Where is the outrage and statements from the White House, State Department, the Congress and human rights organizations?
Tarlan Ahmadov
Portland
Where is the outrage and statements from the White House, State Department, the Congress and human rights organizations?
Tarlan Ahmadov
Portland
The foreign ministers of Armenia and Azerbaijan held four-hour-long consultations in Paris, on January 16, under the auspices of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe’s (OSCE) Minsk Group. The joint statement to come out of the meeting included telling language. In particular, the two sides acknowledged the need for “concrete measures to prepare the populations for peace” (Osce.org, January 16).
The Paris consultations were the second meeting of Ministers Elmar Mammadyarov and Zohrab Mnatsakanyan within a month. Amidst overall accelerated dynamics of bilateral contacts and relatively softened rhetoric, there is now reinvigorated optimism that a tangible breakthrough may soon be possible in the over-two-decades-old internationally mediated negotiations over Azerbaijan’s breakaway region of Karabakh. Nevertheless, an apparent discrepancy continues to persist between the words and deeds of Armenian and Azerbaijani political elites.
The evolving positive sentiment surrounding the Karabakh peace process was underpinned by an informal meeting between Armenia’s Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan and Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev, on the margins of this year’s Davos World Economic Forum (Azatutyun.am, January 22). Pashinyan subsequently disclosed the details of the talks, noting that he told the Azerbaijanis that Artsakh (formerly known as the “Nagorno-Karabakh Republic” or NKR) should be allowed to represent itself in the negotiations. Armenians in Karabakh did not participate in Armenia’s snap parliamentary elections, and thus he has no confidence vote to represent them, Pashinyan argued. In response to Aliyev’s assertion to also involve the Azerbaijani minority that had to flee Karabakh, Pashinyan claimed he opposed the idea, saying that those individuals had voted for Aliyev in last year’s presidential elections, thus empowering him to speak on their behalf (Galatv.am, February 1).
It is unclear what has motivated Pashinyan to seek to “sovereignize” Artsakh within the context of the OSCE Minsk Group, particularly since accepting the region as a separate negotiating entity would imply its separation from Armenia as well. Does this signal a qualitatively new plan or is the Armenian leader seeking to shirk responsibility ahead of an inevitable reescalation of tensions. Perhaps, it is linked to Pashinyan’s overwhelming opposition to former president Robert Kocharyan. The latter, upon taking office in 1998, agreed to exclude Karabakh from any negotiations with Azerbaijan. He had insisted that since he had previously served as elected president of the NKR, this legitimated him to speak on behalf of Karabakh as Armenian head of state. In contrast, Pashinyan may be rejecting the Kocharayan negotiations formula in an effort to distance himself further from his predecessor.
In the broader context of the Karabakh peace process, preparations for full-fledged combat operations by both sides continue. This is despite verbal agreements to defuse tensions along the frontline by setting up “hot line” military-to-military communications between the two sides. So even as the intensity of multi-format talks has increased, neither side believes a negotiated solution is possible and both have adopted an approach akin to “lulling mutual vigilance.” Indeed, talks of needing to establish mechanisms to investigate clashes along the frontline—an idea Yerevan and Baku both endorsed in 2016—have almost subsided.
Last year, Azerbaijan made a series of important strategic arms purchases, including two battalions of Belarusian Polonez multiple-launch rocket systems (MRLS), together with about 1,200 A200-type rockets; at least one battalion of Israeli-origin LORA high-precision ballistic missile systems; and substantial numbers of various models of sophisticated unmanned aerial vehicles (see EDM, January 21). In turn, Armenia obtained four Su-30SM multirole 4+ generation fighter aircraft, along with additional procurements yet to be implemented consistent with its previously approved $100 million loan from Russia (Kommersant, February 1). To stand up to the evolving military supremacy of Azerbaijan, Armenia is preparing to fundamentally reform its “active deterrence” strategy by overhauling and expanding its fleet of Su-25 close-air-support jets while eventually procuring a total of 12 Su-30SMs to carry out combat air-patrol and air-to-surface deep interdiction missions.
In late December 2018, Aliyev reiterated Azerbaijani’s tough red lines on Karabakh, making clear that neither independent status, nor Artsakh’s formal accession to Armenia would be at all acceptable for Baku. He also stressed that the maximum scope of concessions Baku would be willing to offer would be some level of autonomy for the breakaway region but within a unified Azerbaijan (Haqqin.az, January 1, 2019). Subsequently, Pashinyan strongly rebuffed the Azerbaijani leader’s words, stating, “[W]e cannot discuss the ‘territories for peace’ formula” (Armenpress, January 30). In response, Aliyev declared that the “ ‘might makes right’ principle prevails in the world at present,” and therefore, preserving a viable military solution to resolve the Karabakh dispute will continue to constitute a key agenda of Azerbaijan (Trend.az, February 12).
Considering these geopolitical realities, Armenia arguably has four options for how to deal with the Karabakh conundrum. First, it could completely withdraw its military from the breakaway region. But then it would also need to evacuate the 150,000 ethnic Armenians who live there since, after decades of conflict, the Armenian and Azerbaijani societies are highly antagonistic toward one another.
Second, it might seek to recognize the so-called independence of Artsakh, as Turkey did with Northern Cyprus. Of course, such an initiative would by no means prevent Azerbaijan from launching an assault on Karabakh in response.
Third, Armenia might choose to agree to the Russian plan, which would offer a transitory status for Karabakh coupled with the deployment of Russian “peacekeeping” troops throughout Artsakh (which in fact claims territories beyond the administrative borders of the Soviet-era Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Oblast or NKAO). In this case both rivals—Yerevan and Baku—would end up losing control over the situation, while opening the door to more direct and overt manipulative actions by the Kremlin. This option would almost certainly have unpredictable repercussions in addition to likely putting an end to Armenia as a serious politico-military factor in the region.
Fourth, Armenia could seek to unilaterally incorporate the region into its territory as Israel did with the Golan Heights, and de jure declare Artsakh an inherent part of Armenia—thereby fulfilling the century-long wishes of the Armenian population of Karabakh. Such a scenario might delay the looming fighting, but in the meantime would trigger furious criticism around the world, including from Moscow.
None of the options are ideal for Pashinyan’s government as it seeks to dramatically reform the country’s economy, political system and military. Continued talks with Baku may thus be the only policy likely to offer Yerevan at least some period of breathing space.
Armenia web developers are attending the international HIMSS19 Health IT Conference in Florida, USA. The event kicked off on February 11 and is due to close on February 15.
The conference gathers leading global companies that present tech innovations for the healthcare sector. The participants are healthcare, pharmaceutical enterprises and representatives of renowned medical universities, who offer innovative approaches and new technologies for healthcare.
A co-founder of National Health Operator of Armenia CJSC, Sylex SARL will have a separate booth at the conference to display its new e-health solutions including a diagnosis assistant based on artificial intelligence (AI).
The robot system developed by the Armenian experts can operate as an assistant to physician and help with precise diagnosing.
“Participation in HIMSS pursues two goals: present yourself and learn about innovations happening elsewhere in the world. As an IT company working in the healthcare sector, we follow general developments in the field. Our engineers also strive for new, bigger achievements. We attended HIMSS as guests every year, just to see the innovations. We are proud to participate this time, to have a booth next to the giants of the sector such as IBM and Oracle Corporation,” said Sylex SARL CEO Avet Manukyan.
According to him, healthcare sector has both huge interest and demand for AI-based solutions. Sylex SARL’s assistant can help physicians give more accurate diagnosis, avoid excessive tests and save the doctor’s time which can be spent on other patients.
“This solution is designed to serve as a tool for doctors. As soon as we prove its absolute efficiency through testing, we’ll be able to use our “doctor Lex” confidently. For now, we plan to test it in the universities. Senior students will try to compete with the AI-based solution,” said Sylex SARL Director of Business Development Garren Badalyan.
The company’s programmers worked on the robot assistance in cooperation with doctors and used The Merck Index and PubMed.
The President of the International Association of Genocide Scholars, Dr. Henry Theriault, will headline the inaugural February 27 lecture of the Raphael Lemkin Policy Series, an ongoing Capitol Hill conversation about legal and political challenges and opportunities related to the prevention and punishment of the crime of genocide, the Armenian National Committee of America (ANCA) said in a press release.
Dr. Theriault, who serves as Vice President for Academic Affairs at Worcester State University, will speak at 12:00 noon on Wednesday, February 27th, in Room 2456 of the Rayburn House Office Building. Lunch will be provided.
The Lemkin series is made possible by the ANCA Endowment Fund and the generosity of the Aramian Family – led by sisters Sue, the late Margo, and the late Martha – long-time benefactors of educational and charitable projects in the Armenian homeland and the diaspora. The lecture will be hosted by Congressional Armenian Caucus Vice-Chair Adam Schiff (D-CA), a principled and powerful Congressional advocate for a truthful and just U.S. policy on the Armenian Genocide.
“We look forward to Dr. Theriault’s inaugural lecture and to an ongoing, justice-oriented exploration by Congressional and foreign policy community stakeholders of a core challenge of our time – the punishment and prevention of genocide, two core principles at the heart of the Rafael Lemkin’s life work, the UN Genocide Convention,” said ANCA Chairman Raffi Hamparian. “This is a particularly timely program – coming so soon after the enactment of the Elie Wiesel Genocide and Atrocities Prevention Act, and amid renewed atrocities against vulnerable populations around the world.”
The series is named after Raphael Lemkin, the lawyer who first coined the term “genocide” after learning about the Armenian Genocide. He led the global movement to adopt the “UN Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide”, which was adopted by the United Nations in December 1948. A landmark of international law, the Convention defines genocide as an international crime.
Congressman Brad Sherman urged Trump's administration to stop blocking Congressional legislation on the Armenian Genocide.
He said the Administration has to stop covering for Turkey's president Recep Tayyip Erdogan on the Armenian Genocide, freeing legislators to vote their conscience on U.S. remembrance of Turkey’s crime against Christian nations.
“If you just go neutral on this, Congress will be the conscience of this country,” he said.
Bordered by great powers but with their own distinct cultures, Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia lie at the crossroads of Asia and Europe. In his book, The Caucasus: An Introduction, Thomas de Waal explains this fascinating region. Carnegie Europe published an interview with researcher.
– What made you want to study and write about this part of the world?
– I’ve been going to the region for more than thirty years. When I was a student then a journalist in Moscow, I used to enjoy traveling south, where they still spoke Russian but I wasn’t in Russia. The people were friendly and the food was certainly better. There was lots to cover—it was a turbulent time with ongoing conflicts and state breakdown. Eventually, I became less of a Russia expert and more of a Caucasus expert, writing a book about the Karabakh conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan. Later I realized there was a gap in the market to write a short, readable introduction to the Caucasus as a whole. My pitch was that the book should be bought by someone traveling to the region. When they got off the plane, that person would know the basics. The first edition came out in 2010, so this is the updated version. I actually met someone in the Istanbul airport reading it, so that imaginary reader came to life!
– Where is the Caucasus? Is it considered Europe or Asia?
– I call the Caucasus “the lands in between.” Geographically, the countries lie between Europe, Asia, Russia, and the Middle East. Culturally, they are on the border where Islam meets Christianity, and where democracy meets authoritarianism. Is the South Caucasus in Europe? It’s a bit of an open question. The conventional practice is to call it Europe and it is quite a secularized Europeanized place, but that means that Turkey to the west is in Asia and Azerbaijan to the east is in Europe. It’s a confusing, interesting region, which is a borderland in more ways than just geography.
– What is the region's geography like and how has it influenced its development?
– It is defined by two huge mountain ranges: the Greater and Lesser Caucasus. The book is about the southern side of the mountains, the Greater Caucasus, which is the highest mountain range in Europe. There is an enormous variety of climates and landscapes—from desert to subtropical fertile on the Black Sea coast of Georgia to temperate wine country. I call it three in three in three. There are three big neighbors which are all former imperial powers (Persia to the south, the Ottoman Empire, and Russia). There are three nation states: Georgia, Armenia and Azerbaijan. And there are three (disputed) breakaway territories: Nagorny-Karabakh (between Armenia and Azerbaijan), and Abkhazia and South Ossetia, which split from Georgia de facto in 1992-3 and were recognized as independent by Russia in 2008.
– What are some of the differences between the countires that make up the Caucasus?
– It is incredibly diverse, ethnically and linguistically—the three main nations all have different alphabets and the languages belong to different groups. This is a product of both history and the region’s mountainous geography. Historically, it has been regarded as a land of conflict, but I like to stress that it is not fated to have conflict, that most people living there manage their differences pretty well most of the time. Obviously there is one big unresolved conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan over the disputed territory of Nagorny Karabakh. That dates back more than 30 years, pits the two nations against one another in almost perpetual hostility and holds back the forward development of the region.
There are two ancient Christian nations, Armenia and Georgia. Back in the early fourth century, the kingdoms of Armenia and Georgia were the first two nations to convert to Christianity and their people have been Christian ever since. Armenia and Georgia have an uneasy friendship—they mostly get along but can be competitive.
Azerbaijan is the largest of the three countries and also very wealthy, thanks to oil and gas. It has a fascinating history. Azerbaijanis are ethnically Turkic but also predominantly Shia Muslim and they were Russified by the Soviet Union. So they have a mixed Turkic-Iranian-Russian cultural leagacy. Through the bigger historical sweep, all three have managed to trade, intermarry, and largely get along with each other.
– What do they have in common?
– It makes sense to think of these three small countries as one region. They have a shared common history—for some 200 years, they were part of the Russian Empire and then the Soviet Union. They share cultural traditions—there are similarities in the way food is served and guests are treated. More importantly, they also have a shared regional economy, although more in potential than in reality. The region’s biggest international asset is its status as a transport hub.
– What is the biggest mistake to make when thinking about the Caucasus?
– One mistake people make, which became even clearer to me as I updated the book, is to think too much in terms of Russia and to call the South Caucasus Russia’s backyard. People who don’t know much about it try to see it through the prism of Russia or even Putin but that is an outdated model. These countries have been independent for 25 years. They are not just neighbors of Russia. China is there, the EU is there, Turkey is there. For example, in the spring of 2018, there was a peaceful revolution in Armenia. Most of the coverage was focused on Russia. But Russia did nothing. The idea that this is Russia’s backyard—when Armenia doesn’t even share a border with Russia, just a close economic and security partnership—was shown to be outmoded. People need to hit refresh on that concept.
– What about the Caucasus might most surprise people?
– This is a region with many curious details. I have some small capsules of those in the book. For example, Georgia is the oldest wine-making country in the world. There are fermented grape pips that prove they were making wine several thousand years before anyone else. For Georgians, wine drinking is more than just a matter of taste. German anthropologist Florian Mühlfried argues that it’s also very political. It is one way the Georgians assert their difference from others—particularly the vodka-drinking Russians.
There is also a passionately believed myth that Winston Churchill liked to drink Armenian brandy, or “cognac”, after being given a bottle by Joseph Stalin. Unfortunately, this was actually an invention of a popular Soviet spy drama called Seventeen Moments of Spring.
There is also a jazz scene in Azerbaijan and Georgia, which dates back to the 1960s. Comparatively speaking, the region did better than Russia during Soviet times—Baku and Tbilisi had a cosmopolitan culture, a jazz culture.
Finally, there is a new development, which is ecotourism. It is a stunningly beautiful region and nowadays there are opportunities for hiking in the mountains, mountain trails and small guest houses where tourists can stay.
– What is the future of the region likely to look like?
– It is a cliché that the future is unpredictable, but at least it will keep me employed. There is one major unresolved conflict over Karabakh and two somewhat smaller ones in Georgia. If Azerbaijan and Armenia go back to war, it could set the region back by a generation. As a whole, I feel that although the region is small, it has many assets. It is a place at an international crossroads, with a well-educated population and lots of potential. Personally, I feel optimistic, as I can see that this region has come a very long way in the last quarter of a century since I first started going there.
Congressman BradSherman tell the Trump Administration to stop blocking Congressional legislation on the Armenian Genocide
The Congressman has urged the Administration to stop covering for Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan on the Armenian Genocide, freeing legislators to vote their conscience on US remembrance of Turkey's crime against Armenians and other Christian nations.
"If you just go neutral on this, Congress will be the conscience of this country," he said.
YEREVAN. – The Government of Armenia on Wednesday posted—on the e-draft website—the drafts for the law on making amendments and addenda to the law on the structure and functioning of the government, and for the related laws, and whereby the number of ministries in the countries is planned to be reduced from seventeen down to twelve.
This package of bills proposes to cut down the number of public administration agencies in Armenia, and in order to increase the effectiveness of public administration system in the country.
In particular, the Ministries of Culture, Sport and Youth Affairs are planned to be joined to the Ministry of Education and Science, and the latter shall be renamed Ministry of Education, Science and Culture; the Ministry of Agriculture will be joined to the Ministry of Economic Development and Investments, and the latter will be renamed Ministry of Economy; the Ministry of Energy Infrastructures and Natural Resources will be joined to the Ministry of Territorial Administration and Development, and the latter will be renamed Ministry of Territorial Administration and Infrastructures; the Ministry of Transport, Communication and Information Technologies will be renamed Ministry of High Technology Industry; and the Ministry of Diaspora will be joined to the Prime Minister’s Staff where an institute of Chief Commissioner for Diaspora Affairs is planned to be established in lieu of this ministry.
Also, the said package of bills proposes to abolish the institute of First Deputy Prime Minister.
Armenia has taken note of the statement by the U.S. Department of State in connection with the deployment of the Armenian Humanitarian Mission to Syria (AHM), the Foreign ministry spokesperson, Anna Naghdalyan said on Wednesday as she was asked to comment on the issue.
Armenia’s Defense Ministry dispatched an 83-member team of medics, sappers and security personnel to Aleppo, Syria on Friday to carry out humanitarian de-mining and de-mining training of the population, as well as to provide medical assistance in Aleppo exclusively outside the zone of military operations.
“Armenia and the U.S have long worked together to address the current humanitarian catastrophe in Syria with its massive refugee and displacement crises.
“I would like to repeat that throughout the Syrian conflict the plight of civilians, minorities, including the sizable Syrian-Armenian community has consistently been a priority concern for the Armenian people worldwide. The Armenian public opinion strongly reflects deep compassion and concern for the sufferings of civilians and the devastation of the country. We speak about a country which has had an indispensable contribution for the survival of the Armenian nation in the wake of the Armenian Genocide. The Armenian Consul General has been never stopped operating throughout the crisis. To date Armenia has sheltered around 22,000 Syrian refugees and has dispatched 4 airplanes of humanitarian aid to the Syrian people. With the establishment of a relative normalcy and security, Armenia is now keen to continue its contribution to the humanitarian mission, including by providing doctors and humanitarian sappers, to help improve the livelihoods of civilians in the conflict-torn Aleppo. AHM is a purely relief mission guided by the International Humanitarian Law and coordinates its work with the relief agencies and international partners present on the ground.
“We share the concerns of the international community with regard to the plight of the ethnic and religious minorities in the Middle East and attach importance to the continued provision of humanitarian support in Syria,” Naghdalyan said.
Earlier on Wednesday, the State Department issued a statement, saying: “We recognize the desire of other nations to respond to the humanitarian situation in Syria, and we share the concerns about protecting religious minorities in the Middle East. However, we do not support any engagement with Syrian military forces, whether that engagement is to provide assistance to civilians or is military in nature.”
Bright Armenia faction MP Arman Babajanyan claims that the past 10 months were enough for working out a program which could have become a guideline for not only 5 but 15 years.
“This document is de-strategic, de-conceptual document. The government’s program does not have any strategic basis,” he said at the parliament today.
Babajanyan stressed that according to the program Armenia will carry out self-isolating, single-vector policy with the new authorities not planning to undertake any steps to find strategic partners, establish allied relation and diversify country’s foreign policy.
“The foreign political relations described here raise concern that we will continue carrying out foreign policy based not on Armenia’s and national interests but stemming from unreplaceable principle of the third countries and commitments before them,” he said, adding that Russian Federation is a de facto impediment in our foreign relation while in reality the development of relations with Russia must be based on respect of Armenia’s dignity and sovereignty.
Referring to the speeches voiced by My Step lawmakers, the MP urged to defend vital institutions of the state not diverting from important issues.
“The police chief is being called improperly in the court and none of you defend him. Yesterday the defense minister is being reprimanded and none of you says anything,” Babajanyan said, stressing that the government fails to defend vital institutions.