More than 50 people questioned over Surmalu blast

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 16:15,

YEREVAN, AUGUST 17, ARMENPRESS. More than 50 people have been questioned by authorities in the Surmalu market explosion case, the Investigative Committee spokesperson Vardan Tadevosyan told ARMENPRESS.

Those questioned include victims and owners of shops in the venue. However, the owner of the trade center itself hasn’t been questioned so far.

“There is no defendant in the case [yet],” Tadevosyan said.

The criminal case is opened on Violation of Fire Safety Rules Causing Deaths and Violating of Safety Rules for Storing, Transporting, Using or Supplying Flammable or Incendiary Materials Causing Death.

UK flag flies at half-mast at Yerevan Embassy in memory of victims of Surmalu blast

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 16:42,

YEREVAN, AUGUST 17, ARMENPRESS.  The UK’s flag is flying at half-mast in front of the British Embassy in Yerevan today in memory of the victims of the blast at Surmalu shopping centre on 14 August, the British Embassy said in a statement.

“At this difficult moment, the British Embassy sends its deep condolences to the people of Armenia,” it added.

On Sunday 14 August, UK Ambassador John Gallagher wrote on Twitter:

“Shocked and deeply saddened by the news of the explosion at Surmalu shopping centre this afternoon. My thoughts are with the victims and their loved ones. I wish those injured a full and speedy recovery.”

Two days of national mourning are declared in Armenia in memory of the victims of the Surmalu trade center explosion.

Charles Michel extends condolences to families of victims of Yerevan explosion

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 16:45,

YEREVAN, AUGUST 17, ARMENPRESS. President of the European Council Charles Michel extended condolences to the families of the victims of the Yerevan explosion.

“Today I join all Armenians in their mourning for the lives lost in the tragic explosion at Sumalu market in Yerevan. My sincere condolences to the families that lost their loved ones. I wish speedy recovery to all injured,” Michel tweeted.

Two days of national mourning are declared in Armenia in memory of the victims of the Surmalu trade center explosion.

Central Bank of Armenia: exchange rates and prices of precious metals – 17-08-22

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 17:15,

YEREVAN, 17 AUGUST, ARMENPRESS. The Central Bank of Armenia informs “Armenpress” that today, 17 August, USD exchange rate down by 0.13 drams to 405.96 drams. EUR exchange rate up by 1.53 drams to 412.94 drams. Russian Ruble exchange rate up by 0.08 drams to 6.70 drams. GBP exchange rate up by 2.97 drams to 491.13 drams.

The Central Bank has set the following prices for precious metals.

Gold price down by 30.27 drams to 23165.19 drams. Silver price down by 2.76 drams to 262.67 drams. Platinum price stood at 16414.1 drams.

Prime Ministers of Armenia, Russia discuss trade cooperation issues

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 19:03,

YEREVAN, AUGUST 17, ARMENPRESS. Russian Prime Minister Mikhail Mishustin had a telephone conversation with the Prime Minister of the Republic of Armenia Nikol Pashinyan, ARMENPRESS was informed from the website of the Russian Government.

"The Heads of Governments discussed the key issues of Russian-Armenian cooperation in the trade and economic sphere and the implementation of joint projects in various fields.

Mikhail Mishustin and Nikol Pashinyan also discussed the priority issues of expanding cooperation in the Eurasian Economic Union and the preparation of the session of the Eurasian Intergovernmental Council to be held on August 25-26 in Cholpon-Ata (Kyrgyz Republic)," the press release states.

President Tokayev condoles with Armenian PM over Yerevan explosion victims

Aug 17 2022

NUR-SULTAN. KAZINFORM – President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev of Kazakhstan has extended his heartfelt condolences to Prime Minister of Armenia Nikol Pashinyan and the Armenian people on the occasion of the tragedy at the Surmalu market that claimed many lives, Kazinform has learned from the Akorda press service.

In the telegram of condolences the Head of State conveyed the words of deep sympathy to the bereaved families and those injured in the explosion.

Recall that the explosion rocked the Surmalu market in Yerevan on August 14 claiming lives of 16 people and injuring another 18.

Ice cream company goes digital in Armenia

Aug 17 2022

By Nick Thompson

Based in Yerevan, Armenia, Pink Berry specialises in the production of soft serve and packaged ice cream. Founded in 2017 and known for its colourful branding and unique flavour combinations, the business has become a market leader in the country.

With support from the EBRD’s Women in Business programme and the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (SIDA), Pink Berry sought to introduce a raft of digital solutions to increase automation and streamline processes. This has allowed the company to operate more efficiently, increase the quality of its products and provide a better service for customers at its boutique cafes.

The foundations of an aspiring entrepreneur

Pink Berry has unusual origins: co-founder and CEO Ani Gyazaryan’s path to entrepreneurship was atypical, yet unsurprising to those around her.

Following school, Ani studied international relations to Master’s level before pursuing a career in the banking sector for six years. Her professional success and a burning desire to do something more creative and entrepreneurial were pushing her in two very different directions. Eventually, the latter won out and sparked the foundation of a viable business and her move away from banking. It was a risk ­– but one that has clearly paid off.

Pink Berry started as a passion project by Ani and her husband Levon, developed for their eldest son Davit, whose love for ice cream inspired them to create a range of delicious homemade flavours to compete with the ordinary commercial offerings at the time. They quickly mastered the process and realised that it could become a feasible business venture when family, friends and acquaintances told them how good their products were. The couple took the leap, scaling up production in earnest as they sought to establish the business in the marketplace.

The company stands out for its creative approach to flavour development, playful branding, sustainable packaging and commitment to high quality, unique and delicious ice cream that dictates trends in the market. Indeed, wild berry, and mango and passion fruit have become the most popular flavours in the country, and were introduced by Pink Berry to the local population.

EBRD support for business development and digitalisation

As Pink Berry began to see daily growth and increased sales, issues related to business administration within the company increased exponentially. This is where the EBRD’s Women in Business programme and SIDA came in.

“The digitalisation programmes we undertook through the EBRD have had a substantial impact, helping our business management processes and oversight become more streamlined, productive and efficient. They helped us create new packaging and increase sales through advertising campaigns, and provided advice on financial optimisation,” says Ani.

These improvements allowed the business to focus on growing and delivering on its environmental goals, with a stronger emphasis placed on the green economy within the company.

Indeed, Pink Berry produces all its new ice creams in eco-friendly paper packaging, and production is optimised to limit waste wherever possible. Any paper waste is recycled, and food scraps are donated to charity, so the company is doing its bit to limit its impact on the environment and become more sustainable.

A rosy future

Pink Berry recognises the value of its staff, placing a high degree of focus on ensuring that employees develop alongside the business. To Ani, her staff are the most important resource underlying sustainable business development.

“We constantly invest in human resources, seeking out high-level talent and nurturing existing potential through professional qualification opportunities,” Ani explains. “We have competitive salaries, open motivational programmes and regular team-building sessions. That's why we have such a young, loyal and strong group. A team where everyone is equally valued, without discrimination.”

This sense of unity has helped the business thrive, overcoming many economic headwinds and external challenges since its formation in 2017. At present, Pink Berry has about 150 employees, with plans to double that number in 2023. With the recent growth, the company has adjusted its immediate and long-term goals in tandem, as it plans for expansion.

“As a result of franchising partnerships, Pink Berry’s sales points are increasing and we want to continue to establish these and our ice cream boutiques throughout Armenia,” says Ani. “We also want to identify export opportunities and capture new markets. Domestically, our ambition is to continue increasing our market share and improve on our current market position through innovation, product development and building on existing brand awareness.”

The inside scoop is that Ani and her team are in a strong position to achieve these targets and disrupt their competition in the local market and beyond!

Armenia: Geography as Geopolitical Kryptonite

Aug 17 2022


Armenia is a country still recuperating from the disastrous 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh War, a conflict that illustrated its precarious geopolitical position. Wedged between two hostile nations of Turkey and Azerbaijan, Yerevan has had little choice but to rely on the protection and vassalage of Russia.

Following the Russian invasion of Ukraine, Armenia finds itself in an even more precarious situation. Facing potential new military aggression with Azerbaijan, growing normalization talks with Turkey, and a drift away from the Kremlin, Armenia finds itself in one of the most fraught geopolitical standoffs existing in the world today—and the wrong move against one of the three authoritative leaders of these countries could spell disaster.

Armenia has historically been used as a battleground between world powers due to its strategic location in the Caucasus. Between the Romans and Persians fighting over control of the country to the Arabs, Turks, and Russians—Armenians persisted and continued to survive endless conflicts and even a genocide. The country’s winds of change blew once again during the Bolshevik Revolution where the ‘Wilsonian Armenia’ idea died, and the Soviets annexed the country into the USSR. Ever since then, Armenia has found itself under the boot of the Kremlin.

After the fall of the Soviet Union, Armenia engaged in a years-long  war with Azerbaijan over the region known as Karabakh. The war saw several massacres on both sides and mass displacement of refugees, with the origins of the conflict tracing back to border manipulations created by Moscow. The region, which has had an Armenian majority for over a thousand years, was transferred to Azerbaijan by Josef Stalin, a Soviet dictator who was not averse to deporting millions of people out from their homelands to “conform” to the Soviet lifestyle.

Despite the early nineties war ending with a decisive Armenian victory, the region is still internationally recognized as Azerbaijan and the war created a refugee crisis that is still not resolved to this day.

After years of pro-Kremlin prime ministers, many of which were shrouded in controversy stemming from either corruption or negligence, the Armenian military and Artsakh Defense Forces were left in a hollowed-out state. Meanwhile, Azerbaijan quietly built up its own military following the disaster of the 1994 war. Ilham Aliyev, president of Azerbaijan since 2003, used his country’s oil wealth to his advantage, signing defense contracts with Turkey, Israel, and Russia—the same nation that promised to protect Armenia and incorporated it into the CTSO collective security framework, which effectively tied Armenia’s ongoing security to its willingness to appease the Kremlin.

In 2018, Armenians took to the streets to protest decades of corruption, deposing a leadership structure rife with oligarchs and other Kremlin-linked figures. This was known as the Velvet Revolution, which has created consequences felt to this day.

Under the administration of Nikol Pashinyan, there have been several OSCE Minsk Group conferences to press the issue of the peace process between Baku and Yerevan, only to quickly falter each time. Aliyev had continued to build up his military while the inexperienced Pashinyan focused more on corruption from past administrations rather than bolstering defenses for the inevitable war to come. The first major clashes took place between Pashinyan’s Armenia and Aliyev’s Azerbaijan in the Tavush region of Armenia in July 2020, lasting several days. A quick ceasefire was established, though in retrospect the fighting was likely a combat test for the wider clashes to come later in the year.

Using the most opportunistic time during the United Nations General Assembly, Azerbaijan launched a war against Armenia and the Artsakh Defense Forces in September 2020, an operation that actually changed the face of conventional warfare forever. Using the now-infamous Baykar Bayraktar TB2 advanced drone platform from Turkey, the Azerbaijani military hit Armenian logistical supply chains, convoys, and troops in open territory, resulting in stunning success on the battlefield and, subsequently, serious psychological blows as the footage was quickly disseminated across the Internet.

Armenia suffered from its reliance on Soviet-era military doctrines and weaponry that a conventional military could not manage against a more well-armed conventional force. Toward the end of the war, Armenia could have used its geography to embark on a war of attrition against Azerbaijan akin to the Taliban’s methods of holding out against NATO forces, but the country’s leader signaled for capitulation, giving way to an unpredictable future.

The capitulation of Armenia was met by a trilateral agreement between Yerevan and Baku, mediated by Moscow. Though Azerbaijan had won the war, many people have mused that Russia was the true winner. The Kremlin, which stayed idle most of the war, showed Armenia that it had to depend on Russia to survive, and expects complete loyalty from here on out. They also gained a near permanent foothold in the Karabakh region, solidifying Russia’s influence in the lower Caucasus.

The 2020 war was a hard lesson for Armenia—not only did it learn the error of its ways in not investing in defense after decades of stagnation and reliance on Soviet-era weaponry, but it also learned first-hand what would happen to states that broke ranks with Russia. Such lessons have also been learned by countries like Georgia, Belarus, and Ukraine, all of which have had to respond in various ways when their citizens pushed back against pervasive Russian influence.

The war also showed Western hypocrisy when it came to human rights violations, as numerous executions and instances of cultural destruction took place under the Azerbaijani military, allegedly under Ilham Aliyev’s orders. Contrary to the framework of the Geneva Conventions, Azerbaijan has also refused to release Armenian POWs and has held mock trials for them in kangaroo courts, akin to what Russia has done with POWs from the Ukrainian Azov regiment.

Now the trilateral agreement faces increasing uncertainty, and “Russian peacekeepers” are clearly not living up to their name. Numerous ceasefire violations have taken place, primarily faulted to Azerbaijan, and all with little enforcement of the peace deal by Russia.

Over the past year, Armenia has initiated a normalization process with Turkey. This has led to skepticism and division between Armenians and the diaspora, as the issue of genocide recognition from 1915 and the question of whether the Turkish government will keep Azerbaijan at bay loom large. Likewise, Turkish President Tayyip Erdogan has cozied up to Russia over the past several years, establishing a joint military base with Moscow in the Karabakh region, purchasing S400s despite wide NATO condemnation, and giving Russian oligarchs a haven from sanctions in Turkey. This has also put Yerevan in a predicament, with fears that Moscow would leave the country to its fate in order to placate Erdogan’s authoritarian government, and in the process seed new conflicts in NATO at the expense of its own allies.

Against the backdrop of the Ukraine war, Putin solidified an alliance with Ilham Aliyev on February 24th, causing new concerns in Yerevan. Armenia has taken an extremely neutral approach thus far, though fake news rumors at one point put the country on the international radar when, early in the war, NATO officials visited Armenia on rumors that they had sent their fixed wing aircraft to reinforce Russia’s invasion – an allegation that was proven false. Armenia has also seen a mass influx of Russian citizens and oligarchs who are bent on circumventing sanctions, putting a strain on their already vulnerable economy.

As the European Union has looked to divest away from Russian gas, Azerbaijan took full advantage, setting a landmark deal with the EU to supply gas to the continent until 2027. This has come with skepticism as EU Commission President Ursula von der Leyen called Aliyev “trustworthy” on her official Twitter. By effectively placating one dictatorship for another, Armenia once again has received the short end of the stick. This was further reinforced when Aliyev emphasized Armenians in Karabakh would not have special status under Azerbaijani authority, dismissing any autonomy for them and fueling more mutual antagonism between both nations.

Armenia is now a centerpiece on a chessboard between Turkey, Russia, and Azerbaijan, and with few allies and minor strategic importance to the wider international community, any wrong move could spell another humanitarian disaster right under the nose of the United Nations.

 

The views expressed in this article belong to the authors alone and do not necessarily reflect those of Geopoliticalmonitor.com

https://www.geopoliticalmonitor.com/armenia-geography-as-geopolitical-kryptonite/

Who Is Undermining Peace In The South Caucasus? – OpEd [Azeri]

Aug 17 2022

By Dr. Esmira Jafarova

Both Azerbaijan and Armenia know the horrors of war at first-hand, not by hearsay. The 44-day Karabakh war brought back painful memories from the 1990s associated with the First Karabakh War and its devastating consequences. It was very unfortunate that Azerbaijan had to use military means to enforce the observance by Armenia of international norms and principles, as well as the relevant UN Security Council resolutions (822, 853, 874, 884) reaffirming Azerbaijan’s territorial integrity. However, with the peace process led by the OSCE Minsk Group failing to deliver any acceptable solution to the long-running, protracted conflict, and Armenia becoming increasingly hostile and uncooperative since Prime Minster Pashinyan came to power, war remained as the only way out of the deadlock. 

Much has changed since the November 10, 2020, Trilateral Declaration was signed, and there is real hope that the existing agreements that ended the war between the two nations will be fully observed. In the post-conflict period, the parties are meeting with the assistance of international mediators such as the European Union and the Russian Federation to clear up issues stemming from the relevant commitments in the November Trilateral Declaration including Armenia–Azerbaijan normalization; border delimitation and demarcation; cultural and humanitarian issues; and matters relating to the opening of all economic communications in the region.

However, recent events that have again unfolded between Armenia and Azerbaijan testify to the unwillingness of the Armenian side to abide by its commitments under the November 10, 2020, declaration. For one, the inconsistencies and controversies surrounding Armenia’s official narrative when it comes to the post-conflict period are very disappointing, to say the least. One moment Armenia’s Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan declares that Armenia has to reduce its maximalist demands concerning Karabakh; the next, he again makes an incendiary statement implying Armenia’s territorial/secessionist claims against Azerbaijan. 

Not very long ago, Nikol Pashinyan, in a speech in the country’s National Assembly on April 13, 2022, made several sensational statements regarding Armenia’s handling of its former conflict with Azerbaijan, as well as future perspectives. In the latter specifically, Pashinyan noted that, “Today, the international community is again telling us to lower our bar a little bit on the status of Nagorno-Karabakh,” apparently referring to the maximalist claims about the so-called ‘independence of Nagorno-Karabakh’—a narrative that was dominant in Armenia’s position over the entire course of the conflict. The message this statement sent was a powerful one, as it testified to the growing understanding in Armenia of the necessity of normalizing relations with Azerbaijan. Armenia had also previously accepted Azerbaijan’s five-point proposal that was put forward in March 2022 to serve as a foundation for a future peace treaty.

Fast forward to August 4, 2022, a couple of months after the above acknowledgment Armenia’s Prime Minister, at the meeting of the government on that day, delivered another controversial statement that contained secessionist claims affecting Azerbaijan’s territorial integrity, thus ultimately undermining the post-conflict peace agenda. He specifically noted that Azerbaijan has to accept three conditions: first, the existence of Nagorno-Karabakh as a separate entity; second, the fact that there is a new line of contact in Karabakh; and third, the central role of the Lachin Corridor that unites Armenia with Karabakh. 

Pashinyan’s comments, unfortunately, carry little value when it comes to the promotion of the post-conflict peace agenda and disregard the relevant provisions of the Trilateral Declaration. The latter neither specified a separate entity named ‘Nagorno-Karabakh’ nor defined a new line of contact. The November Declaration is rather clear about ending the armed hostilities between the warring parties and ensuring the withdrawal of all armed forces belonging to the Republic of Armenia and its proxies from the liberated territories of Azerbaijan, Karabakh included. The deployment of the Russian peacekeeping contingent along the fault lines—existing for that moment—where military hostilities between the warring parties occurred did not automatically create a new line of contact. The concept of a new line of contact is flawed, as is any attempt to twist the essence of the already signed documents and the associated commitments. Such attempts do nothing but harm the fragile post-conflict peace agenda that is inching towards some progress thanks to the efforts made by Azerbaijan and international mediators such as the European Union and the Russian Federation. 

Lamentably, the above statement by Nikol Pashinyan came amid the heightened rhetoric in Armenia’s higher echelons that also conveyed defiant messages as to the implementation of Armenia’s commitments vis-à-vis the November 10, 2020, Trilateral Declaration. Just before Pashinyan made his infamous remarks, the chairman of Armenia’s Security Council, Armen Grigoryan, said that Azerbaijan’s demands to replace the Lachin Corridor with an alternative route is supposedly not legitimate because not all parties agreed to a new alternative route. However, Article 6 of the November Declaration states: 

…By agreement of the Parties, a plan for the construction of a new route along the Lachin corridor shall be determined in the next three years, providing communication between Nagorno-Karabakh and Armenia, with the subsequent redeployment of the Russian peacekeeping contingent to protect this route. The Republic of Azerbaijan shall guarantee the safety of citizens, vehicles and goods travelling along the Lachin corridor in both directions… 

This excerpt clearly states that an alternative route to the Lachin Corridor is to be decided by 2023 and the construction of this road by Azerbaijan is already close to completion. As to the argument used by Mr. Grigoryan suggesting that not all parties agreed to the alternative route, it should be kept in mind that the text of the November declaration was signed by all parties, including Armenia, and it is fully legitimate for Azerbaijan to launch the initiative to build an alternative route to the Lachin Corridor, given that agreement in principle by all parties is already enshrined in the Trilateral Declaration and Karabakh is an internationally recognized part of Azerbaijan. Once again, tampering with the language of the Trilateral Statement is an attempt to misinterpret the existing obligations, clearly to avoid the implementation of one party’s commitments, and chips away at the only opportunity for peace in the region after so many years.

Sadly, the dismissive attitude shown by Armenia to the existing commitments is not confined to the aforementioned issues. The same also goes for Article 4 of the Trilateral Declaration, which calls for the complete withdrawal of all remaining armed forces of Armenia from the liberated Azerbaijani territories. More specifically, Article 4 states: “the peacekeeping contingent of the Russian Federation shall be deployed in parallel with the withdrawal of the Armenian armed forces.” Unfortunately, obstacles still remain vis-à-vis this clause of the November Trilateral Declaration, and the onus in this regard lies with Armenia proper and the Russian peacekeepers, whose responsibility it is to ensure that no armed Armenian forces remain in Azerbaijani territories. President Ilham Aliyev, in one of his statements in mid-July, mentioned that the Russian side promised to make remaining Armenian militias leave Azerbaijani territories by June 2022, however, the issue remains unresolved. 

Violations of Article 4 of the Trilateral Declaration are still causing deaths and spreading insecurity. Periodic attacks by the remnants of Armenia’s armed forces and militias from the areas of temporary deployment of the Russian peacekeepers against Azerbaijani positions in the liberated areas cause justifiable frustration in Azerbaijan and beget harsh responses. As a result of the latest terrorist sabotage operation carried out by Armenian militias on August 3, 2022, Azerbaijani military serviceman Anar Kazimov was killed. In response, on August 4, Azerbaijan launched a short military operation called Qisas (vengeance) and regained control over the strategic Qirkhqiz and Saribaba heights along the Karabakh chain of the Lesser Caucasus mountain range and once again showed that its military response to Armenia’s provocations was necessary, but proportional.

Similar problems are also recurring with regard to the implementation of Article 9 of the November Trilateral Declaration, which envisages the opening of all communications in the region. Although connectivity issues are not the focus of this article, it is still noteworthy that Armenia’s dalliance with the idea of whether or not to cooperate with Azerbaijan in making the “Zangezur Corridor” a reality has thrown a spanner into the ongoing works in this direction. Full implementation of the November Trilateral Declaration is necessary for the achievement of sustainable peace, development, and the elimination of any chance of future war in the region. If there is one thing that everyone, including Armenia, had to learn from the 44-day Karabakh war, it was that forceful occupation of the internationally recognized territories of sovereign states, attempts to violate the inviolability of state borders, policies aimed at ethnic cleansing, and other unlawful policies do not stand a chance of surviving. Turning post-conflict normalization and peace into a roller-coaster of controversies and adopting a cozy attitude with regard to the implementation of existing commitments is not the way to go. 

Dr. Esmira Jafarova is a Board Member of the Center of Analysis of International Relations (AIR Center), Baku, Azerbaijan

https://www.eurasiareview.com/17082022-who-is-undermining-peace-in-the-south-caucasus-oped/

Azerbaijani human rights activists visit Armenians imprisoned in Baku


Aug 17 2022

  • JAMnews
  • Baku

Azeri activists and Armenian prisoners

Human rights activists working under the Azerbaijani public advocate visited Armenian citizens who were arrested in Karabakh and sentenced to hard time in Baku. According to their report, prisoners have the opportunity to communicate with their families and are provided with medical services. Azerbaijan and Armenia interpret the status of these prisoners differently. According to one expert, Russia’s position in the matter is closer to Azerbaijan’s.


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Members of the National Preventative Group (NPG) for the Prevention of Torture under the Azerbaijani Ombudsman visited one of the temporary detention centers. This was stated in a message published on the official website of the public advocate’s office.

The messages states that the purpose of the visit was to investigate the conditions of imprisoned Armenian citizens convicted of crimes in the liberated territories of Azerbaijan, after the signing of the tripartite statement of November 10, 2020 on cessation of hostilities.

“During confidential meetings, it was discovered that the convicts have the opportunity to make telephone calls, correspond, maintain contacts with family, access information (television, publications), and are provided with medical services.

“The prisoners did not complain about the conditions of imprisonment nor treatment,” the source says.

It was also noted that during the visit, human rights activists observed that prisoners were provided with all essentials and not being discriminated against.

Azerbaijan has not given an exact number of Armenian citizens imprisoned in the country.

Human rights activists under the Azerbaijani Public Advocate visited Armenian soldiers arrested in Karabakh and sentenced to long terms of imprisonment in Baku. Photo: Azerbaijan public advocate’s website

According to the Armenian public advocate’s office, at least 41 soldiers and four civilians remain under arrest in Azerbaijan. This is stated in a report by Human Rights Watch published in 2022.

The document also notes that in 2021, Azerbaijan extradited over 100 detainees to Armenia.

The mass arrest of Armenian soldiers took place at the end of November 2020, half a month after the end of the second Karabakh war. Sixty-two Armenian soldiers were arrested in the Khojavend (Martuni) region of Karabakh.

Some time later they were sentenced to various terms of imprisonment in Azerbaijan.

62 citizens of Armenia were detained on the territory of the Khojavend region. The Azerbaijani side considers the detained as saboteurs, the Armenian side as prisoners of war

“The trilateral statement of November 10, 2020, which put an end to the second Karabakh war, entails the return of all military personnel who were captured during hostilities in the autumn of that year,” comments Azerbaijani expert Mahmud Babayev.

According to Babyev, the status of Armenian soldiers in Azerbaijan is interpreted differently by the two nations:

“Armenia claims that these individuals are subject to the terms of the tripartite declaration. And each time, under the pretext of “solving humanitarian issues”, they demand the release of “prisoners of war”.

14 Azeri prisoners of war and 44 Armenian prisoners of war returned to their homes as a result of an all-for-all exchange, including those who were captured before the second Karabakh war

“Azerbaijan categorically disagrees with this. The statement refers to prisoners of war whom both nations had at the time of signing the document. If a ceasefire was declared on November 10, 2020, and in fact the war ended, then what kind of prisoners of war can we talk about with regard to the citizens of Armenia, who were arrested two weeks later?

“Here, the position of Russia, the main mediator in this conflict, is also of interest. It was given by Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov at the last meeting with Armenian Foreign Minister Ararat Mirzoyan. He said that these people were arrested after the end of the war, and thus cannot be considered prisoners of war.

“Azerbaijan has several times exchanged Armenian citizens for maps of minefields. But everything was done legally. A few days before the exchange, the courts decided to reduce the term of imprisonment to the period already spent behind bars.

“There have been no such exchanges for a long time. But often before high-level meetings, as a gesture of goodwill, Azerbaijan releases several imprisoned Armenian citizens. Given that two such meetings are planned by the end of August – in Moscow and Brussels – we can hope for the continuation of this process,” the expert said.

https://jam-news.net/azerbaijani-human-rights-activists-visit-imprisoned-citizens-of-armenia/