Economist: One should not expect major investments in Armenia until 2024

Panorama, Armenia
Feb 19 2020

14:42, 19.02.2020

YEREVAN. – Armenia is not ready for major investments today. Former governor of the Central Bank of Armenia, economist Bagrat Asatryan, said this during a press conference today.

"This is not an issue for today," he added. “The last decades of Armenia's development were such that the flow of investments had to be reduced.

The growth of investments in Armenia was conditioned by specific transactions. Institutional solutions are needed here; in general, the environment is not like that. Of course, I understand that the authorities want to see greater investments every year, but much more needs to be done for it, to create that environment."

Asatryan noted that Armenia is not ready for large-scale institutional investments, especially if it is regarding direct foreign investments. "There is no need to wait for it until 2024," he said. “Here the state has to take responsibility, starting from developing specific small projects and presenting them to the international community, to contributing to the implementation of those programs; in that case, one can expect a positive trend.”

"Develop the judicial system, and I promise you that the flow of investments will increase qualitatively," Bagrat Asatryan added. “I also promise that the interest rates will considerably reduce in the banking system. There is also the issue of protection of property rights.”

Fresno State to host presentation on Armenian refugees after WWI

PanArmenian, Armenia
Feb 19 2020

PanARMENIAN.NetDr. Ari Sekeryan will speak on “The Survivors: Armenian Orphans and Refugees After the First World War (1918-1923)” March 5 in the University Business Center of the Fresno State campus.

The presentation is part of the Spring 2020 Lecture Series of the Armenian Studies Program and is supported by the Clara Bousian Bedrosian Fund, Massis Post reports.

Dr. Sekeryan was appointed the 16th Henry S. Khanzadian Kazan Visiting Professor in Armenian Studies for the Spring 2020 semester and the March 5 lecture will be his second public presentation of the semester.

Following the First World War and the Armenian Genocide, protecting the lives of Armenian orphans and refugees was the greatest challenge that the community leadership faced. During the Armistice period, with the help of the Allied Powers and humanitarian aid organizations, thousands of Armenian orphans and refugees were rescued and brought back to community life. The lecture presents the story of Armenian orphans and refugees by employing Armenian and Ottoman Turkish media sources published in Istanbul and Anatolia during the Armistice period. It explores the nature of the aid campaigns organized by the community leadership and the importance of the contribution of the Armenian intellectuals, press and the community members to these aid campaigns.

Dr. Sekeryan will give his final public lecture on “The Armenian Patriarchate, Politics and the Postwar Settlement in Istanbul: the Story of Patriarch Zaven, on Thursday, April 2.

Dr. Sekeryan graduated from the Department of Oriental Studies at the University of Oxford, defending his dissertation entitled, “The Armenians in the Ottoman Empire after the First World War (1918-1923).” In the 2018-2019 academic year, Dr. Sekeryan was an Honorary Fellow at the University of Wisconsin-Madison, Institute for Research in the Humanities. Sekeryan was a Visiting Lecturer in the Faculty of Oriental Studies at Yerevan State University (summer of 2018) and a Research Assistant in the Department of Sociology at the University of Oxford in 2016.

Armenia teen charged with killing police officer ruled sane

News.am, Armenia
Feb 19 2020

12:54, 19.02.2020
                  

YEREVAN. – A 16-year-old boy accused of killing a police officer in Yerevan was ruled to be sane, his defender Artur Harutyunyan told Armenian News-NEWS.am.

His brother also faces charges in the case.

The incident occurred when police officers noticed two persons near the entrance to Victory Park in the early morning hours last Octover. Both men fled the scene. The police officers pursued and caught them on an avenue. One of the men grabbed policemen’s pistol, shot at one of them, and hit the other officer of the law with the handle of this pistol.

Police officer Tigran Arakelyan, 38, died of the gunshot wound he sustained, while another police officer was injured. The two brothers who appeared to be 16 and 18 years old pleaded guilty.

Make Armenia Green Again

Foreign Policy
Feb 18 2020

<img src=”"https://foreignpolicy.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/GettyImages-make-armenia-green-51988986.jpg?w=800&h=532&quality=90" alt="A man sharpens his scythe before cutting a field of grass next to the Armenian nuclear power near Yerevan on June 5, 1995." class="image -fit-3-2">

A man sharpens his scythe before cutting a field of grass next to the Armenian nuclear power near Yerevan on June 5, 1995. Rouben Mangasarian/AFP/Getty Images

In southern Armenia, not far from the Turkish and Iranian borders, the village of Paruyr Sevak straddles a strip of arid, treeless no man’s land between Armenia and Azerbaijan. The border village was settled in 1978 as just a smattering of Soviet-built houses named after Armenia’s esteemed 20th-century poet, killed in a car crash farther up the road. Before the village was founded, Azeri shepherds had wandered there freely with their flocks, but the outpost helped define and delimit the land.

In 1988, a six-year war with Azerbaijan flared over nearby Nagorno-Karabakh, the self-declared autonomous region that is historically Armenian but under Azerbaijani control. The same period saw the fall of the Soviet Union and the redrawing of regional maps. Protracted territorial disputes eventually slowed into a daily drum of Azeri sniper fire, and the village needed more than aging buildings to signal its status as Armenian.

“For the land to be yours, it’s not enough just to have a signpost. You have to cultivate the land. You have to plant trees,” Edik Stepanyan told me on a dry, sunny afternoon this past October. He’s the village mayor and moved there 40 years ago from the city of Ararat, named for the white-capped mountain considered sacred to Armenians, which now sits on Turkish soil.

Planting trees is just what the area is doing. Running through the desert plains, on one side of a dusty two-lane thoroughfare, a towering dirt bulwark protects villagers from Azeri gunfire. (“If we didn’t hear the shootings, then we’d be worried, because we’re so used to it,” joked the 60-year-old resident Mesrop Karamyan.) On the other side, poking through the red, parched soil, still five or six years away from providing any shade, sit close to 5,000 green saplings—the makings of a community forest.

A white sedan sputters by with a treeling strapped to its roof. Nearby Khosrov Forest, a protected nature reserve, is home to bears, wolves, ibex, and a handful of endangered Caucasian snow leopards, but sunbaked Paruyr Sevak, lacking any rivers or streams, has virtually no tree cover. The mayor hopes the new park will soften the harsh climate, with the bonus of doubling down on the village’s claim on the vulnerable stretch of borderland.

“We always have to be alert. That’s the only choice we have,” Stepanyan said. “We either keep these borders or we lose everything.” Besides, he added brightly, “it will be a heavenly place.”

Stepanyan is one of many Armenians looking to transform the landscape. Riding high on the heels of a peaceful revolution that swept out years of corrupt oligarchy, Armenia’s new reformist government, led by the former journalist Nikol Pashinyan, has pledged to double the country’s tree cover by 2050 as part of Armenia’s commitment to the Paris climate agreement goals.

There is a lot to unpack in the plan to “,” as tongue-in-cheek comedy duo Narek Margaryan and Sergey Sargsyan have coined it. More than an environmental strategy against climate change, illegal logging, biodiversity loss, and desertification, in Armenia tree planting is suffused with cultural survival.

Since 1994, the Armenia Tree Project (ATP), a Massachusetts-headquartered nonprofit staffed by Armenians and Armenian Americans, has led the country’s reforestation efforts. ATP nurseries, greenhouses, community forests, and planting sites dot virtually every corner of Armenia, from the lush, leafy Georgian border down to disputed Nagorno-Karabakh. Their forests often memorialize; they’re named for genocide survivors or are dedicated to patriotic themes. In 2001, ATP planted the poplar and fruit trees skirting the roads around the 13th-century Noravank monastery to honor Armenia’s 1,700-year anniversary as the world’s first Christian nation.

Scaling up that model, in October at the country’s inaugural forest summit—Forest Summit: Global Action and Armenia, convened by ATP and the American University of Armenia—Pashinyan announced that doubling the tree cover would begin with 10 million trees planted by Oct. 10, 2020—representing the global population of Armenians. To put that number into perspective, after 25 years on the ground, ATP celebrated its 6 millionth tree planting only late last year.

Reforestation, a popular talking point in climate change adaptation efforts, is tricky that way. It does have the potential to reduce air pollution, increase rainfall, and absorb harmful carbon emissions. It is equally valuable in terms of symbolism (even the reelection campaign of U.S. President Donald Trump has spoken of planting a trillion trees), whether it is for shoring up borders, committing to cleaner air, or self-aggrandizement. But the danger in symbolism is that it can favor tidy, fast solutions in place of messy complexities, much like the identical rows of trees often planted to replace eroded forest cover.

These eerie, ersatz forests are about as natural-seeming as a strip of McMansions, and they are less adept at carbon absorption and more vulnerable to wildfires. “How can you compare these plantations to real forests, which we have and which we are losing now?” Karen Manvelyan, the director of the World Wildlife Fund (WWF) Armenia, told me this fall in Yerevan. “It’s PR.”

During Soviet rule, forests, streams, and natural sites were considered state property, and in those days, timber was trucked in from Russia. The fall of the Soviet Union in 1991 led to a devastating energy crisis, with Armenians ransacking forests for fast firewood. ATP founder Carolyn Mugar, living in Yerevan, watched branches stripped and trees felled—the degradation of those years became crucial to the nonprofit’s origin story. “We would cut, in secret, from places we weren’t supposed to, even national parks,” said 53-year-old Angela Minasyan, who now works as a laborer at an ATP nursery. “We always felt sorry for cutting anything,” she added. “That’s why we’re planting trees now.”

Armenia’s current tree cover hovers at around 11 percent—almost half what it was during the 17th and 18th centuries. Along with Armenia’s wood fuel crisis after the fall of the Soviet Union, industrial logging and open mining pits have also contributed to heavy tree losses—a trend that is reflected in waning forestland throughout much of the world. Indeed, global deforestation rates continue at a frightening clip. The world has lost 129 million hectares of forest since 1990—roughly the size of South Africa.

But the yield on new trees is not easy to calculate. Near the village of Margahovit in northern Armenia, not far from the sprawling, thickly forested Dilijan National Park, Marik Nursery sits tucked into the low, mist-threaded hills. Equipped with germination tables, its greenhouses can grow up to a million seedlings, including ash, pine, and wild apple—ATP makes a point of only planting native tree species—which are placed outside to adapt to frigid winters. Still, almost half of the seedlings will die once planted.

“If we have 60 percent, it’s good,” ATP forestry manager Navasard Dadyan told me this fall. “To plant [a] tree is the easier thing. You can plant and go. The harder thing is to take care of them. I won’t say anything about 10 million trees,” he added, chuckling.

Early this January, ATP issued a press release with cautious praise of Pashinyan’s bold announcement—and much concern. It cautioned against planting nonnative or invasive species, which might add further strain to local ecology, and recommended mixed-species forests in place of the monoculture pines usually favored.

But the Pashinyan administration’s muscular, large-scale tree-planting plan not only raises concern about quantity over quality; it also overlooks one of the main drivers of deforestation in Armenia, a cause far more controversial than its history of individual, poverty-driven logging: mineral mining, which involves clearing swaths of forests in preparation for mining areas as well as new roads and related infrastructure. Its reputation as a deforestation driver is well founded: Mining activity has caused almost 10 percent of the total tree loss in the Brazilian Amazon.

Many environmentalists complain that the new government has not done enough to denounce the lucrative, corruption-dogged industry, even greenlighting construction for a $300 million gold mine in the spa town of Jermuk, located on the edge of landlocked Armenia’s largest freshwater source, Lake Sevan. Known for its rich biodiversity, Armenia is home to more than 300 Red Book-listed endangered animal species and over 450 endangered plants. But mines have been traced to habitat loss and toxic residue, known as tailings, and the lake is a protected area.

“On the one hand, you say that we take a green direction,” said Manvelyan, the WWF Armenia director. “On the other hand, you are giving license to new mines.”

The new government took power promising to fight corruption, chase out oligarchs, and dismantle the old regime. It adheres to a kind of social media-savvy transparency. Pashinyan delivers speeches on Facebook Live. Armenians breezily call the prime minister by his first name. One night, I spot “Nikol” out at a jazz club in Yerevan, gamely posing for selfies.

That openness pervades the ranks of the administration. Before I sat down with Vardan Melikyan, the deputy minister of environment, in between panels at the Forest Summit in Yerevan, a man in a dark suit rushed over, interrupting with an urgent-sounding murmur. I instinctively stepped aside, giving them privacy. “Don’t leave.” Melikyan waved me back. “There is no secret.” But the mood noticeably soured when I brought up the mines, prompting a crisp “no comment.” “Maybe people need to wait a bit,” Melikyan finally offered, alluding to legal complications.

“Actually, it’s not complicated,” countered Artur Grigoryan, an environmental lawyer tapped by the Pashinyan administration to inspect mine sites and who was subsequently fired. After a monthlong investigation, in the summer of 2019, Grigoryan had reported evidence of a Red Book-listed butterfly to the Environment Ministry, which would make mining in Jermuk a criminal offense. He made similar findings in Kajaran, a privatized, Soviet-era open-pit copper mine in southern Armenia traced to rampant heavy metal pollution.

“I spoke to the prime minister,” Grigoryan said. “I presented the situation.” Then Pashinyan jetted to Switzerland to talk up Armenia’s economic development at the 2019 World Economic Forum. “From Davos, he signed the decision to fire me,” Grigoryan said.

Mines in Armenia are operated by offshore companies like Lydian International, which act as smokescreens for their owners. This opaque financial structure makes it difficult to know what benefit is being reaped by whom. “Nobody knows what kind of influence they have on the current government,” Grigoryan explained—if any at all.

Manvelyan believes that the massive reforestation plan was announced to deflect from a furor over unchecked mining policies. It is “a kind of compensation” for the public, he said. “But you can’t compensate. It’s two different stories.”

Along with doubling the country’s tree cover, the Pashinyan administration simultaneously announced at October’s Forest Summit that it would aim to increase the country’s population from 3 million to 5 million people, opening up new channels of immigration and recruiting Armenians from the diaspora. In multiplying its forests and—very nearly, at least—also doubling its population, the Pashinyan government has promised hyperbolically bold economic and ecological investment. Each looks to the past while striving to put Armenia back on the map.

Back in the southern village of Paruyr Sevak, the mayor looked out approvingly on the makings of the community park, with the clear line its trees had drawn in the sand. He recalled many encroachments of Armenian territory by neighbors on all sides, most notoriously Turkey. Mount Ararat—symbol of the Armenian people and faith—appears mostly as a haze-dulled backdrop from Armenian soil. “We have no more space to move back. If you go and compare Armenia’s maps from before and now, what’s left of it is so little,” Stepanyan complained. “Our borders kept getting smaller and smaller.”

Beyond the craggy, rust-hued mountain range, dogs trawl the rings of landlocked desert, which sit baking under the sun. The thin, sparsely foliaged treelings—wedged between Turkish, Iranian, and Azerbaijani borders—barely rise a foot off the ground. But it won’t be long before they cast long shadows.



Armenian wines’ show at PRODEXPO-2020 international food exhibition

Aysor, Armenia
Feb 19 2020

Armenia Wine Company was awarded one gold and two silver medals by the contest jury of ProdExpo-2020 international food exhibition, the company said today in a press release.

The 27th edition of ProdExpo-2020 international food exhibition hosted by Moscow, Russia that featured over 2600 producers from 70 countries ended on February 14.

This major international exhibition is one of the best platforms for acquiring new partners, discussing industry issues, winning new markets and showcasing one’s products to consumers.

During the international beverage tasting competition organized as part of the exhibition, the representative jury consisting of winemakers, experts, representatives of consumer unions and critics evaluated approximately 800 products in accordance with the accepted international standards.
For the 8th year in a row Armenian wines captured the attention and hearts of the visitors to this annual international wine and spirits exhibition with their excellent taste and flavor, forcing them to constantly choose Armenian wines.

Armenia Wine Company was again hosted by this year’s exhibition, presenting a range of its exquisite and unique wines that have received high praise from both consumers and major international partners.

“Each time presenting our wines at international exhibitions, we also present the best traditions of the millennial history of Armenian winemaking, receiving the highest recognition. This time again our company’s representatives returned to Armenia with one gold and two silver awards. We are proud of our achievements, as our company, which has become a symbol of modern winemaking,  presented to the visitors not only the excellent tastes and flavors of its wines, but once again held in  high regard Armenian wine culture,” said Kristine Vardanyan, Commercial Director of the company.

According to Armenian Wine Company, the gold medal was awarded to "Armenia" cherry wine and silver medals to "Armenia Muscat" white semi-sweet wine made from Muscat grape variety and to "Armenia" semi-dry sparkling wine made from Areni variety grape.

Chief of Armenian top court staff calls for boycotting constitutional referendum

Panorama, Armenia
Feb 19 2020

Chief of Staff of Armenia’s Constitutional Court Edgar Ghazaryan will not take part in a referendum on the constitutional changes.

He took to Facebook on Tuesday to urge his friends and relative to boycott the constitutional referendum as well, denouncing it as a “mockery”.

“Following Armenia’s domestic developments, the emergence of fake agendas and empty issues, unconstitutional and illegal processes, I have decided for the first time in my life not to take part in this mockery organized under the name of a referendum on April 5, 2020,” he wrote.

“I don’t want to be connected in any way to the great illegality that the incumbent authorities want to impose on our people, once again abusing their noble motives and feelings.

“I call on all my friends and relatives not to take it for granted, ignore the fake agenda, deal with your own issues and in no way become part of this intrigue,” the post read. 

The constitutional changes proposed by deputies of the ruling My Step bloc would dismiss Constitutional Court Chairman Hrayr Tovmasyan and the judges of Armenia’s highest court elected prior to April 9, 2018.

It’s been 16 years since murder of Armenian officer by Azeri lieutenant

PanArmenian, Armenia
Feb 19 2020

PanARMENIAN.Net – February 19 marks the 16th anniversary of the murder of Armenian officer Gurgen Margaryan by Azerbaijani officer Ramil Safarov in Hungary.

A Lieutenant of the Armenian Armed Forces, Margaryan, then 26, was hacked to death, while asleep, by a fellow Azerbaijani participant, lieutenant Safarov, in Budapest during a three-month English language course in the framework of a NATO-sponsored Partnership for Peace program.

On April 13, 2006, Budapest District Court sentenced Safarov to life in prison for murdering Margaryan. On February 22, 2007, Budapest Court rejected Azerbaijani military officer's appeal against the verdict, precluding possibility of pardon for the initial 30 years.

By a decree of then President of Armenia Robert Kocharian officer Margaryan was awarded with a posthumous Medal for Courage on February 19, 2005.

In 2012, Safarov was extradited to Azerbaijan and pardoned by Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev.

Official Yerevan reacted by suspending diplomatic ties with Hungary. Hungary, however, stated that it had sent Safarov back to Azerbaijan after receiving assurances from the Azerbaijani Justice Ministry that Safarov's sentence, which included the possibility of parole after 25 years, would be enforced.

Hungary’s Prime Minister Victor Orban first stated that he transferred the prisoner to Azerbaijan on the understanding that he would serve out the rest of his life sentence in his home country. In later statements, Orban admitted that he not only signed the extradition agreement himself, but that he had repeatedly been warned that if Safarov were extradited to Azerbaijan, he would be pardoned and even celebrated by Ilham Aliyev's dictatorial regime. According to some reports, Safarov was extradited to Azerbaijan in exchange for Azeri purchase of Hungarian securities worth Euro 2-3 billion, information that official Budapest denies.

Georgia to create reserve on border with Armenia

News.am, Armenia
Feb 19 2020

22:39, 19.02.2020
                  

Prime Minister of Georgia Georgi Gakharia says protected areas will be expanded by 100,000 square meters in 2020, as reported Novosti Gruzia.

The Georgian government has decided to create the Erusheti National Park (Samtskhe-Javakheti) on the border with Armenia. According to Gakharia, this will be important for cross-border cooperation.

“In 2019, the total amount of protected areas grew by 10% and made up 9.6% of the country’s territory. However, this isn’t the maximum indicator. In 2020, the Ministry of Agriculture and Environmental Protection intends to expand protected areas by 100,000 square meters in 2020. Today we have adopted a decision on the creation of the Erusheti National Park in the border zone. This will be extremely important in terms of cross-border cooperation and preservation of species in the Red Book.

Based on the government program that the Georgian government announced last year, the new sector of the reserve is located within the administrative boundaries of Ninotsminda and encompasses nearby territories such as Abuli, as well as Saghamo and Paravan Lakes.

NO campaign organizer: Armenian state officials’ violations of constitutional rule are noticeable

News.am, Armenia
Feb 19 2020
NO campaign organizer: Armenian state officials' violations of constitutional rule are noticeable NO campaign organizer: Armenian state officials' violations of constitutional rule are noticeable

                        

According to point 2 of part 14 of Article 17 of the Constitutional Law “On referendum”, employees of state institutions or organizations, community institutions or organizations, employees of organizations of state or local self-government bodies with 20 percent or more participation in statutory capital, while performing their duties or acting ex officio. This is what one of the initiators of the NO campaign headquarters for the constitutional amendments referendum, human rights activist Arsen Babayan wrote on his Facebook page.

“I notice that representatives of the staffs of regional governors, the Government and the National Assembly are violating this rule and are expressing themselves by advocating YES to the Referendum in their profile pictures on Facebook,” Arsen Babayan wrote.

Analyst: Campaign in Artsakh revolves around Araik Harutyunyan, Masis Mayilyan and Samvel Babayan

Arminfo, Armenia
Feb 19 2020

ArmInfo.The campaign intrigue in Artsakh revolves around Araik Harutyunyan, Masis Mayilyan and Samvel Babayan. A similar opinion was expressed by ArmInfo Director  of the Armenian Center for National Strategic Studies Manvel  Sargsyan.

"I came back from Artsakh the other day and, starting from my own  observations, I can say that these people are the most mentioned by  the people of Artsakh in their conversations. I practically did not  hear the names of other candidates. And of course, there is talk  everywhere about buying votes, at the end after all, the power in  Artsakh is still the same, "he noted.

Parliamentary and presidential elections in the Republic of Artsakh  will be held on March 31. As candidates in the Artsakh CEC, 12 people  registered. Including ex-Minister of Artsakh, leader of the Free  Homeland party Araik Harutyunyan and Foreign Minister of Artsakh  Masis Mayilyan. Ex-Minister of Defense of Artsakh Samvel Babayan and  his party "United Homeland" announced support for the candidacy of  Mayilyan.

According to him, the situation began to gradually clear up after the  court did not allow Babayan to take part in the elections on his own.  Nevertheless, the latter has many supporters and he decided to  support another, alternative, opposition candidate.

In general, the analyst assesses the pre-election situation in  Artsakh as quite interesting, primarily due to the large influence of  changes in Armenia on the mood in Artsakh. As a result, for the first  time in Artsakh, not counting the last elections to local  authorities, over the past decades a situation has arisen in which  voters will decide everything. There are simply no other factors  capable of ensuring victory for any of the candidates.

"The authorities in Artsakh still have the previous regime. The  regime is weakened, having already lost part of its personnel and,  consequently, its influence on the people. Decades of atmosphere of  fear, the impact of war, the use of blackmail and administrative  resources in the elections are behind. Artsakh people found  themselves face to face with a new themselves as a phenomenon – an  opportunity of free choice that they never had. And this opportunity  scares them a bit and prevents them from concentrating, "the ACNIS  director summed up.