ara Oshagan. Oshagan will exhibit four series/projects, a film, and an installation that weave together the artist’s interests in diasporic possibility, legacies of dispossession, and (un)imagined futures. The exhibition will run from Friday, January 7, and will be on view through Saturday, February 5. The opening reception will take place on Saturday, January 15 from 4 to 8 p.m. and will include the launch of Oshagan’s book, “displaced.” This will be Oshagan’s second solo show with Tufenkian Gallery.

Oshagan is interested in the exploration of the ambiguities of his own identity and the crossing of physical, cultural, and linguistic boundaries. The artist lives and works directly amongst disrupted and marginalized communities which he seeks to document and explore through his work. In “How the World Might Be,” Oshagan employs photography, film, collage and installation to present a layered and multi-disciplinary vision that weaves a narrative intertwining documentary with the imaginary, text with image, fact with speculation, personal with collective history. “How the World Might Be”entangles past- present-future and imagines the possibility of what was and what might or might not be.

Ara Oshagan’s first project in the exhibition is a collaborative photography/literature project with preeminent diaspora author Krikor Beledian. “displaced” is a riff on diasporic memory, displacement, and the ambiguities of narrative and reflects on the diasporic spaces of Beirut and its attendant multi-generational legacies of violence and unending dispossession, focusing on the Bourj Hammoud enclave. “displaced” is published by Kehrer Verlag in Germany and will be launched at the exhibition opening. Beledian’s text is translated by Taline Voskeritchian and Chris Millis and is the author’s first major work to appear in English. The project is supported by the Gulbenkian Foundation.

Oshagan’s “Beirut Memory Project” series reflects upon on the artist’s relationship to the Lebanese civil war, an intervention of history that created a deeply personal and communal rupture. The digital collage series that the artist made in response to this conflict is an image-based speculation on healing this dislocation. It disrupts the fabric of the present- day (photographs in black and white) with images of pre-war family and community (in color). Structurally, the work is seen from today while embedding in that matrix what came before: a construction that looks back across a divide, across decades of rupture, absence, war, memory, and loss.

The artist’s next series, titled, “Shushi,” is a response to the re-colonization of Artsakh. Following the invasion of indigenous Armenian region of Artsakh by Azerbaijan in November 2020, Shushi, a historically Armenian town and the cultural center of the region found itself devoid of any indigenous inhabitants and occupied by a foreign state. The figures in these portraits stand in front of ancient Armenian texts from the region and the Armenian highlands that span centuries. The work imagines an arc of invisible history connecting the two: the ancient codex and embedded narrative re-contextualizing the deracinated present, keeping aloft a community, re-generating the indigenous moment.

Addressing similar issues of colonization, the artist’s next series, “Artsakh,” collects the scattered fragments of this now-deracinated community into a panorama of life and possibility. The work is a digital collage comprised of cutouts extracted from Oshagan’s photographic series, “FatherLand,” from Artsakh before colonization. The work creates a historic arc from the 1915 Catastrophe to the one still unfolding today. Contextualized by this history of genocide and violence against the Armenian highlands, the work also speaks to a cyclical panorama of history that ebbs and flows where resistance and de-colonization are still possibilities.

Collaborating further with Krikor Beledian, Oshagan’s last project is a temporary monument to the Western Armenian language. The immersive installation is comprised of multiple scrolls containing Beledian’s handwriting from the text for “displaced.” For the past several decades Beledian has been writing almost exclusively in Western Armenian, a language currently on the UN endangered list. The installation is an ode to his work and a monument to the future unvanishing of the language.

*Editor’s Note: An earlier version of this article indicated a different opening date and time.




Armenia to chennai: a christmas tale

Jan 6 2022

X mas eve reminds me of a steady stream of people holding candles and wading their way

By Vaishali Vijaykumar
Express News Service

This puffed pastry (Gata) is baked with a coin; one lucky person will find it in their gata 

CHENNAI: X mas eve reminds me of a steady stream of people holding candles and wading their way through the snow-filled roads after attending their evening mass at church. People bring Christmas fire from churches to their homes, believing it will bless their families and bring success. As a tradition, the candle is kept burning all through the day,” reminisces Ashkhen Khachatryan. This Armenian national is all set to celebrate Christmas today as per their tradition while the rest of the world indulged in its share of merrymaking ten days ago.

A home away from home

Ashkhen is one of the few Armenians living in the city. Over seven years ago, she decided to make Chennai her home, after marrying the love of her life, Kapil Jesudian. But come Christmas, her heart beats for her friends and family back in her motherland.

As an annual ritual, Ashkhen, Kapil and their son Suren visit The Armenian Church in George Town, on Christmas Eve. “On this day, the church also celebrates the ‘Epiphany’ (which means the revelation that Jesus is God’s son). Epiphany is now mainly the time churches remember the visit of the wise men to meet Jesus; but some churches, like the Armenian Apostolic Church, also celebrate the Baptism of Jesus when he started his ministry on Epiphany day,” details the Anna Nagar resident. 

But given the sparse population of Armenians in the city, Christmas mass is not a routine at the church. “We virtually listen to the main service performed in Armenia. The mass usually begins with bells ringing, incense burning, the Lord’s prayer being said and religious songs being played. Greetings of “Shnorhavor Amanor ev Surb Tsnund’’ (Happy New Year and Merry Christmas) are exchanged,” she notes.

Of stories and sentiments

In the pre-pandemic days, every Christmas after the mass, Ashkhen and family used to host the Armenians of Chennai at their abode to an elaborate spread with heirloom delicacies. She would single-handedly recreate a taste of home with a menu that comprises rice cooked with dry fruits and raisins; fish, salads, greens, tahnabour, a yogurt soup; gata, a puffed pastry; ghapama (traditional Armenian dish made of pumpkin stuffed with pilaf and cooked in the oven); and wine. All of them neatly arranged on a table with a cover bearing traditional motifs, a special vase and fancy cutlery.

While it’s going to be a muted affair this year, Ashkhen fills our stomach and soul with stories from previous years. “The meal is light and does not include meat. These recipes are passed down through generations. Christmas lunch at home is memorable because siblings from different towns of Armenia meet under one roof for a holiday. We play a special game. Gatas used to be baked with  a coin. People say that the one who finds the coin in his piece of gata will be the luckiest during the year. The door is always open for guests and we also visit our family members to exchange gifts,” she shares.

It has been two years since she celebrated Christmas in her hometown. “I went just before the pandemic. The last two years, we’ve been wishing each other through video calls on important occasions. Fortunately, I got some dry fruits like black plums and cherries from home because they are more flavourful and rich in Armenia. Baking soda and some greens are also sourced from there and stocked in our fridge. Food can be a powerful tool in connecting you to your roots,” she says.

Embracing diversity

Married into a family of Protestants, Ashkhen rejoices that she can celebrate Christmas twice — each in its unique way. “Some rituals are similar but I love the differences. My husband’s family visits the church for an early morning mass, comes home to have a hearty breakfast of stew and appam, distributes sweets, snacks and savouries to neighbours and enjoys biryani (either turkey or mutton) for lunch and bursts crackers in the evening. My father-in-law decks up the house with a pretty Christmas tree, fancy lighting and stars. Back home, instead of baubles and trinkets, we would decorate the tree with candies, handmade fabric dolls and fruits like pomegranate, apples and pears. For me, it’s all about embracing both these cultures and I’ve learnt a lot,” she shares.  

Of all the memories, the ritual of her father hiding presents under the pillow has stayed with her since childhood. “As kids, we are told that Dzmer Papik (Winter grandpa, as Santa Claus is called) comes to visit children on December 31, with his granddaughter, Dzyunanushik (Snow Sweetie). Santa visits us on New Year’s Eve and not on Christmas. This fairytale will stay with me forever,” says Ashkhen. 

Over the years, despite the dwindling count of the Armenian community that keeps migrating in and out of the city, families like Ashkhen’s are trying to uphold the legacy of their traditions. “We don’t miss any opportunity to get together with fellow members at the church. We usually gather on memorial days, Christmas Eve and Armenian Genocide Day. I also visit my friends whenever time permits. My son, the next generation, observes the customs we follow and actively takes part in all celebrations. He’s interested in learning about our culture. That’s promising for now,” says a hopeful Ashkhen.
Here’s looking forward to seeing more Armenians in the city bringing in their share of diversity and history for posterity.

My Armenian Christmas reminds me how traditions are reinvented in times of crisis

Jan 6 2022

Armenians celebrate Christmas on 6 January – and this year we will make a virtue of necessity.

By Anoosh Chakelian

approached Christmas Day, as I imagine many New Statesman readers did, with my eyes smarting from a swab up my nose, and an imaginary two-metre force field around my 89-year-old Nana. It was a jollier, better-attended celebration than the inaugural St Scrooge’s Day of 2020, but the build-up was laden with doom. Not only did the memory of the previous year’s 11th-hour lockdown weigh heavy, but warnings of a Brexit/Covid mix of supply-chain bottlenecks, rising prices and food shortages “cancelling Christmas” haunted the headlines.

As a rush on petrol caused chaos, Boris Johnson promised the nation we would “get through to Christmas and beyond”. It was a myopic approach to planning. Emergency visas for foreign lorry drivers and poultry workers (“truckers and pluckers”) – vital for keeping shelves stocked and solving the poultry shortage that closed around 50 Nando’s branches in the summer – were supposed to expire on Christmas Eve. (Eventually, they were extended until 28 February and New Year’s Eve respectively.)

Urging the public to book their boosters to “save Christmas”, the Prime Minister appeared to be fixated on staggering on until the big day – and not much further.

For the first time, I found myself looking forward to Armenian Christmas more than “English” Christmas. Armenians celebrate Christmas on 6 January. Until the fourth century, so did all Christians. When the Roman empire adopted Christianity, the date was changed to replace a pagan feast day on 25 December known as “Saturnalia”, which marked “the birth of the sun” – the days growing longer. Armenia, the first country to adopt Christianity as its national religion (in AD 301), already had an established church calendar, so stuck to the original day.

All this really means for my family is more hoovering, as our Christmas tree stays up longer than everyone else’s (alas – my sister and I never managed to wangle two sets of presents).

Although as a baby I was fully baptised as Armenian Orthodox (and they really dunk you in; home videos show my English relatives looking politely concerned amid the incense and chanting of St Sarkis church as I’m immersed, wailing, in holy water), our celebration of Armenian Christmas was always an improvised hotchpotch of tradition.

We’d pull leftover crackers, eat home-made Lebanese mezze, barbecue lamb and chicken kebabs – my dad brandishing tongs in the snow – and for pudding share galette des rois, a pastry cake served mainly in France for the Epiphany.

Even the language we use for the Armenian Christmas table is uniquely ours. Lamb kofte (spiced minced meat on a skewer) is “Armenian hamburger”, khobez (classic Lebanese flatbread) is “Arabic bread”. I describe lahmajun (a thin dough base topped with mincemeat, herbs and tomatoes) as “Armenian pizza”, and nickname loubia b’zeit (green bean and tomato stew) “bean surprise”. My dad’s signature aubergine dish is “the priest who fainted” (more commonly known by its Ottoman name imam bayildi, it is so delicious it supposedly made the imam/priest – delete according to heritage – who first tasted it swoon).

On 6 January 2019, the first Armenian Christmas after my dad died, we scrambled to establish a new tradition: I would now host the meal at my flat in east London. I lack winter barbecuing skills but I’ve taught myself some dishes over the years. Our smoke alarm regularly sends my boyfriend racing into the kitchen to find me charring four aubergines on the open flames of our gas hob, feeling connected to my roots but apprehensive about how net zero will affect the depth of flavour in my moutabal (smoky aubergine dip).

We had to skip this nascent tradition in 2021 during the January lockdown, so I’ve been tentatively planning a feast to make up for it this year, which includes both staples and innovations. Vegetarian and vegan guests mean no meat kebabs, and a huge pot of “bean surprise” becoming the focal dish. Tahini for hummus and pomegranate molasses for muhammara (a walnut and red pepper dip) will double up as ingredients for dairy-free brownies. As a stereotypical millennial observing Dry January, I’ll be toasting with Middle Eastern mint lemonade instead of the customary arak (a fiendishly strong aniseed spirit). Armenian coffee remains Armenian coffee: strong, thick and, once drunk, tipped upside-down to read fortunes in the grounds.

An estimated 700,000 Brits isolated over Christmas in 2021, resulting in new festive routines (I know a house-share of 30-somethings who made Mexican food together for “fajismas”). British Muslims have had to adapt to celebrating Eid al-Fitr and Eid al-Adha under restrictions, unable to break their fast with friends and family. Open-air prayer services established during lockdown continue in some local parks.

The “rule of six” in 2020 arrived days ahead of Rosh Hashanah (Jewish New Year), and some families attended an outdoor synagogue service, isolated in their cars, honking horns instead of the traditional blowing of the shofar(ram’s horn). Diwali fell in the second lockdown of November 2020, leaving Hindus, Sikhs and Jains to celebrate virtually – even turning to TikTok to watch and share Bhangra dances. Some parents, still fearful after restrictions were lifted, sent parcels of homemade Indian sweets instead of hosting their children the following year.

Customs change as we move away from home, lose those we love, or, nowadays, bump up against public health restrictions. Yet the old impulse to make a virtue of necessity thrives across Britain’s patchwork of communities. It is this spirit, every year, that saves Christmas, Eid, and maybe even Saturnalia, somewhere, too.

https://www.newstatesman.com/uncategorized/2022/01/my-armenian-christmas-reminds-me-how-traditions-are-reinvented-in-times-of-crisis

The Armenians and the Jews: a look in the mirror

The Times of Israel
Jan 5 2022

The other day, I happened to be in my local dry cleaners, when I heard a customer saying something to the owner, in a language that I did not understand.

“What did that gentleman just say to you?” I asked.

The owner replied: “He was wishing me a merry Christmas. It is the Armenian Orthodox Christmas.”

An awkward silence.

“You know,” I said, “I am a Jew,, and I have always felt a kinship with the Armenian people.”

He held up his hand, and said: “I know. I know.”

The poet Joel Rosenberg writes:

I count the ways we are alike

I cite the kingdoms of our former glory — which, for both of us, perhaps, had been a bit too much to handle,

As it has been ever since.

I cite our landless outposts

of diaspora, strewn close along the rivers

and the shores of human habitation

that branch outward from the founts

of Paradise. I cite our neighboring

quarters in the walled Jerusalem,

our holy men in black, our past

in Scripture, and our overlapping

sacred sites. I cite our reverence for family ties, the polar worlds of grandfathers and grandmothers…

Our Middle Eastern food, our enterprise, our reedy and Levantine tunes.

Our immigration histories, the grainy profiles

our ironic manner, our eccentric uncles. Our clustering in cities

Our cherishing of books

Our vexed and aching homelands.

Why should Jews be talking about this? Even as Armenians observe Christmas, the nation faces hostility from authoritarian Muslim neighbors. Armenian’s neighbor, Azerbaijan, still holds prisoners of war that it captured in 2020; it labors to physically eradicate all traces of Armenia’s ancient Christian heritage; and it covets control of sovereign Armenian land to establish an eastward corridor for Turkey.

So, this is a basic truth: Jews, who are another democratic minority in a Muslim region, should not be silent.

But, there is something else. Because when we look at the Armenians, it is as if we are looking in the mirror – and it is not even the sweet truth that our quarters, the Armenian and the Jewish, are adjacent to each other in the Old City of Jerusalem. (I have visited the Museum of the Armenian Genocide, in the Armenian Quarter, and found it heartbreaking – especially because I was the only one there.)

Let us go back, to more than a century ago. In the waning days of the Ottoman Empire, the Armenians were seen as a foreign element in Turkish society — and, in this sense, they occupied the same place as the Jews of the Ottoman Empire.

Like the Jews, the Armenian Christians challenged the traditional hierarchy of Ottoman society.

Like the Jews, they became better-educated, wealthier and more urban.

Like Germany’s “Jewish problem” the Turks talked about “the Armenian question.”

The Turkish army killed a million and a half Armenians. Sometimes, Turkish soldiers would forcibly convert Armenian children and young women to Islam. In his memoirs, the US Ambassador Henry Morgenthau wrote that the Turks had worked, day and night, to perfect new methods of inflicting agony, even delving into the records of the Spanish Inquisition and reviving its torture methods. So many Armenian bodies wound up in the Euphrates that the mighty river changed its course for a hundred yards.

In America, the newspaper headlines screamed of systematic race extermination. Parents cajoled their children to be frugal with their food, “for there are starving children in Armenia.”

In 1915 alone, The New York Times published 145 articles about the Armenian genocide. Americans raised $100 million in aid for the Armenians. Activists, politicians, religious leaders, diplomats, intellectuals and ordinary citizens called for intervention, but nothing happened.

The Armenians call their genocide Meds Yeghern (”the Great Catastrophe”). It was to become the model of all genocides and ethnic cleansing. It served the Nazis as a model — not only the act of genocide, but also the passive amnesia. “Who talks about the Armenians anymore?” Hitler quipped.

More than this: the way that Armenian theologians responded to the horror echoed the way that Jews responded to the Shoah.

In 1915, in the small town of Kourd Belen, the Turks ordered 800 Armenian families to abandon their homes. The priest was Khoren Hampartsoomian, age 85. As he led his people from the village, neighboring Turks taunted the priest: “Good luck, old man. Whom are you going to bury today?”

The old priest replied: “God. God is dead and we are rushing to his funeral.”

So, too, those post-Holocaust theologians, like the late Richard Rubenstein, who believed that the idea of God had perished in Auschwitz.

After the Shoah, Jews cried aloud to God: “O God, how could You do this to us, the children of Your covenant?”

After the genocide, Armenian theologians cried: “God, how could this have happened to us, for we were the first people to adopt Christianity as a state religion?”

Some Armenian Christians referred to the story of Sodom and Gomorrah and asked: “Were there not even 50 Armenians who could have been saved?”

After the Shoah, Jews cried: “We must have sinned. God has used the Nazis as a club against us.” Armenians cried: “We must have sinned. God used the Turks as a club against us.”

After the Shoah, Jews pondered: “The ways of God and of evil are unknowable.”

So, too, the Armenians: “It is not understandable in human terms. God’s ways are not our ways. It is all a very great mystery now, but in heaven we will find the answers to our many whys.”

Some Jews have wanted to hoard the concept of genocide: “What happened to the Armenians was not as bad as the Holocaust!’”

True, but that is an extremely high and ghastly bar to set. No genocide has approached the scale of the Shoah.

Not all genocides are created equal.

Jews were killed wherever they lived in Europe; by contrast, Armenians outside of Armenia were relatively safe.

Antisemitism is a deep, pervasive moral illness; by contrast, there is no such thing as “anti-Armenianism” in the collective psyche of the world.

But, if Jews do not allow the world to compare the Holocaust to other genocides, then its relevance to the world will wither.

And when that happens, Jews would be inflicted by moral laryngitis, losing their ability to speak truth to the world.

We Jews wish our Armenian friends and neighbors: Շնորհավոր Սուրբ Ծնունդ. A blessed Christmas.

I hope to return to Jerusalem this summer. Among my first stops will be the Armenian Quarter – to admire the crafts, the pottery – and yes, as I always do, to study the maps on its walls that tell a story of darkness that mirrors our own.

ABOUT THE AUTHOR
Jeffrey K. Salkin is the rabbi of Temple Israel in West Palm Beach, Florida, and a frequent writer on Jewish and cultural matters. He also blogs frequently at Martini Judaism: for those who want to be shaken and stirred, published by Religion News Service.
 

Turkey to Meet Armenia to Resolve Conflict in Russian Backyard

Bloomberg
Jan 6 2022

Towards Turkish-Armenian normalisation?

Egypt – Jan 6 2022
Sayed Abdel-Meguid , Thursday 6 Jan 2022

Talks are taking place between Turkey and Armenia that could lead to the normalisation of relations between the two countries

Ankara has suddenly begun to court Yerevan, and the latter appears to be interested.

Within three days of each other in mid-December, the two capitals appointed special envoys for talks aiming to revive bilateral relations frozen since 1993. If the negotiations, to be sponsored by Moscow, are successful, they could lead to a meeting between Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan and Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, the former told Sputnik news on 24 December.

However, despite such steps, prospects of success seem far from certain, according to Fehim Tasktekin in the website Al-Monitor. “Nagorno-Karabakh may no longer be an obstacle to Armenian-Turkish normalisation, yet political and psychological stumbling blocks remain intact,” he said.

Ankara sees Armenia as a permanent thorn in its side, with the “Armenian lobby” in Washington and other Western capitals constantly raking up the humanitarian tragedy that befell Armenians under the former Ottoman Empire and exhorting them to pressure Turkey to own up to what it was: genocide.

Ankara sticks to its own reading of that history, saying that the Turks had founded a new republic in the 1920s and therefore should not be associated with the crimes of the Ottoman Empire. Besides, atrocities were committed by both sides, it says.

The Armenians refute that claim and counter with reams of testimonies and historical accounts thoroughly documenting the forced marches, massacres and other cruelties that led to hundreds of thousands of Armenians dead and attesting to a deliberate policy of annihilation.

Although no political party in Turkey is prepared to recognise the Armenian Genocide, apart from the progressive pro-Kurdish People’s Democratic Party (HDP), there has been a degree of softening and introspection in some political quarters, especially the more Western-oriented ones that share the views of many NGOs and rights groups.

At a more pragmatic level, some believe that their country’s attitude towards the Armenian question is an obstacle to international and regional acceptance. They realise that keeping the matter unresolved does not serve Turkish interests in the US and Europe. The only solution, therefore, is to break the taboo on the subject and discuss it rationally in the hope of arriving at some sort of “compromise”.

This could entail activating the stalled 2009 agreement that called for the establishment of an international commission to investigate the mass killing of Armenians during World War I.

Although discussions of the matter in Turkey have received little attention in the predominately government-dominated press, they appear to have support among academic circles in universities and research centres, as well as in some quarters of the public at large, especially those affiliated with the People’s Republican Party (CHP), Turkey’s largest political party.

Despite the government’s iron grip on the press, the CHP and other opposition forces, which can reach the public through the Internet and social media, have been drawing voters away from the dwindling ranks of Erdogan’s ruling AKP.

Indeed, a main reason behind his initiative to kickstart normalisation talks with Yerevan was precisely to pull the rug out from under the opposition’s feet.

It is no coincidence that the initiative was launched at the height of the Turkish lira’s unprecedented nosedive, with its implications in terms of runaway inflation and the worsening economic straits of the vast majority of Turkish citizens.

Against this backdrop, the pro-government media has billed the rapprochement with Yerevan as a prelude to Turkey’s political and economic expansion towards the Caspian Sea and Central Asia via linkups through a proposed corridor between Turkey and Azerbaijan passing through the autonomous Azerbaijani exclave of Nakhichevan along the Turkish border.

Erdogan also calculates that the initiative could reduce tensions with both Brussels and the US, which would have payoffs for Turkey’s beleaguered economy. Pashinyan might be operating on a similar calculus which, as Tastekin observes, seems to rest on opening Armenia’s borders as a means to strengthen its economy and eventually reduce its dependence on Russia.

However, even if it takes off, the normalisation drive will run up against walls of resistance among nationalists on both sides. Pashinyan is in a stronger position, having survived a bid to vote him out of power in early elections in June 2021. But in Turkey, the situation is a little more complicated.

The ultranationalists, as represented by the extremist National Movement Party (MHP), are not that numerous, but they are vocal and, more importantly, they are the AKP’s junior partner in the People’s Alliance and the key to the parliamentary majority that Erdogan relies on.

If the MHP fell out with Erdogan over the normalisation question to the point of rupturing their electoral alliance – though this is unlikely as it would be tantamount to political suicide – it would set the country on the path to early elections.

The AKP would be unlikely to perform well in those, and judging by recent opinion polls, the opposition would prevail and then follow the path towards normalisation.

A version of this article appears in print in the 6 January, 2022 edition of Al-Ahram Weekly.

 

Turkey and Armenia to hold talks on restoring ties next week

Jan 6 2022

Turkey and Armenia to hold talks on restoring ties next week

Turkish and Armenian foreign ministries say their representatives will meet in the Russian capital on 14 January

By 

MEE staff

The special envoys of Turkey and Armenia are expected to meet in the Russian capital next week as the two countries take steps towards normalising ties, the foreign ministries of both countries have announced.

Vahan Hunanyan, a spokesman for the Armenian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, wrote on Facebook on Wednesday that first meeting of the special representatives of Armenia and Turkey would be held on 14 January in Moscow, without elaborating further. The news was confirmed in a similar statement from Ankara's foreign mininstry.

Special envoys Serdar Kilic, a former Turkish ambassador to the US, and Armenia's deputy parliamentary speaker, Ruben Rubinyan, are expected to work on a roadmap that will cover a series of confidence-building measures, Turkish Foreign Minister Mevlut Cavusoglu said last week.

Armenia and Turkey signed a landmark peace accord in 2009 to restore ties and open their shared border after decades, but the deal was never ratified and ties have remained tense.

During the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, Ankara supported Azerbaijan and accused Yerevan of occupying Azeri territories.

Before the war, Azerbaijan had been blocking Turkish attempts to open the border with Armenia, saying Yerevan must first withdraw from its occupied territories. However, Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev said last year that their stance on the issue had changed.

Turkish-Armenian normalisation gathers pace as Ankara expects gradual success

Read More »

Last year, US President Joe Biden declared the mass killings of Armenians by Ottoman forces during World War I a genocide, a move that irked the government of President Recep Tayyip Erdogan.

At the time, Turkish officials told Middle East Eye that the move would also harm reconciliation efforts with Armenia.

While Erdogan has sent several messages of condolence to the Armenians over the past few years, the Turkish government also maintains that Turkish citizens were also killed by Armenians during the war.

The Turkish president has for years called for the establishment of a joint historical committee with Armenia to establish "the facts on the issue".

More than 30 countries, including Germany, France, Italy, Bulgaria, Russia, Greece, and the Netherlands, the Armenian killings as a genocide, as does the Catholic Church and European Council.

Historians say an estimated 1.5 million Armenians were killed in Ottoman-controlled territory through systematic deportations, starvation and murder.

While Turkey acknowledges that many Armenians died during the conflict, the Turkish government denies the killings were part of a mass systemised murder.

Turkey, Armenia to hold exploratory talks in Moscow next week

Jan 6 2022

Turkish and Armenian officials will hold a first meeting next week aimed at restoring diplomatic relations frozen for almost three decades.

Special representatives of the two countries will meet in Moscow on Jan.14, the Turkish Foreign Ministry reported on Wednesday.

Diplomatic ties between Turkey and Armenia have been suspended for 28 years due to Armenia’s extended military standoff with Azerbaijan over the disputed region of Nagorno-Karabakh, which the two countries fought over in late 2020. Turkey sided with Azerbaijan in that brief conflict.

Turkey and Armenia signed two bilateral protocols in Zurich, Switzerland, in 2009 aimed at normalising ties, but they have not been ratified by either of the country’s parliaments.

Armenia has handed back territories in Nagorno-Karabakh to Azerbaijan as part of a Russia-brokered ceasefire signed by the two sides in November 2020, following six weeks of clashes. Turkey, which provided military hardware and know-how to Azerbaijan in the conflict, is now calling on Armenia to allow it to trade with Azerbaijan through a land corridor controlled by Yerevan.

Over the past few months, Ankara and Yerevan have made positive statements about restoring their bilateral relations. At the end of August, Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan said his government would evaluate Turkey’s diplomatic gestures for the establishment of peace in the region and respond to positive signals. Turkey can work toward gradually normalising ties because Armenia has stated its readiness, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan said in response. In December, both countries appointed special envoys to this end.

Armenia announced last month that it would end a ban on the importing of Turkish goods on Dec.31. It had implemented the measure in response to Turkey’s support of Azerbaijan in the Nagorno-Karabakh war.

Turkish and Armenian envoys to meet in Moscow next week

Jan 5 2022
The two representatives will meet to discuss normalizing relations between the neighboring countries for the first time in decades.

January 5, 2022

Special envoys from Turkey and Armenia will meet for the first time on January 14 in Moscow, their respective foreign ministries announced on Wednesday.

Ankara and Yerevan lack diplomatic relations. But in December, the neighboring countries agreed to name special envoys to lay the groundwork for normalization. 

The Turkish Foreign Ministry named career diplomat Serdar Kilic, a former Turkish ambassador to the US, as its special envoy. Armenia appointed deputy parliament speaker Ruben Rubinyan as Kilic’s counterpart. 

Turkey shut its borders to Armenia in 1993 in solidarity with its ally Azerbaijan, which was locked in a bitter war with Armenia over the Nagorno-Karabakh region. In 2020, Ankara backed Baku in its latest conflict with Yerevan over the disputed enclave, which after six weeks ended in a Russian-brokered truce. 

Turkey and Armenia’s relationship is also strained over the mass killing of up to 1.5 million Armenians at the hands of Ottoman forces beginning in 1915. Ankara has long denied that a genocide took place. 

The planned meeting comes as Turkey seeks to mend ties with a number of other countries in the region, including Israel, Egypt and several Gulf states. This week, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan announced plans to visit Saudi Arabia in February. 

In a sign that the relations between Armenia and Turkey are improving, Armenia’s economy ministry announced in late December that it was lifting an embargo on Turkish imports that was imposed during last year's 44-day war. 

Turkish Foreign Minister Mevlut Cavusoglu said last month that bothTurkish and Armenian airlines have applied to provide flights between Istanbul and Yerevan.