Armenian Dating Show is a match for viewers

As an individual who attempts to matchmake her friends and enthusiastically passes out crackers for Saint Sarkis Day, I was delighted when I saw posts on Instagram advertising a Miaseen productionThe Armenian Dating Show. The show matches single Armenian men and women and pairs them up on a blind date. But here’s the catch: potential dates of the featured cast members first have to meet their prospective date’s family. 

The show is amusing as the notion of dating in Armenian culture is wrapped up in its own joys, difficulties, awkwardness and exhilaration. The cast alludes to this as they seek to answer the question of why they chose to participate in the show during the confessionals. The concept of having a potential love interest meet one’s family first isn’t exactly foreign to Armenian families, as potential couples often are introduced at church or Armenian-related events where immediate and extended families are often present. Yet, unlike in Indian or Bengali culture, Armenians do not participate in arranged marriages. Meeting the family first is the crux of the show and perhaps the most affable aspect, given that nearly all Armenian parents desire for their son or daughter to find an Armenian mate. 

Dissimilar to the real world where dating is kept private from the family (probably not true for Armenians), viewers are treated to insider information such as what type of person would be a good fit for their child; family members also reveal their thoughts about the potential matches. What makes the show truly shine is the participants’ ability to be vulnerable about how the dates went. After being turned down for a second date twice, Shant, for example, has candidly shared how difficult the process can be. His father echoes a similar sentiment but praises his son’s willingness to participate. 

The Armenian Dating Show distinguishes itself from other dating shows in that meaningful topics are presented, such as divorce, rejection and partnership. It is refreshing to see Shant’s father openly explain his family dynamics and the common concerns of a potential match. Likewise, it is endearing to watch Vanessa’s family enthusiastically list all her character traits to her suitors. The show captures how unwieldy dating can be, but also highlights humorous moments, such as Vanessa’s relatives instantly recognizing one of her blind dates, Hampik. 

Undoubtedly, the excitement of the show extends long after each episode has aired. Social media stories are filled with viewers’ reactions and the comment section of each episode’s YouTube page is filled with a multitude of opinions about how the dates progressed, who the cast members would match well with, and which family needs a spinoff series. I too am just as invested and have enjoyed conversations with friends in which we share our perspectives and exchange our own mishap dating stories. 

Overall, it is wonderful to see Armenian media content that explores the experiences of young Armenians in the United States. I am hoping that at least one of the matches results in a marriage so viewers can be treated to a reality version of My Big Fat Armenian Wedding

Gardenia Nahigian is a current student at Harvard University and is a graduate of the University of California Davis, where she double-majored in sociology and religious studies and minored in human rights. Inspired by her experiences of growing up as an Armenian in Fresno, Calif., she aspires to pursue a career in healthcare and serve the greater Armenian community. Her hobbies include reading, listening to podcasts and finding humor in everyday situations with her friends and family.

Breaking the Culture of Discord

From Gndevank Monastery, Armenia (Photo: Flickr/Raffi Youredjian)

One often hears Armenians declare in a playful self-criticism “If you gather four Armenians in a room, you will hear at least five opinions” or “there are two Armenians on an island and they will build two churches.” On the positive side, it does speak to the resourcefulness of our people to have passionate views on important issues. It also exposes our penchant for endless debate and often a lack of consensus. As Armenians, we have many admirable attributes, but a moment of candid self-reflection will reveal ample evidence of suboptimal effectiveness due to an inability to work in a truly collaborative manner. The diaspora in America was established with a strong component of commonality. The indiscriminate nature of genocide made survival a unifier. As we are all painfully aware, the history of the diaspora continued on a different path in 1933 with the administrative division of the church. What followed were tragic schisms of families, walls of isolation and institutional redundancy. Ironically for several decades, the pseudo competitiveness did inspire the community to expand and prosper. Thousands of American Armenians from prior generations, however, were victims of artificial barriers despite living in the same community simply because they were born into this unnatural state. 

As the expansion leveled off in many communities, a thaw prevailed that opened up new possibilities. Those early days of interaction between divided brothers and sisters in the 70s have evolved into what we call today the pan-Armenian movement. As a new generation experienced the irrelevance of the division and Armenia became an independent nation, the diaspora found common ground and the will to increase collaboration. Old problems faded, and new ones emerged. The traditional query of “what church do you go to?” has been rhetorically replaced with “do you go to church?” The vestiges of the division, however, still exist. We still have two dioceses in each North America region, and the organizational alignment has a more traditional affiliation. The Prelacy adherents are generally affiliated with the Armenian Revolutionary Federation (ARF), Armenian Relief Society (ARS), Armenian Youth Federation (AYF), Hamazkayin and Homenetmen. The Diocese is traditionally a reflection of ACYOA, Tekeyan and AGBU. Of course, there are thankfully a growing number of exceptions, but the lines are still evident. The good news is the cooperation between these groups has become common…something unheard of a generation earlier. There was a time when those associated with the Tashnagtsagan community would generally not be in the Knights of Vartan. Today, thankfully, it is commonplace.

In today’s American diaspora, the emerging cooperation from a pan-Armenian culture has replaced the passion for true church unification. Our leaders lack the will for resolution, so institutional cooperation has replaced church unity. Most Armenians associate the disunity of our American diaspora with tragic events of 1933. The seeds of discontent actually reared their ugly head shortly after the fall of the First Republic in 1921. It is quite ironic that the status of the Armenian state has been both a cause of division and also the emergence of pan-Armenian collaboration. The period from the 1920s until the start of the Cold War was filled with unrelenting attacks between Armenian political parties. It was a classic “blame game” while little changed. During the height of the east/west tensions, an awkward perception grew within the Armenian community as the Soviet Union, a former ally of the US during World War II, was now a bitter adversary. Even in my youth, I remember hearing elders refer to other families as “Bolsheviks” or “fascists.” Thankfully, those days seem to be buried deep in the past as a new era of cooperation has emerged with the independence of Armenia. But has the culture of dissension simply been transferred to other vehicles?

One of the current challenges in our communities is finding the balance between our commitment to an organization and the mission itself. At times, our intense loyalty to an organization can overshadow the mission which may be commonly held by the community at large. This has the potential of creating unhealthy intra-competitiveness. A collaborative environment driven by commonality will bring that balance. It is worth a moment of personal reflection. Our affiliation with a certain group is admirable, but the emphasis should always be the mission…not the organization. The lay relations between Apostolic, Protestant and Catholic denominations can range from non-existent to tolerant. Many Apostolic adherents were raised with the perception that our Protestant brethren were “converted” or “assimilated.” Apparently, our common faith in the teachings of Jesus Christ has not been enough to truly embrace each other. Judging each other on our ethnic identity was more fashionable. This type of behavior has contributed to undermining our strength. The evolution of the Prelacy and the Diocese reflects the difficulty in unifying our church. While our leaders continue to rationalize their failure to unite our church with rhetoric about our “administrative differences but spiritual unity,” deep-rooted loyalties have encouraged a “happy medium” of cooperation. 

In its infancy in the 1950s and 60s, loyalty to the Prelacy reflected a respect for organizing the “unaffiliated” churches. As the infrastructure here matured and migration from Antelias jurisdictions in the Middle East occurred, a genuine loyalty to the See of Cilicia emerged. The Diocese meanwhile was driven by its traditional affiliation with the Mother See, although few had an actual relationship with Holy Etchmiadzin due to the political climate in Soviet Armenia. Different versions of our recent history have become our reality. I remember conversing with several fellow delegates at the diocesan assembly just a few years ago. We were talking about the split of the Diocese in the fall of 1933 and the events that happened. I will never forget the astonishment of one veteran delegate who revealed that he recently became aware that it was the pro-Etchmiadzin delegates who walked out of the Assembly in 1933 to the Hotel Martinique. That gathering was later sanctioned by Holy Etchmiadzin over the delegates who remained in a purely political move. This honorable man looked at me and said, “and we have been calling the Prelacy people the ‘separated brethren’ for years when it was us.”

Perceptions become reality in a separated state. When we lose track of the core mission (the teachings of Our Lord and Savior Jesus Christ according to the traditions of the Armenian Church), we substitute it with subordinated values. The result is an unnatural state. Our misguided loyalties help confuse our direction.

The existence of the Republic of Armenia has made our common interests more visible which has been applied to our intra-diaspora relations. A sovereign state has been a rare gift in modern Armenian history. It is an opportunity on a world stage to display our core values. Visitors to Armenia marvel at the incredible history, warmth of the people and the very essence of our civilization. Yet many are puzzled why a nation with education, strong values and an active diaspora has struggled to shed the remnants of its Soviet past. The inability to utilize its human capital effectively has been both troubling and frustrating. There are those who believe that our lack of collaboration is as much part of our culture as our faith and language. In my view, this is the downside of a nation run by a series of organizations, parties and other partisan interests. It is similar to the Armenia run by nobles and princes during the centuries of subordination to foreign powers. It builds a survival state that also reflects a subordinated and victim mentality. Our “decentralized” society prevented extinction but also limited collaboration. Our Armenian world was defined as the organizations and groups we were affiliated with. In Armenia, the citizens were left to the ability of the Soviet carryovers and a motivated but inexperienced infrastructure. With the exception of a few umbrella groups for fundraising, the diaspora relations with Armenia (post 1991) were a free-for-all of countless organizations establishing their presence. They are all well-intended but reflect our disunited culture. After 30 years, we are still talking about how to organize the diaspora more effectively to assist Armenia. Armenia is in desperate need of experienced professionals, yet we continue to underutilize these assets. The causesmistrust, power and fearare all part of this culture of discord. 

The stakes haven’t been this high since those fateful days of 1918-21. In our current reality, the rare gift of a sovereign nation is on the table. Do we have the will to overcome our history of a troubling lack of collaboration? Do we really see the larger picture, or will we continue to view this situation through a cynical lens and business as usual? One hundred years ago, marriages were prevented because they weren’t from the same region or village. In the diaspora, you didn’t talk to someone because they were a Ramgavar or Dashnak. Eventually that evolved into whether you were from the Prelacy or from the Diocese. Now we have transitioned to the homeland or the diaspora. What will it take for us to realize that our survival as an ethnic group and a sovereign state will rely on our ability to capitalize on our collective resources and to accept each other as brethren? It doesn’t need to be perfect. Democracy can be a messy process. Diversity of thought is an advantage, but we need to be on the same team. It is time to reduce our dependence on needless power plays, endless squabbles and divisive interaction. It is a drug that offers short-term relief to our egos but has disastrous consequences for our nation. The natural state of a common vision of a prosperous united Armenia is a better alternative. I pray that we have the will to embrace this future.

Columnist
Stepan was raised in the Armenian community of Indian Orchard, MA at the St. Gregory Parish. A former member of the AYF Central Executive and the Eastern Prelacy Executive Council, he also served many years as a delegate to the Eastern Diocesan Assembly. Currently , he serves as a member of the board and executive committee of the National Association for Armenian Studies and Research (NAASR). He also serves on the board of the Armenian Heritage Foundation. Stepan is a retired executive in the computer storage industry and resides in the Boston area with his wife Susan. He has spent many years as a volunteer teacher of Armenian history and contemporary issues to the young generation and adults at schools, camps and churches. His interests include the Armenian diaspora, Armenia, sports and reading.

AW: The Female Faces of the Artsakh War

Would there be war in a woman’s world? How would men react to our decision to start a war? Would we have so many wars if women ran the world?

War is not a female story. The stories of wars are mainly about men’s heroism and losses. Stories and songs are dedicated to them. The courage, devotion and emotions of women are mostly overshadowed. Women, however, suffer terribly painful consequences of war: losing their sons, husbands, fathers and brothers – losing everything. Women also suffer, to some extent, from social insecurity, lack of access to education, sexual harassment, reproductive health issues and rights violations. 

On the morning of September 27, 2020, Azerbaijan, backed by Turkey, launched a large-scale war on the internationally unrecognized territory of Nagorno-Karabakh (Artsakh), targeting almost all civilian settlements and densely populated cities, including schools, kindergartens and hospitals. These were targeted by artillery and air strikes by Azerbaijan throughout the war – for almost the entire 44 days.

According to the Artsakh ombudsman’s report, 72 civilians, including 12 women, were killed. Seven of these women (including an underaged girl) were killed by long-range missile strikes, including rocket-propelled grenades, bombings and subversive gunfire. Five women were held in Azeri captivity and subjected to physical violence and torture. Three other women were killed on the battlefield. 

I spoke with eight women, aged 27 to 90, who served as volunteers or direct participants in the war. All of these interview subjects were asked the same question: what were the most haunting things you witnessed?

Angela Frangyan, 34  

Angela Frangyan is a documentary filmmaker who lives and works in Yerevan. On the first day of the war, she went to Karabakh to make a film about the war before its end. After the war, she filmed footage of the families of captured soldiers and civilians, many of whom are still struggling to get their relatives back from captivity in Azerbaijan. 

Angela Frangyan

“Sometimes when I am looking through my archival footage, I feel that there is nothing that I have seen in reality… Sometimes I worry a lot that what I felt and what I saw I haven’t been able to film…

I remember in the hospital one brother had to inform his father that the other brother who was with him in the battle has died…

I saw parents who were watching the videos of the POW that has been tortured, thinking that they can find their lost sons… I was really listening to him, when he was looking at the video and talking with other parents…

I remember the voices of the animals in the villages that were getting evacuated, and mostly I remember the silent faces of the mothers in the shelters…silently praying.”

Helen Hakobyan, 44 

Helen Hakobyan works as an economist and chief specialist in Martuni. When the war broke out, Hakobyan joined her husband (a physician) as a volunteer nurse to help him throughout the war. The city of Martuni is the most heavily devastated city in the war. 

Helen Hakobyan

“The hardest moment was seeing scorched and dismembered bodies of soldiers; the smell of death that surrounded them is the same smell that I can smell even when I am asleep. When my brother fell into an ambush, I did not share my feelings with anyone. When he finally escaped, I knelt on the ground and gathered my strength. 

You find strength and you don’t have a right to cry, because everybody looks at you. You don’t share the pain that’s deep in your soul with your husband, because you don’t want to weaken him by your weakness.

 The first horror I witnessed was when the second horrible bombing occurred on the first of October in Martuni, resulting in many casualties. It seemed to me that the soldier who was in front of me was alive, but they took him to the morgue. His body was dismembered; he looked at me one last time and then passed away. It is impossible to forget those eyes…”

Hasmik Arushanyan, 63

Hasmik Arushanyan is a history teacher who stayed in the shelter during the war with her friends and relatives. With their hearts pounding, they waited impatiently for word from the battlefield about their sons and brothers.

Hasmik Arushanyan

“When a phosphorus bomb was thrown in Isaac akhbyur, near Shushi, the forest caught on fire, and you could hear the pain and suffering of the animals: the bears roaring in agony and the wolves howling in torment. That moment was so hard for me. A day later we learned that my son’s combat vehicle was hit by a Bayraktar. For three days we had no news, but then finally he called.”

Isabel Dangourian, 40

Isabel Dangourian is a Syrian-Armenian refugee who has been living with her family in Stepanakert for eight years. During the war, she and her husband opened their Samra restaurant to all visitors. Dangourian would test positive for coronavirus, but she refused to go to Yerevan until her husband forced her to leave.

Isabel Dangourian

“The most touching thing was seeing a mother, under intense bombing, bid farewell to her own young son while whispering in his ear asking him to stay strong and wait for her return in Yerevan. And to be honest, it’s difficult to choose the most haunting or touching experience because [you] not only go through indescribable situations during war but also the consequences that come after it. Just when you thought there wouldn’t be anything else more extreme than you had witnessed, there comes another situation. For instance, lately, the stories that we have heard about people we know well were quite unbearable, and what’s worse is that there’s not much you can do about it other than accept it.”

Lara Sargsyan, 36

Lara Sargsyan is a member of the military from the city of Chartar. She served in Artsakh’s Defense Army for 12 years. During the war, she took part in the most crucial stages of war.

Lara Sargsyan

“The war is a disaster itself; within seconds everything changes inside you. What you considered important before, becomes meaningless from the first shot. In the most tense moments, you do not feel anything under the shells and missiles. You wait impatiently for the end of this nightmare. If you survive, you will continue what you have to do.

I have witnessed an elderly friend observing the demise of his junior comrade-in-arms by a missile explosion from a distance, but he does not want to believe it until the end; he keeps hoping to find him alive. Approaching under the shelling and finding the dead, he is not confused or scared, but on the contrary, he continues the fight more persistently. 

The most difficult moment during the war in my case was me hearing on the radio that the next attack would be on my brother’s positions, and I understood that these would be hard battles. I don’t even want my enemy to have that feeling. I could not do anything to help and I was just praying to God. I’m still haunted.

I prayed that at least the severely wounded would be saved, and if it is not possible, then that they would not suffer when dying.”

Lika Zakaryan, 27 

Lika Zakaryan is a journalist from Stepanakert. Throughout the war, she filed reports from the most heavily targeted areas in the region. She considers herself a child of war and kept a diary, sharing her feelings as an eyewitness.

Lika Zakaryan

“The war made us experience a lot, but I will never forget one thing. Once, we visited one of the basement shelters in Stepanakert and met many people. It was the basement with a handful of children still in Stepanakert, children who were still in Artsakh. 

A woman, Elmira, was making tanav – a national Armenian soup. She served us all. We drank the hot tanav we missed and we talked. She told the stories of all the people living in the basement, who have children, brothers, friends and relatives on the frontline. At the very end of the basement, a man was sitting in front of the TV, his head hanging down, but still focused on the TV. 

And a little farther, a woman was sitting. ‘Her son has been living in Russia for seven years,’ said Elmira. ‘Who told you to come back?’ ‘Is he back?’ I asked. ‘Yes. The next day of the war he was already in Stepanakert. His parents had not seen him for seven years. He entered the house, kissed his mother and father and said that he was going to war. That was the way he went’ ․․․ ‘Is there no news?’ ‘No.’ And the father and mother, who lived in the distant shadow of their son, are sitting everyday waiting for the news. At the same time, they read all the names on TV, fearing that his name may be on that list․․․ At that very moment they heard… They heard the name of their son, which came out from the TV… Not to see your child for seven years, send him for a better life and get his name in the list of dead… I will never forget their cries…”

Nune Arakelyan, 50

Nune Arakelyan is a lecturer of Russian language and literature at Artsakh State University. She could not leave her only son and other relatives on the battlefield and leave Artsakh, so she remained in the shelter during the war, taking care of the elderly who were forcibly displaced from their villages.

“Old people were brought to our basement from the villages in which the fighting was going on. I will not forget this old woman whose son had been martyred in the last war; her grandchildren were participating in this war, and she was so brave. She did not lose her heart; instead she consoled and encouraged everyone.

When I was working as a volunteer in a hotel, I saw an elderly lady there. She was a professor at the university. She said that she came to Artsakh to help, to be useful. But the most touching thing was when my son called from the front. I screamed in hysteria that I will go to him myself and bring him home for at least one day. And he replied that if I dare do it his fellow soldiers would lose respect for him, and he would lose respect for himself and for me.”

Kima Gabrielyan, 90 

Kima Gabrielyan is a violinist who moved from Yerevan to live in Shushi (now under Azerbaijani control).

Kima Gabrielyan

She worked at the Stepanakert Music School as a violin teacher. After leaving her home and her son’s grave under enemy control, she now lives in a Stepanakert nursing home. Hundreds of forcibly displaced families live here. Even at this age, she continues to play the violin to teach displaced children.

“I was shocked by the loss of an entire generation, that so many young people were killed. All of them were 18 to 20 years old.

A whole generation is gone. What will we do? We waited 20 to 25 years, raised these children and lost a whole generation. I cried a lot. Although I am 90 years old, I could see perfectly, but this pain blinded me… I’m not a politician to answer the question of whether the land or the victims. Maybe they should have thought. I am not saying to give everything to the Turks; I am not saying this. We have dignity, we are Armenians and we must defend our land, but if such a choice was made, we must think. Where is our future when young people who are to create this future are killed? What are we going to do now? I don’t know…

And now I am disturbed by the thought that I left my son’s grave in Shushi. On the last day when Shushi was handed over, I was kneeling at my son’s grave in Shushi when our soldiers hugged me and took me away from it, put me in a car and drove away. And now my only wish is to go and get a handful of soil from my son’s grave.”

These women still live in Artsakh. Their lives, however, have transformed from one wartime period to another, where uncertainty steals their dreams. Surviving three wars and always expecting another one, the only thing they want is peace. At the same time, most of them are ready to take a gun and defend their motherland. They realize that they are to bear the burden of defeat, encourage their husbands, sons and the ones they love with their wisdom and charisma. These women had the courage to give birth and bring new lives into this world under the terrifying sounds of explosions. They are the powerful key in educating generations, who will live and reanimate the land.

Siranush Sargsyan is a historian and political scientist. She's earned her degrees from Artsakh State University and the Public Administration Academy of the Republic of Armenia. Her master thesis focused on the issues surrounding the development of the party system in Nagorno-Karabakh. She's taught history in a village in Martuni and has served as the chief specialist of the Republic of Artsakh National Assembly in the Standing Committee on Science, Education, Culture, Youth and Sports. Siranush takes great interest in conflict resolution, gender equality and education.

Armenpress: Armenian serviceman in critical condition after shooting incident at military base

Armenian serviceman in critical condition after shooting incident at military base

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 09:32, 9 December, 2021

YEREVAN, DECEMBER 9, ARMENPRESS. An Armenian soldier is in critical condition after sustaining a gunshot wound in the late evening of December 8.

According to the Ministry of Defense, preliminary information indicates that the shooting was not enemy fire and the round was fired by a fellow serviceman of the victim.

Private Senik Sahakyan of the Armenian Armed Forces, born 2003, sustained the gunshot wound while on duty at a military base in the south-eastern direction.

Authorities did not immediately reveal whether or not they believe the shooting was an accident or deliberate.

The Ministry of Defense said an investigation is ongoing.

Editing and Translating by Stepan Kocharyan

National Assembly intentionally delays the sound of parliament live-streamed sessions during speeches of opposition MPs

Panorama, Armenia
Dec 10 2021

It is the second time, when the live streaming of the Armenian National Assembly plenaries start without sound, when opposition lawmakers open the sessions with statements. 

On December 10, the public was unable to listen to the statement made by opposition 'Armenia' bloc lawmaker Arman Vardevanyan, and by a strange coincidence, the sound was switched on only after his remarks.  

This was the case during the December 6 session when the parliament session started with delayed audio at a time when another opposition MP was delivering a speech. 

These actions of the ruling force in charge of the National Assembly leadership come to prove the assessment of the "Freedom of Information Center" NGO, labeling the National Assembly as a state body threatening the freedom of information and restricting the rights of reporters. 

Iran, Azerbaijan, Georgia agree on establishing new transit route

Panorama, Armenia
Dec 10 2021

Iran, Azerbaijan, and Georgia have reached an agreement for establishing a transit route connecting the Persian Gulf to the Black Sea, an official with Iran’s Road Maintenance and Transportation Organization (RMTO) announced, Tehran Times reported. 

“Following a trip to hold two meetings [on road transportation] with Azerbaijan and Georgia, we proposed an initiative to the two countries to create a new transit corridor for regional convergence,” Director-General of RMTP Javad Hedayati told ISNA on Tuesday.

“Of course, this plan was already proposed eight years ago, but due to the fact that many countries were involved in this agreement, it has not been implemented yet and the parties have not reached a consensus,” the Iranian official added.

Based on the agreement, first, within the next four months some pilot cargoes will be sent from Iran to deliver Iranian goods to Azerbaijan through the Astara border and also to Bulgaria or other Eastern European countries via Georgian ports on the Black Sea.

A group of protesters removed from a ministry building by police

Panorama, Armenia
Dec 10 2021

SOCIETY 12:48 10/12/2021 ARMENIA

Police officers detained a group of citizens who got into the building of the foreign ministry on Friday to stage a protest action. Among participants were the head of opposition Zartonk (Awakening) party Ara Zohrabyan and journalist Nairi Hokhikyan. 

Police officers prevented the action and pushed Zohrabyan and Hokhiyan out of the building. 

"Your actions are unlawful as you are obeying the orders of the traitor. The one who follows the traitor is a traitor," Hokhikyan was shouting as he was forced out of the building and taken to police vehicle. 

The recognition of Artsakh’s people right to self-determination the only way to end the Azerbaijani-Karabakh conflict – Artsakh MFA

Panorama, Armenia
Dec 10 2021

The Foreign Ministry of the Republic of Artsakh issued a statement on the 30th anniversary of the nationwide referendum on the political future of Artsakh held on December 10, 1991, as a result of which the overwhelming majority of the voters (99.89%) voted for independence.

It reminds that the referendum was held in full compliance with the then national legislation in force, democratic procedures and norms of international law. 

It reminds that the preparation and holding of the referendum took place against the background of a purposefully pursued policy of Azerbaijan to escalate tensions, which became explosive and subsequently turned into a full-scale war against Artsakh and its people. The statement then reads: "The referendum on independence in Artsakh was another attempt by the Artsakh side to prevent the impending war and to transfer the resolution of the Azerbaijan-Karabagh conflict to the legal and political plane. However, Azerbaijan ignored the steps taken by Artsakh to resolve the conflict by peaceful and democratic means and on the election day subjected Stepanakert, the capital of the Republic, tօ massive artillery shelling, as a result of which dozens of civilians were killed and injured.

The people of Artsakh have repeatedly reaffirmed their determination to strengthen and develop the sovereign statehood at subsequent constitutional referenda. On December 10, 2006, the first Constitution of the country was adopted in Artsakh at a national referendum. On February 20, 2017, the people of Artsakh voted for the new Constitution at a regular referendum, thus confirming their previous decisions and will, to continue the path of building an independent state.

Unfortunately, the expressions of the will of the people of Artsakh and their democratic aspirations became a missed opportunity for the international community, which, if recognized, could have prevented the wars unleashed by Azerbaijan against our country and saved thousands of innocent lives.

Azerbaijan was the initiator of three wars unleashed with the aim of destroying Artsakh in 1991-94, 2016 and 2020. In the interwar years it deliberately and consistently undermined the peacekeeping efforts of international mediators by taking an extremely uncompromising and destructive position on all issues during the negotiations. The continuation of this aggressive policy has been Baku’s refusal to conduct substantive negotiations after the 44-day war in 2020 in order to exclude the possibility of achieving a comprehensive settlement of the conflict. The evolution of the proposals of the international mediators demonstrates their understanding of the impossibility of Artsakh’s being part of Azerbaijan and recognition of the key role of the people of Artsakh in determining their political status. In particular, by refusing to negotiate, Baku, contrary to the efforts and proposals of the OSCE Minsk Group Co-Chairs, is trying to impose the results of the illegal use of force as a fait accompli.

We emphasize once again that recognition of the inalienable right to self-determination realized by the people of Artsakh is the only way to put an end to the Azerbaijan-Karabagh conflict and to create conditions for eliminating its consequences, including liberation of all the occupied territories, and finding a long-term, fair and sustainable solution to the problem of refugees and other remaining issues.

The referendum on independence is a solid legal basis for the statehood of Artsakh, created with the aim of saving the people of Artsakh from the threat of complete annihilation, which emanated and continues to emanate from the militant policy of Azerbaijan, where the hatred against Armenians and genocidal ideology are the basis of state-building.

Strengthening the state of Artsakh and achieving its international recognition are an absolute priority for the authorities and people of Artsakh, since having a national state with a status of an international legal subject is the key condition and means of preserving and developing the people. The struggle of the people of Artsakh for their independent statehood is a struggle for freedom, fundamental rights and peace, as well as a safe and dignified future."

 

Armen Charchyan released in the courtroom

Panorama, Armenia
Dec 10 2021

The Yerevan court released on Friday Armenian professor, lawmaker from opposition 'Armenia' bloc Armen Charchyan, granting the appeal of the defense team to change his preventive measure. The Court, however, barred Charchyan from leaving the country. 

The ruling is subject to appeal at a higher instance court within 10 days of its release.  The people present at the trial met the court ruling with applause. Charchyan left the courtroom and hugged his family members and colleagues standing at the entrance to the courtroom.  

Recall, Charchyan, the former head of the Izmirlian Medical Center in Yerevan, has been charged for allegedly pressuring his employees to participate in the June 20 parliamentary elections and to vote for the 'Armenia' bloc. The defense lawyers have repeatedly requested the court to release him from pre-trial custody, citing his worsening health.

National Assembly adopts legislation requiring media to take responsibility for citing unidentified sources

Panorama, Armenia
Dec 10 2021

The Armenian National Assembly adopted legislative changes on Friday that would require media outlets to carry responsibility for quoting unidentified sources.  

The respective amendments to the Law on Mass Media and to the Code on Administrative Offences, proposed by three lawmakers from the ruling faction, were adopted by 62 in favor and 25 against votes.  The necessity of making legislative changes were justified by information security.

Opposition factions voted against the legislative changes, describing them as new restrictions on media freedom and free _expression_. According to them, citing unidentified sources is identical with the confidential sources which remains to the discretion of a media outlet, while reporters can disclose the source only by the decision of the court in the established cases.