Armenians March To Pay Tribute To Slain War Soldiers, Demand For ‘traitor’ PM To Resign

Republic World
Dec 20 2020
Written By

Zaini Majeed

Citizens of Armenia flooded the streets on December 19 to march in honour of the slain soldiers and pay tribute to the war victims of Nagorno-Karabakh military conflict. The rally to pay respect to the deceased was led by the Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan in the capital Yerevan. The anti-government protesters, however, opposed PM Pashinyan for his agreement to Russia’s brokered truce, as a result of which, Armenia had to cede the larger part of the disputed territory to the Azerbaijan army. Several in the march criticised the Armenian leader as they pelted eggs and chanted slogans, “Nikol, you traitor!”. The citizens demanded that Pashinyan steps down. 

According to The Associated Press, hundreds of thousands of Armenians gathered around the Yerablur military memorial cemetery located on the outskirts of the capital of Yerevan as they observed the three-day mourning, laying a wreath to pay tribute to the soldiers’ sacrifice. Shortly after the honouring ceremony, a confrontation broke out between the opponents and the security forces. Citizens expressed angst against their leader’s territorial concession to the rival country and demanded that he turns in a resignation.

In midst of the police and protesters scuffle, officers paved way for the Armenian PM and his security guards by dispersing crowd, making arrests, and providing camouflage of umbrellas and gun shields to protect Armenian PM from the egg pelters and angry mob attack. As many as 20,000 supporters later rallied at Yerevan to uphold the memorial church service to honour the fallen. This was followed by at least 14 retired military generals issuing a statement to the PM, demanding his resignation for mishandling of the conflict situation.

Earlier, Armenian Prime Minister agreed to exchange the prisoners of war with Azerbaijan. Pashinyan said he was ready to swap war captives and the corpses of the soldiers and victims killed during the military confrontation in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. Azerbaijan had confirmed its intention to conduct an exchange of prisoners with Armenia on the “all for all” principle. As the Azerbaijan armed forces entered the Nagorno-Karabakh region, making relentless advances, culminating in the seizure, thousands torched their homes and fled.

Several houses were set on fire in the village of Charektar that borders the district of Martakert. Civilians expressed fury over the peace agreement, saying, that Russian President Vladimir Putin “abandoned and wronged” them. “Why has Putin abandoned us?” they asked when AP approached them for a statement. 

Karabakh rescuers find bodies of 22 Armenian soldiers

TASS, Russia
Dec 20 2020
Rescuers have removed the bodies from Goradiz, Jebrail, and Ishkhanadzor

YEREVAN, December 20. /TASS/. Rescuers of the Nagorno-Karabakh’s emergencies ministry have found the bodies of 22 Armenian soldiers and removed them from former areas of combat operations, the press service of the Nagorno-Karabakh’s emergencies ministry said on Sunday.

"Rescuers who conducted search operations have removed the bodies of 22 soldiers from Goradiz, Jebrail, and Ishkhanadzor," it said.

Renewed clashes between Azerbaijan and Armenia erupted on September 27, with intense battles raging in the disputed region of Nagorno-Karabakh. The area experienced flare-ups of violence in the summer of 2014, in April 2016 and this past July.

On November 9, Russian President Vladimir Putin, Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev and Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan signed a joint statement on a complete ceasefire in Nagorno-Karabakh starting from November 10. Under the document, the Azerbaijani and Armenian sides stopped at the positions that they had held and Russian peacekeepers were deployed to the region. The Russian peacekeepers have set up observation posts along the engagement line in Nagorno-Karabakh and along the Lachinsky corridor that connects Armenia with the enclave to exercise control of the ceasefire observance.

TURKISH press: Exhibition sheds light on Turkey’s theater history through Armenian stage actor’s archive

Actors of the play

The Yapı Kredi Culture Center is hosting a new exhibition on Istanbul-based theater performer and publisher Hagop Ayvaz at its complex on the popular Istiklal Street. “Coulisse: Hagop Ayvaz, A Chronicler of Theater,” prepared in cooperation with the Theater Foundation of Turkey under the guidance of the Hrant Dink Foundation, will be on display until Feb. 21, 2021.

The exhibition reveals the history of Turkish theater in the context of social memory, identity and space through Ayvaz's personal theater archive.

Hagop Ayvaz in the role of Cassio in the play "Othello." (Courtesy of Yapı Kredi Culture Arts)

Records of Hagop Ayvaz

Consisting of almost 600 theater and manuscripts in Ottoman, Armenian and Turkish, more than 500 periodicals, magazines and brochures in Armenian and Turkish, as well as nearly 12,000 visual pieces including photographs, posters, cartoons, clippings, invitations, drawings and postcards, Ayvaz's archives were first donated to the Agos daily after his death in 2006 and then to the Hrant Dink Foundation.

The collection was diversified further when some of Ayvaz’s personal belongings, the awards he had received and all 1,104 issues of his Kulis magazine, an Armenian culture and art periodical he had continuously published from 1946 to 1996, were donated to the foundation in 2019. The archive, which was largely cataloged and digitized by the foundation over the years, has been opened to researchers simultaneously with the exhibition.

The Hagop Ayvaz archive, constituting the source of the exhibition, contains a large amount of original content about actors, ensembles and venues in Ottoman and Turkish theater from the mid-19th century to the present day. Ayvaz used the words “my paradise” to describe his study room composed of books, magazines, posters and photographs that he had collected since his youth. This tender metaphor also gives us hints about the possible links that can be established between his passion, namely theater, archives and collective memory.

3 sections

The first section brings into focus Armenian language theater production and activities in Istanbul, in parallel with the biography of Ayvaz, a devotee of the arts since his youth – from extra to director, from columnist to publisher.

The second section dwells on Kulis' impact both inside and outside Turkey, accompanied by a timetable of the period’s major artistic and political developments.

The final section focuses on artists, companies, plays and venues that constituted the cornerstones of Ottoman and Turkish theater history, inviting visitors to explore the links among these so as to reconsider the history of theater in the nation.

In addition to offering opportunities to examine Turkey's theatrical history from a pluralistic perspective, the exhibition urges its audience to recall the place and importance of culture and art within the coexistence of societies and its “coulisse,” founded with faith and surviving with labor, dedication and solidarity.

Hagop Ayvaz in 1935. (Courtesy of Yapı Kredi Culture Arts)

Stage actor life

Ayvaz, born in 1911, debuted on stage in 1928 at the Narlıkapı Şafak Theater as an extra in the operetta “Jaghatsbanin Aghchige” (“The Miller’s Daughter”). His first lead role was in the play “The Trail of the Serpent” at the Beyoğlu Yenişehir Garden Theater in 1930. He also wrote about theater in periodicals like Jamanag, Turkiya, Gavroş and Nor Or between 1935 and 1946.

Together with Zareh Arşag and Nazaret Donikyan, Ayvaz co-founded Kulis in 1946. Between 1947 and 1950, he organized special nights for Kulis, where Armenian and Turkish artists shared the same stage. In 1948, he started traveling abroad for Kulis and reached more readers and writers in many Middle Eastern countries as well as Armenia and Greece. Between 1954 and 1956, he published Kulis in Turkish with the support of the Istanbul Operetta Association.

Ayvaz assumed the leadership of the Stage Troupe of the Esayan School Alumni Association in 1960 and made his directorial debut with Galip Arcan’s “Rica Ederim Kesmeyiniz” (“Please Do Not Interrupt”).

In 1996, he published the last issue of his five-decade-old magazine Kulis, which received countless awards in Turkey and abroad and started writing for the Armenian-Turkish weekly Agos in 1997, which he continued until 2006. He received the 1997 Press Service Award of the Writers Union of Turkey and the 2005 Honorary Award from the Theater Critics Association of Turkey.

Ayvaz died on Sept. 29, 2006, and was buried at the Şişli Armenian Cemetery.

TURKISH press: Russian troops to secure Armenia’s border town Syunik

A view shows an armored personnel carrier of the Russian peacekeeping forces near Dadivank Monastery in the region of Nagorno-Karabakh, Nov. 24, 2020. (Hayk Baghdasaryan/Photolure via Reuters)

Armenia's Defense Ministry said Sunday that Russian peacekeepers will secure the Syunik province, which is on the border with Azerbaijan.

According to a statement, a 21-kilometer area in the region, which has been a "problematic area," will be secured by Russian forces.

Russia previously announced its first deployment of peacekeepers to the Nagorno-Karabakh region.

The peacekeepers were stationed both in Upper Karabakh and the adjacent Lachin corridor to monitor the implementation of a newly declared cease-fire, said the chief of the Main Operational Directorate of the Russian General Staff, Sergei Rudskoy.

Rudskoy said 27 sorties had been made over the past 24 hours, delivering 414 military personnel, as well as 54 automobile units and equipment, eight helicopters and multiple unmanned aerial vehicles to Armenia.

Russian peacekeeping forces are now in control of the Lachin corridor and the Lysogorsky sovkhoz (state farm) section of the Lachin road, he added.

Noting that Russian troops had marched 300 kilometers (186 miles) and were fully deployed in settlements near the town of Goris in southeastern Armenia after unloading at the Erebuni Airfield in the capital Yerevan.

Russia also plans to set up 16 observation posts in the region.

Almost all Russian military personnel in the peacekeeping mission have previous experience in humanitarian operations in Syria, said Rudskoy, adding that a combat command group would monitor the situation around the clock.

"To carry out peacekeeping tasks, prevent possible incidents and ensure the safety of Russian military personnel, continuous interaction with the general staffs of the armed forces of Azerbaijan and Armenia has been organized."

Russian President Vladimir Putin announced earlier that Azerbaijan and Armenia had signed a deal to end the conflict in Upper Karabakh.

Relations between the two former Soviet republics over Upper Karabakh have remained tense since 1991, but fresh clashes broke out on Sept. 27.

Since then, Armenia has repeatedly attacked Azerbaijani civilians and forces, even violating three humanitarian cease-fire agreements.

In total, about 20% of Azerbaijan's territory has been under illegal Armenian occupation for nearly three decades.

Pashinian faces calls to resign

Meanwhile, Thousands of Armenians marched through the capital Yerevan on Saturday to commemorate the soldiers killed in a six-week conflict over the Nagorno-Karabakh region in which Azerbaijan made significant territorial gains.

The conflict and the fatalities on the Armenian side have increased pressure on Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian, whom the opposition accuses of mishandling the conflict by accepting a Russian-brokered cease-fire last month, to resign.

Pashinian led the march, held on the first of three days of mourning, driving up to the Yerablur military cemetery to light incense on the graves of fallen soldiers along with other senior officials.

Although his supporters filled the cemetery to its brink, footage published on Armenian television showed Pashinian's critics shouting "Nikol is a traitor!" as his convoy passed by, escorted by heavy security.

Armenia's opposition has called on its supporters to join a national strike on Dec. 22, at the end of the three-day mourning period, to pressure Pashinian to resign over the losses incurred in the conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh.

Pashinian, who swept to power in a peaceful revolution in May 2018, has rejected calls to resign.

Ethnic Armenian authorities in Nagorno-Karabakh accused Azeri forces on Wednesday of capturing several dozen of their troops, putting further strain on a cease-fire deal that brought an end to the fighting last month.

The two sides have nonetheless begun exchanging groups of prisoners of war as part of an "all for all" swap mediated by Russia.

Moscow has deployed peacekeepers to police the cease-fire, but skirmishes have nonetheless been reported.

TURKISH press: Despite challenges, Turkey-Iran ties manage to survive Nagorno-Karabakh poem crisis

President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan (R) and his Iranian counterpart Hassan Rouhani hold a joint press conference in capital Ankara, Turkey, Dec.21, 2018. (AA)

The past couple of weeks have witnessed a series of dramatic ups and downs in Turkish-Iranian relations, to the point of both countries' reciprocal summoning of envoys. To the surprise of many, the unexpected diplomatic feud was set off by a poem over the recently liberated Nagorno-Karabakh. It seems like the squabble died out as suddenly as it initially emerged, however, as the tensions were overshadowed by America's announcement of sanctions on Turkey. According to experts, although the bilateral ties are certainly not rosy, the strain caused by the poem will have no lasting effect and apparently, Turkey-Iran relations will survive the Nagorno-Karabakh crises.

"Iran and Turkey are by no means allies, it would be too much to claim such a thing," said Arif Keskin, a Middle East expert and researcher. "Still, I don’t think that the bilateral ties will be affected dramatically by this poem dispute."

According to Keskin, the main reason is that Iran needs Turkey. "(Tehran) has troubles with its neighbors. It has troubles with the West. Thus, losing Turkey would be a great loss. I don’t think they can risk such a scenario," he said.

In Keskin's opinion, however, these feelings over a possible break in the relations are mutual. "Recently, Turkey has had troubled relations with Iran. So, naturally, it is better for Turkey to have better ties with its neighbors, especially in such critical times," Keskin expressed.

On Dec. 10, President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan attended the victory parade at Azadliq Square in the capital Baku as the guest of honor to celebrate Azerbaijan's recent military success in liberating certain territories in the Nagorno-Karabakh region from nearly 30 years of Armenian occupation. The president recited a poem about the Aras River on the Iranian-Azerbaijani border in celebration of the occasion.

“They separated the Aras River and filled it with sand. I will not be separated from you. They have separated us forcibly,” reads part of the poem.

Although welcomed by Azerbaijan and Turkey, the poem triggered historical disputes over the Aras River and the region in general, causing Iran to react harshly. Iran’s Foreign Minister Javad Zarif claimed on Twitter that the poem “refers to the forcible separation of areas north of Aras from Iranian motherland.”

Turkey's ambassador to Tehran, Derya Örs, was summoned by Iran's deputy foreign minister and informed of the nation's "harsh condemnation," Foreign Ministry spokesperson Saeed Khatibzadeh said in a written statement. Örs was also told that Iran urgently expects an explanation, the statement added.

Ankara condemned the series of "aggressive" comments made by Iranian officials, as Foreign Minister Mevlüt Çavuşoğlu said that Tehran's baseless statements targeting Turkey and the Turkish president were unacceptable. Turkey's Communications Director Fahrettin Altun also said that it was an attempt to use the poem to create artificial tension as Iran's name was not even mentioned. He said the composition reflects the feelings of the victims of Armenia's occupation of Azerbaijani lands.

"Rather than who is right or wrong, the poem feud showed us how symbols can be used effectively in diplomacy," said Hüseyin Bağcı, international relations professor at Middle East Techincal University (METU) and head of the Foreign Policy Institute based in Ankara.

"Poems reflect the sensitivities of a society. Sometimes reading a poem can lead to being imprisoned, and sometimes it can cause diplomatic tensions," Bağcı expressed, referring to Erdoğan's previous famous reading back when he was the mayor of Istanbul, which led to him being sentenced to prison.

The historical Hudaferin Bridge on the Aras River near the Iranian border in Jabrayil in the recently liberated Nagorno-Karabakh region, Azerbaijan.

Poem has dual meaning

The poem Erdoğan recited is well-known and often read in that region, Bağcı highlighted. "However, the fact that it was the president that read it triggered Iran. It seems that the country interpreted this move as a threat against its territorial integrity. Sometimes the trigger is a poem, while sometimes it is a mosque or a church. Symbols can be very effective in diplomacy."

The Aras River defines a border in the region, separating Azerbaijan from an area in Iran where a large Azeri community lives. In fact, before their official separation during the 19th century's Russo-Persian War, Azerbaijan and Iran were considered a united territory under Iranian rule, despite the region being heavily populated by Azeri Turks, most of whom still feel a close kinship and have relations with Azerbaijanis on the other side of the border.

"Iran is definitely not right in exaggerating its reaction to the poem this much, even if it is truly disturbed by the fact that it was read," Keskin said while emphasizing that Tehran got the composition wrong.

In fact, in Keskin's opinion, this discussion revealed that Iran has no idea about Turkey's cultural dynamics.

"It is true that the Aras metaphor is usually used as a reference to the convergence of two Azerbaijans. If you check Azerbaijani literature, especially in the Baku-centered Azerbaijan, you can find many poems using this metaphor. When Erdoğan read this poem, Iran assumed that this is what he meant as well. However, in Turkey, the poem has an entirely different meaning. This poem became popular in Turkey during the 1990s when Azerbaijani territories were initially occupied by Armenia and it was known as a Lachin song. Thus, the poem has always symbolized the occupied Azerbaijani territories for the Turkish public," Keskin said in an explanation of the differing historical perspectives.

The recent clashes between Baku and Yerevan erupted on Sept. 27 and the Armenian Army launched attacks on civilians and Azerbaijani forces, violating previous cease-fire agreements. During the 44-day conflict, Azerbaijan liberated several cities and nearly 300 settlements and villages from Armenian occupation. The two countries signed a Russia-brokered agreement on Nov. 10 to end the fighting and work toward a comprehensive resolution.

Iran, apart from Azerbaijan and Armenia, is the only regional power that borders the once illegally occupied territories of Nagorno-Karabakh, making it a state remarkably influenced by the conflict. Still, throughout the fighting, Tehran took a “neutral” position, and even though it never condemned Armenia for its unlawful occupation of Azerbaijani territory, it also never pledged open support to Yerevan, unlike some pundits' expectations. Conversely, Turkey has openly supported Azerbaijan and condemned Armenia's aggression and occupation.

After the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, Azerbaijan and Iran have had somewhat troubled ties since Tehran sided with Yerevan instead of Baku in the dispute over Nagorno-Karabakh. The tensions lasted for two decades until 2013 when the Hassan Rouhani administration worked to recover the bilateral relations. In 2015, the Iranian envoy to Baku expressed that they do not recognize Armenia's so-called Artsakh Republic in Nagorno-Karabakh, a move welcomed by Azerbaijan.

An Azerbaijani soldier fixes a national flag on a lamp post in the town of Lachin, Azerbaijan, Dec. 1, 2020. (Photo by Karen MINASYAN via AFP)

Iran manipulates domestic politics

According to Keskin, there might be another reason for Iran to overreact to the poem despite its neutral stance in the recent conflict and mostly recovered ties with Azerbaijan: the necessity to shift the focus of political discussions within the country.

"Iran used this poem as a political tool in its domestic politics. When the poem was read during the victory celebrations in Baku, Iran was still discussing the assassination of Iranian scientist Mohsen Fakhrizadeh. The main discussion revolved around suspicions over the strength of Iranian intelligence, the presence of foreign intelligence in Iran and the possible weakness of Iran against such attacks. Iran has manipulated the poem feud in order to change the discussion topic within the country, by presenting Turkey as the new target. The country has done this by taking the chance of harming ties with Turkey," Keskin said, underlining that this incident shows a lot to us about domestic politics in Tehran.

Even though the quarrel seems to have ended in the blink of an eye, Bağcı claims that the fact that the governments are ready to let the tension go does not mean their societies will follow.

"Iran, as a state, does not seem to want to not to push this feud any further. However, in my opinion, when it comes to Iranian society, we cannot say the same thing. The other day an Iranian deputy said that he finds the U.S. sanctions on Turkey rightful. I believe this poem feud infiltrated into the Turkish-Iranian ties like a virus," he said, adding that "as long as the virus is under control, there is nothing to worry about."

Sharing a 560-kilometer (347-mile) border that has not changed for nearly 400 years, Turkey and Iran have embassies and multiple consulates in each others' countries, showing their mutual respective interest. In fact, the Turkish Foreign Ministry expressed that relations with Iran are "evolving on the basis of the principles of non-interference in domestic affairs, mutual respect and good neighborliness."

Iranians 'admire' Turkey

Still, Bağcı said that although the two countries do not have any historical enmity, they have a rivalry with each other. Keskin, however, claims that regardless of the states' disputes, on the societal level there is substantial sympathy toward Turkey in Iran.

"Iran, after Turkey, is the country in the world with the largest Turkic population. The majority of this population loves Turkey and even admires it. So, Turkey has a very positive image in Iran. This can be seen from Turkish businessmen's investments in Iran, as well as Iranians’ preference of Turkey when it comes to buying houses, etc. They follow the Turkish media, TV series, politics, literature very closely and take an example out of it. It is even being said that when some Turkish series air on TV, some provinces in Iran become empty. Maybe disputes over topics like this poem may create small reactions in Iranian society toward Turkey but they are temporary," Keskin said, indicating that the Iranian regime is also "not very effective" in shaping people’s perspective over some subjects.

"The society does not trust the (Iranian) government. Although the Iranian government usually does its best to defame Turkey, it often fails," Keskin underscored.

Russian President Vladimir Putin (L), Iranian President Hassan Rouhani (C) and President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan leave the stage during a trilateral summit in Tehran, Iran, Sept. 7, 2018. (HANDOUT PHOTO FROM TURKISH PRESIDENCY PRESS OFFICE via AFP)

Sanctions enabled Iran to step back

The current relative ease in the ties, however, cannot be mentioned without referring to the U.S. tensions, which, according to experts, undoubtedly expedited the recovery period.

The U.S. imposed sanctions last week on Turkey's Presidency of Defense Industries (SSB) and its chief Ismail Demir, the U.S. Treasury website confirmed. They were imposed to penalize Turkey for its purchase of the Russian S-400 missile defense system. The Countering America's Adversaries Through Sanctions Act (CAATSA), designed to deter countries from agreeing to military deals with Russia, also restricts U.S. loans and credits to the SSB, although that is not seen as having a significant impact. The Turkish Foreign Ministry, in its immediate response, condemned the decision while slamming Washington's unfair stance throughout the S-400 purchase process.

While Russia and Azerbaijan expressed support for Turkey, pointing out America's hypocritical stance, a surprising statement came from Iran the day following the announcement of the sanctions.

"U.S. addiction to sanctions and contempt for international law at the full display again. We strongly condemn recent U.S. sanctions against Turkey and stand with its people and government," Iranian Foreign Minister Javad Zarif said on Twitter. He shared the tweet with the hashtag #Neighborsfirst, signaling that the dispute over the poem is already ancient history.

"When news of the sanctions came, Iran found itself at a limbo. They could not believe that Turkey could be in the same position as they are toward the U.S. They realized that they overreacted to the poem and were actually not as distanced from Turkey as they assumed. By principal, Iran is against all the embargos and sanctions that the U.S. has issued since they have been subjected to such practices since 1979. Before things got even tenser with Turkey, Iran, by excusing the sanctions, gave a green light to Ankara," Keskin said of his interpretation of the incident. "Iran assumed that the worse the U.S.-Turkey ties are, the better for Tehran. So, Iran saw an opportunity and used it."

For Bağcı, however, by backing Turkey on its S-400 purchase, Iran was actually favoring its biggest ally, Russia, the producer of the missiles.

"Iran uses Russia as a balancing power in the region. By showing support to Turkey over the S-400s, it actually gives a green light to Russia," he said.

Russia is the ally of both Turkey and Iran and the partnership among the three has proven to be effective in stabilizing the region, especially in war-torn Syria through a series of meetings in Astana.

The Astana initiative was initiated by Turkey, Iran and Russia to bring the warring sides in Syria together to find a permanent solution to the nine-year war. The agenda's main items were the constitutional system, political transition, security and resettlement. The first meeting was in Turkey in January 2017 to facilitate United Nations-sponsored peace talks in Geneva.

Turkish, Iranian reputations differ

Nevertheless, such partnerships do not change the fact that Turkey and Iran share multiple disagreements over quite a number of regional problems.

"Iran and Turkey are at odds on almost every diplomatic crisis from the Caucasus to the Middle East. They are not allies, but there is compartmentalization in ties. Meaning that the cooperation fields and disputed fields are mutually exclusive in the bilateral relations. For instance, even though they cannot get along in their Syria politics, they are determined to preserve the economic ties," Keskin said.

In Keskin's opinion, not being an ally of Iran is actually beneficial to Turkey because of Tehran's infamous international reputation.

"Turkey’s global position and Iran’s global position are not the same. Turkey is a NATO country, it is discussing (European Union) membership. Iran, on the other hand, is a direct target of the West. Thus, putting both into the same category would harm Turkey," he said.

Asbarez: Armenia Honors its Fallen Heroes

December 19,  2020



Armenians honored their fallen heroes at Yerablur National Cemetery

  • Opposition Forces, Relatives of Fallen Soldiers and Veterans Clash with Police
  • National Salvation Movement Holds Rally and March to Requiem Mass

After living through 45 days of war and 40 days after the end of the military hostilities in Karabakh, the people of Armenia on Saturday mourned the estimated 3,000 soldiers who perished during the Artsakh War and remembered those missing in action and who are still being held captive by marching to the Yerablur National Military Cemetery to honor their memory.

The procession to Yerablur kicked off a three-day mourning period that coincides with the traditional remembrance 40 days after a death.

Thousands took part in a procession of torches to Yerablur on Friday evening, in an solemn event spearheaded by the National Salvation Movement, which has been leading demonstrations in Yerevan demanding the resignation of Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, who signed the November 9 agreement, along with the leaders of Russia and Azerbaijan, which ended the war, but stipulated the forced surrender of historic Armenian territories in Artsakh, and as become evident since, certain ares in Armenia-proper.

Heavy police and national security officials formed a wall at the entrance of the Yerablur Cemetery, where relatives of soldiers, Armenian Armed Forces veterans and opposition forces had come together to form a human chain and prevent Pashinyan and his entourage from entering the pantheon, saying that he, who is responsible for such grave losses, should not be allowed to hamper the day of national mourning.

Chaos ensued at Yerablur, according to several Armenian media reports, when Pashinyan and his entourage of government officials who were being guarded by heavily armed security detail reached the military pantheon Saturday afternoon, where thousands had already gathered. Angry protesters chanted “Nikol traitor!” while some Pashinyan supporter shouted back, “Nikol, prime minister.

Riot police deployed to Yerablur on this national day of mourning, pushed back the protesters and scuffles broke out with police and between protesters and Pashinyan supporters.

Armenian media captured photos and videos of Pashinyan’s adviser Robert Ghukasyan beating up a mourner at Yerablur.

At 3 p.m. Saturday afternoon, the National Salvation Movement organized an opposition rally and a march to the St. Gregory the Illuminator Cathedral, where a requiem Mass was said in memory of fallen soldiers.

Officiating the Mass was Primate of the Artsakh Diocese Archbishop Parkev Matirosyan.

“Martyrs are the most praised and the most bright in heaven, because they went to their death on their own volition, in order to secure their eternity through their passing,” said Archbishop Martirosyan.

“Today by commemorating our fallen children, we must realize and bring to life their dreams,” added Martirosyan. “We must be able to make wise decisions… and only through unity and our national abilities can we create our future.”

Asbarez: On the Heels of the Artsakh war

December 19,  2020



Thousands gather in Yerevan Liberty Square demanding Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan’s resignation on Dec. 5

BY KHATCHIG TAZIAN

Almost forty days into the signing of the declaration to stop the war between The Republic of Artsakh and Azerbaijan more question remain than have been answered.

On November 9 a nine-point declaration that was signed basically:

  1. Stopped the shooting
  2. Ushered in Russian peace keepers
  3. Relinquished control of Armenian held lands

The declaration that was to have stopped the war and resolved the conflict (Aliyev’s word) in its essence is a key to a door that opens to a wider and bloodier war. The declaration is fraught with opaque wording that involve opening “all” transit and communication links, which in turn ushers in issues dealing with oversight of the same, and sovereignty issues for both Armenia and Azerbaijan. Two of the most glaring examples of these issues are the Lachin Corridor link between Armenia and Stepanankert, and the proposed link between Azerbaijan and Nakhichevan. What will be the status of these roads? Does each country agree to a sovereign land route? If not, will Russia guarantee the safety of each into perpetuity?

Is that not an infringement on the sovereignty of both countries? What exactly does a corridor connecting Nakhichevan with Azerbaijan have to do with the Nagorno Karabakh Conflict. Wasn’t the conflict and internal one to Azerbaijan carried out by Armenian separatists as proclaimed by Ilham Aliyev? What about the borders being drawn up between Armenia and Azerbaijan… who is the decision maker on these issues? Does Artsakh revert back to Nagorno Karabakh Oblast borders? Will that include Shahumian? Getashen? Shushi? How about the issue of returning refugees? Who gets to go where and by what ratio…? And Armenians returning to their homes in occupied Artsakh…will they be given Azerbaijani citizenship? If so why are the areas that have been taken over by the Azeri Armed forces being emptied from their inhabitants? Why do Azeri Armed forces insist on emptying villages under their control? Aren’t Armenians considered Azerbaijani citizens? If not, then how is it that Azerbaijan would like to extend its sovereignty over an indigenous people who it considers to be its subjects yet insists on expelling them from their homes situated on their ancestral lands? What is going to be the final status of what is left of Artsakh, independence? A Russian protectorate? Azerbaijan? Then of course there is the legality of what Pashinyan is signing away. Does the parliament have to ratify any of the changes taking place? Can future Armenian governments go back to the negotiating table and claim all of this was done at the end of a gun, by a prime minister who didn’t have the authority without the parliament’s approval…. Why, what, where, when, how, by whom….

Armenians everywhere are searching for answers and are rightfully looking to the government of Armenia and Artsakh to provide them where none are to be had.  Villagers are left to their own devices in many cases having to negotiate borders, and possession with Azeri Armed forces. Whole villages in the 5-kilometer wide Lachin Corridor were told to evacuate and then told to stay put after the villagers had started tearing apart their homes so as not to leave them to the enemy. Civilians are still being kidnapped and in some cases being beheaded. The Armenian government simply does not exist. The prime minister insists on staying in office having delivered the state of chaos the Armenian nation worldwide is confronting today. The parliament mostly made up of his cronies can’t find the strength to hold a vote of no confidence. The armed forces are rightfully not taking sides, yet don’t have the necessary orders to station on the borders where needed. The fate of the soldiers missing action, and the number of fallen has still not been confirmed and published. The economy is in ruins. The dollar is rising. The cost of necessary staples is rising. Coronavirus is out of control….

Any administration in any civilized country that delivered the chaos we have on our hands at this point would have automatically resigned. Any self-respecting politician that oversaw the destruction of his country and its diaspora to the extent that Nikol Pahshinyan did would have resigned or committed suicide by now. This begs the question: Why has Pashinyan and his team stayed on. There are of course no verifiable answers to that question at this point. One likely scenario is that the Kremlin has in him a cooperative subject who is putting to work all decisions mandated to him with no questions asked. A new person in that same position would more likely be resistant to the same. In Pashinyan they have a  willing partner for the handing over of lands without disputing borders. Someone who is ready to concede villages in Artsakh when they were held by Armenian forces at the end of the conflict.  A collaborator in the literal meaning of the word.

However, the facts remain. The credibility, trust, and authority of the administration and the Prime Minister are by any measure fatally wounded. For the country to stabilize, and for the people to regain their trust in their leaders for the long-term viability of the country, there needs to be change, and change for the better. A prerequisite for that change is the resignation of the Prime Minister.

The people need to be brought out of the deep depression and grief they are in due to the loss of the war, the loss of Artsakh, and in many cases the loss or injury of a loved one. They need to be led towards hope, towards brighter days, and toward confidence in their safety and that of their state. The diaspora as well as Armenia needs to recalibrate itself for the short / mid-term and long-term needs of Armenia and Artsakh. Neither Armenia, nor the Diaspora have the luxury at this point to waste time, to fracture further, or to resign itself to defeat as a long-term phenomenon. This may have been a defeat in the short term but in the long term it may have been the single most important catalyst for the Armenian nation to re-invigorate itself and  re-assess its national goals and ideals. To not take Armenian statehood for granted.  For the Diaspora to rethink its role both in support of the homeland, and its role as a stakeholder at the table, both politically and economically.

For us to start anew, we need to start with burying the past. Nikol Pashinyan and his My Step coalition now belong to the dustbin of history as do the ruling elites of the past. From Levon Ter Petrosian to Pashinyan any political party that has had the control of the country has shown their capabilities in governance. They have proven their best, and collectively it was not good enough for us to win this war. None should be allowed to regain power.  A caretaker government needs to insure this is the case by revamping the electoral law of Armenia and insuring fair and free elections.

Finally, as a nation if there is one takeaway from this war it is this: The national security of the Armenian nation at any threat level must be guaranteed by our organic abilities. Therefore, any planning for the future in every sector of the country and the nation, whether, social, economic, defense or diaspora should have that premise as the cornerstone of any strategy going forward.

We may have lost this battle, but the war is just beginning…

Obituary: Arthur Zakarian

December 19,  2020



Arthur Zakarian

It is with a heavy heart that we learned of the passing of Arthur Zakarian, a true friend of the Armenian Bone Marrow Donor Registry (ABMDR).

Arthur was born in Isfahan, Iran. After graduating high school, he continued his education in the UK and Germany.  In 1969, he founded his company “Olympia Tools” and in 1976, he moved to the United States with his family. In the 30 years that followed, he traveled extensively and expanded his business into a thriving one.

Arthur’s first visit to Armenia was in 1991. In the following years he travelled extensively to Armenia, and in 2005 he realized his life long dream of retiring in Armenia, making it his home, and dividing his time between his charities and small businesses.

Arthur’s life was one dedicated to helping Armenian causes. He started this calling quite young, when, at the age of 15, he raised funds to establish a 12th grade in Djulfa’s Armenian School, and to aid the local orphanage and hospital.

Soon after his first visit to Armenia, he founded “Armenia Guide Fund”, a charity dedicated to helping younger generations by creating jobs in farming, trading, and new construction in the homeland. He also got actively involved in the the economic development of the village of Geghadir and the renovation of the local school.

As a Founding Member of ABMDR and as a long time member of its Board of Directors, Arthur played a significant role in the organization early on, and was an important fundraiser and contributor for many years. For his sustained commitment and support, Arthur was recognized as ABMDR’s “Man of the Year” in 2006, and was presented an “Excellence in Leadership” award in 2014.

Arthur also served on the Board of Directors of the Armenia Fund, and received a certificate of appreciation from the St. Mary’s church for his years of support and dedication, and for his generous donation of the two Khatchkars, which serve as powerful symbols of the cultural and religious links between our homeland and the Diaspora.

ABMDR mourns the loss of a dear friend, a patriot, a cherished member of its Board of Directors for many years.

May he rest in peace, and may he be remembered for the immense good he has done for his people in general, and for ABMDR in particular.

CivilNet: Media Coverage of the Karabakh War

CIVILNET.AM

06:07

Artak Beglaryan and Arman Tatoyan, human rights ombudsmen for Artsakh and Armenia, respectively, have issued a report on foreign media coverage of the Karabakh fighting between September 27 and November 10, 2020.

According to the report 390 reporters from 90 different countries covered the fighting from the Armenian side. Some of these reporters came under attack from the Azerbaijani side, with seven seriously injured and one local fixer killed. Azerbaijani authorities also filed criminal charges against Russian war correspondent Semyon Pegov, who was embedded with Armenian forces through most of the war. Other journalists were blacklisted for visiting Artsakh without Azerbaijan’s permission, as has been Azerbaijan’s policy for years.

Some of the more serious incidents with media included:

On October 1, a group of international and Armenian media were shelled in the town of Martuni. As a result, two French journalists for Le Monde, a journalist for 24News.am and a cameraman for Armenia TV were injured, and a local fixer was killed. Journalists for Agence France Presse and Russia’s Dozhd TV also came under attacked, but avoided injuries. The injured journalists were evacuated to Yerevan, and the French government subsequently sent a plane to take the Le Monde journalists back to France.

On October 2, a media van was shelled near the town of Mardakert, in Karabakh’s northeast. While the van was seriously damaged, the attack did not cause injuries.

On October 4, as a result of repeat attacks on journalists, Artsakh authorities relocated the foreign media center to Goris, in the Republic of Armenia. Journalists who chose to stay in Artsakh were free to do so.

On October 8, Turkish and/or Azerbaijani air forces launched precision-guided missiles at the Armenian cathedral of Shushi causing significant damage to the building. During the second attack, two Russian journalists were injured. One of the journalists Yuri Kotenok remains hospitalized in Yerevan for over two months.

According to the report the attacks were conducted with the help of reconnaissance drones and were part of the deliberate effort to keep foreign media out of Artsakh. At the same time, Azerbaijani authorities largely forbid foreign media access to its side of the frontline, making exceptions for a few Turkish journalists. Foreign journalists allowed into Azerbaijan were restricted in their coverage by government minders accompanying them.

This piece originally appeared in Focus on Karabakh.