Full Belly Files | My Beginning and Nagorno-Karabakh’s End

feb 28 2024

This edition of Full Belly Files was originally emailed to subscribers on February 23, 2022. To receive Matt Kettmann’s food newsletter in your inbox each Friday, sign up at independent.com/newsletters.

Last fall, I was struck by feelings of both anger and remorse as I witnessed scenes of refugees from the Republic of Nagorno-Karabakh fleeing their generations-old homes toward an unknown future in neighboring Armenia. They were victims of the latest, and seemingly final, war over the breakaway Karabakh republic, which ethnic Armenians established in 1994 by prevailing over Azerbaijan at the end of a three-year war.  

Only Armenia ever granted Karabakh status as an independent state, and Azerbaijan’s threats to reclaim the territory finally came true in September, when a brief skirmish forced the remaining Armenians to leave. The republic was wiped off the international map entirely on January 1, 2024.

The videos and photographs of the refugee convoys snaking through the Lachin Corridor brought me directly back to my own memories of that same mountainous route, which weaves past towering monasteries, ancient cave complexes, and brilliantly green peaks. I was on that road 20 years ago, headed into my own unknown future as a twentysomething journalist from Santa Barbara.  

I first moved in the opposite direction of the refugees, away from the relative safety of Armenia and into the war-ravaged, officially unrecognized land of Artsakh, which is what Armenian ancestors first called this land more than 2,000 years ago. Traveling with war photographer Jonathan Alpeyrie — who already had experience in breakaway republics of the Caucasus region and would many years later be kidnapped in Syria — I was young and eager to make a name for myself, and saw trips to obscure and/or risky regions as a possible ticket to editorial success and financial stability.

I was right, as that trip and other international gambles before and after led to connections with international publications like TIME Magazine and the New York Times that helped establish my career. But back in 2004, I never would have guessed that my writings two decades later would be more concerned with wine than war, an outcome directly connected to the three weeks I spent getting to know the people and places of Nagorno-Karabakh.

I first met Jonathan Alpeyrie in 2003 when he submitted some photos to the Independent, and we struck up a working friendship. I’d already done reporting trips to Belize, Bolivia, and Costa Rica by then, and was always on the lookout for somewhere new. He’d send me ideas that seemed either too dangerous or too expensive to pull off, but then mentioned a connection to a Fresno-based nonprofit called the Armenian Technology Group that worked in this breakaway republic.

Like most Americans, I’d never heard of Nagorno-Karabakh, despite the three-year long brutal war between Azeris, who are Muslim, and Armenians, who are Christian, that consumed the region when the Soviet Union fell in 1991. Under Soviet rule, the region was included in the state of Azerbaijan, even though most of the residents were Armenian. That fostered the sort of distracting internal tension preferred by Joseph Stalin way back when the USSR was created.

The first Nagorno-Karabakh war killed more than 30,000 people in a region where only 200,000 lived, and ended in 1994 with ethnic Armenians victorious. That meant our 2004 visit would be during the republic’s 10-year anniversary celebration, which promised to be newsworthy. Plus, though in the middle of nowhere and still in partial rubble, Karabakh appeared to be relatively safe — the frontline skirmishes were brief and rare — inexpensive, and uncovered by most media, all good signs for a profitable project.   

It took us about a week of paperwork-pushing in the Armenian capital of Yerevan to get our visit to Karabakh in order. Our primary goal was covering the geopolitics of the situation, meeting with the military, and visiting the front lines. But that would take even more time to arrange once we were in Karabakh, so I suggested that we also do some reporting on the region’s reemergent wine industry, which dates back many thousands of years. Indeed, the greater Caucasus Mountains region is considered the birthplace of wine as we know it.

I’d already been writing a little bit about wine for the Independent, and used some of that background to avoid sounding like a total fool while speaking through translators to the region’s winemakers and distillers. We visited wineries whose walls were riddled with bullet holes, vineyards whose rows were loaded with land mines, and even a cooperage in a former tank factory, where the employees focused on barrels rather than battles.

After those first couple days of wine reporting, the rest of our trip rolled out rather well. We got to know the top politicians and generals, often sipping brandy and shooting guns with them. We explored the well-stocked markets and sparse restaurants, learning about their herb-packed breads and salty cheeses. We befriended a number of our fixers and drivers, joining them on trips to grill up pork kebabs in the forest, checking out their illicit marijuana plants on apartment balconies, and driving fast on empty roads toward crumbling cathedrals, past raging rivers, and across stunningly beautiful landscapes.

Of course, we stuck out like sore thumbs, as the only non-Armenians we really ever saw there, save for one other couple that we dined with over cream-covered Georgian dumplings in a dark restaurant. There was a very shadowy vibe to the whole situation — a people and place existing in limbo, ever on the verge of the next war, as scars of the past war haunt the present. Despair was the dominant emotion, despite occasional flares of frivolity and fun.  

When I came back to Santa Barbara a month later, I worked on a cover story for the Independent, which we ran soon after. Seeking to expand my bylines, I reached out to a TIME Magazine editor I’d met in Belize in 2001, and he suggested calling a man named Howard Chua-Eoan.

When he answered the phone, I could hear the buzz of a Manhattan newsroom in the background, and Howard, who turned out to be the magazine’s news director, encouraged me to send him some stories. He was intrigued by the Kafkaesque nature of the unrecognized republic, so I tried a few pieces that pulled at those themes.

None of those ever ran — I really didn’t even know what kind of stories that magazine was running at that point — but Howard liked my work. For the next decade, I contributed regularly to TIME as a stringer, covering everything from trans-fat bans and offshore oil rigs to sea otters, the Michael Jackson trial, and podcasting, which I wrote about in 2004 when only a handful of podcasts existed. I was known around the TIME newsroom, I later learned, as the guy who broke podcasting.

Wondering what to do with my wine reporting, I wandered into the old Borders Bookstore on State Street, which was a couple of blocks from my Santa Barbara Street house. I went to the wine magazine aisle and saw Wine Spectator was the largest title there. I reached out with a cold-call pitch about my trip to Nagorno-Karabakh, where I’d also made sure that Jonathan took ample wine photos, as he was mostly interested in the military.

To my gleeful surprise, the magazine had never heard of the place either, and they were quite interested. They took me up on the pitch, offering $1 per word for a more than 3,000-word piece, which was a great rate then. (As a testament to the struggles of the media industry, that’s still a decent rate today, unfortunately.)

In addition to publishing “In the Mountains of Karabakh” in June 2005, Wine Spectator immediately asked for more stories, realizing I was a trained journalist with basic wine knowledge on the Central Coast, where their coverage was lacking. I contributed a handful of articles each year for about a decade, including pieces on fracking in Monterey County, turmoil over the Wine Cask ownership, the wine-paintings of Christina LoCascio (now Larner), and what I think was the first feature ever about Native American–made wines.

In 2014, thanks in large part to those bylines, Wine Enthusiast tracked me down. Though I wasn’t really interested in being a critic, they offered me that steady role and put me in charge of covering the Central Coast and Southern California. That’s become a primary source of my income, elevating wine writing from just one of the journalistic tricks I had up my sleeve to my main event.

Who knows if any of that would have happened without this crazy trip 20 years ago?

I’d been thinking about returning to Nagorno-Karabakh in 2024, which would mark the 20-year anniversary of my original visit. I watched with much concern when real war broke out there again in 2020, as Azerbaijan sought to reclaim the land for good. I didn’t entertain a return trip at that time myself — COVID was raging, for one, and my desire to report on dangerous places dwindled considerably when I became a father 14 years ago. But Jonathan was there, one of the few journalists brave enough to report from the front lines. When the smoke cleared, Azerbaijan had taken over a few critical parts of Karabakh.  

Things had cooled a bit by 2023, and I was beginning to research what a visit this year would look like when Azerbaijan attacked again in September. The blows were quick and strategic, and it became clear very quickly that — with war in Ukraine already raging, among other global disasters — no one was coming to the defense of the ethnic Armenians. Within a few days, their refugee convoys were on my computer screen, and my dream of returning to Nagorno-Karabakh was kaput.

Right around that time, though, I learned that Jason Wise, the director of the Somm documentaries and founder of SOMM TV, was preparing to release his opus, Cup of Salvation. I’d been in touch with Jason during its production, even putting him in touch with Jonathan Alpeyrie. But until I watched the film, I had no idea how much Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh were central to the Cup of Salvation story. Jonathan himself wound up offering critical on-screen insight.  

The documentary, which plays out like a thriller at times while frequently pulling on the heartstrings as well, follows Armenian winemaker Vahe Keushguerian as he decides to head into Iran, where alcohol is forbidden, and smuggle out grapes to make wine. I wrote this separate feature about how the film came to be, so check it out if you want to know how Karabakh connects to that Iranian mission. And if you want to watch it, it starts to stream today, February 23, via SOMM TV. Click here.

Meanwhile, I may return to Armenia after all in 2024. I recently spoke with a marketing firm that promotes culture and tourism in the country, and am considering a visit this fall. I’m pretty certain that I won’t be able to enter what was formerly Nagorno-Karabakh, but I’d hope to at least catch a glimpse from across the border. It would be rewarding to once again see that road where my own career gathered momentum.

Prime Minister meets with the President of the National Democracy Support Fund

 20:30,

YEREVAN, FEBRUARY 17, ARMENPRESS. Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan had a meeting with Damon Wilson, President of the National Endowment for Democracy, the PM's office said in a readout.

It is noted that the interlocutors discussed the reforms implemented in the field of democracy in Armenia, the promotion of the ambitious agenda of the Armenian government, steps to fight corruption, freedom of speech and press.

According to the source, Damon Wilson emphasized Armenia's progress in the above-mentioned areas in recent years, expressing his willingness to further support the programs of the Armenian government.

Further close cooperation between the Armenian government and the National Endowment for Democracy was emphasized.

Signals received from the Hayasat-1 satellite used for data analysis

 19:12,

YEREVAN, FEBRUARY 13, ARMENPRESS.   The first domestic satellite named Hayasat-1 is successfully recording the signals received from the first "Hayasat-1" CubeSat  format satellite created in independent Armenia and carrying out the planned data analysis.
“We are happy to inform that the Hayasat team is successfully recording the satellite's signals and carrying out the planned analysis of the received data.
The team is very excited because these works, as well as certain difficulties that naturally occur during such operations, are an indispensable platform for education, research and new experiences,” said Bazoomq Space Research Lab.

Ukraine situation, bilateral relations top agenda for Putin-Erdogan upcoming meeting – Peskov

 19:59, 2 February 2024

YEREVAN, FEBRUARY 2, ARMENPRESS. The agenda of Russian President Vladimir Putin's meeting with Recep Tayyip Erdogan during his visit to Türkiye has been announced, Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov said, the Anadolu news agency reports.

He said that Putin will discuss the situation in Ukraine with his Turkish counterpart.

The leaders will also discuss bilateral issues and the regional situation.

Armenpress: Turkey approves Sweden’s NATO membership bid after 20-month delay

 10:52,

YEREVAN, JANUARY 24, ARMENPRESS. Turkey's parliament ratified Sweden's NATO membership bid on Tuesday after 20 months of delay, Reuters reports. 

Turkey's general assembly, where President Tayyip Erdogan's ruling alliance holds a majority, voted 287-55 to approve the application that Sweden first made in 2022 to bolster its security in response to Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine.

All NATO members need to approve applications from countries seeking to join the alliance. When Sweden and Finland asked to join in 2022, Turkey raised objections over what it said was the two countries' protection of groups it deems terrorists.

It endorsed Finland's membership in April last year but, along with Hungary, had kept Sweden waiting.

"We support NATO enlargement to improve the alliance's deterrence efforts… We hope Finland and Sweden's attitude towards fighting terrorism sets an example for our other allies," Fuat Oktay, head of parliament's foreign affairs commission and a ruling AK Party member, said during debate.

"I greatly appreciate the Turkish Parliament's decision to approve Sweden's entry into NATO today," U.S. Ambassador Jeff Flake said in a written statement on Tuesday.

He said Turkey's "commitment to the NATO Alliance clearly demonstrates our enduring partnership."

Swedish Foreign Minister Tobias Billstrom also welcomed the Turkish parliament's approval. "We now look forward to President Erdogan signing the ratification document," Billstrom said in a written statement.

Erdogan is expected to sign the legislation within days, leaving Hungary as the only member state not to have approved Sweden's accession.

PACE elects new president

 19:26,

YEREVAN, JANUARY 22, ARMENPRESS. Greek politician Theodoros Roussopoulos was elected as the new Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE) President, PACE stated in a post on X.

Rousopoulos is the 35th PACE President since 1949 and the first Greek national to hold the office.

He serves a one-year term, which may be renewed once.

Previously, Theodoros Roussopoulos was Vice-President of Group of the European People's Party and Chairman of the PACE Committee on Migration, Refugees and Displaced Persons.

Asbarez: British House of Lords Committee Holds Hearing on Artsakh

The British House of Lords defense and international relations committee holds a hearing on Artsakh on Jan. 10


The International Relations and Defense Committee of the British House of Lords held a hearing on Nagorno-Karabakh and Armenia-Azerbaijan relations on Wednesday.

During the hearing, Thomas de Waal and Marina Nagai were invited to give their independent opinions to questions raised by the House of Lords committee peers.

[see video]

The Armenian National Committee of UK participated in the hearing with the presence of its Chairperson Annette Moskofian.

Ahead of the hearing, the ANC-UK had sent briefings to be distributed to the committee members on war crimes, ethnic cleansing and genocide, destruction of cultural and religious heritage and POWs and illegal abductees.

The ANC-UK also asked Luis Moreno Ocampo, Lemkin Institute, the Tatoyan Foundation, the Etchmiadzin, HART and Global Witness to submit reports to the committee ahead of the session.

RFE/RL Armenian Service – 01/10/2024

                                        Wednesday, 


Aliyev Insists On ‘Corridor’ Through Armenia

        • Gevorg Stamboltsian

Russia - Azeri President Ilham Aliyev looks on during a visit of CIS heads of 
state to the Peterhof Palace in Saint Petersburg, December 26, 2023.


Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev on Wednesday reiterated Baku’s renewed 
demands for Armenia to open an extraterritorial corridor to Azerbaijan’s 
Nakhichevan exclave.

“Otherwise, Armenia will remain at a dead end forever,” he said in televised 
remarks. “If the route I mentioned is not opened, then we do not intend to open 
the border with Armenia anywhere else. So they will get more harm than good from 
that.”

"People and goods should pass from Azerbaijan to Azerbaijan without any checks," 
added Aliyev.

He pointed to a clause in the 2020 ceasefire agreement that commits Armenia to 
opening rail and road links between Nakhichevan and the rest of Azerbaijan 
through Syunik, the sole Armenian province bordering Iran.

The Armenian government has said all along that Azerbaijani passengers and cargo 
cannot be exempt from Armenian border controls. It insists on conventional 
transport links between the two South Caucasus states.

Iran also strongly opposes the so-called “Zangezur corridor” sought by Aliyev. 
Iranian President Ebrahim Raisi reaffirmed Tehran’s stance when he met with a 
visiting Azerbaijani official in October.

Aliyev’s top foreign policy adviser, Hikmet Hajiyev, said later in October that 
the corridor “has lost its attractiveness for us” and that Baku is now planning 
to “do this with Iran instead.” But he clearly backtracked on that statement in 
a newspaper interview published last week.

Baku renewed its demands for the corridor following what Azerbaijani and 
Armenian officials described as progress made towards the signing of a bilateral 
peace treaty. Earlier on Wednesday, Armenian Foreign Minister Ararat Mirzoyan 
spoke of “regression” in the latest Azerbaijani proposals on the treaty sent to 
Yerevan last month. Mirzoyan indicated that Baku is reluctant to explicitly 
recognize Armenia’s borders through the peace deal.

Aliyev also rejected Yerevan’s insistence on international “guarantors” of the 
two sides’ compliance with such a deal. “We don’t need guarantors,” he told 
Azerbaijani television.




More Noncombat Deaths In Armenian Army's Ranks

        • Shoghik Galstian

Armenia - Soldiers march at an Armenian military base, December 24, 2022.


Two Armenian soldiers were found shot dead on Tuesday in separate noncombat 
incidents that sparked more calls for Defense Minister Suren Papikian’s 
resignation.

Both incidents occurred at Armenian army posts in eastern Gegharkunik region 
bordering Azerbaijan.

Military investigators said one of the soldiers, Karen Karapetian, was shot and 
killed by a comrade early in the morning. The latter was arrested hours later.

As of Wednesday evening, the Investigative Committee made no statements about 
the alleged shooter’s motives. Nor did the law-enforcement body say anything 
about the reason for what it described as suicide committed by the other victim, 
Mikael Danielian, later in the morning.

The chief of the Armenian army’s General Staff, Lieutenant-General Eduard 
Asrian, rushed to the headquarters of an army corps deployed in Gegharkunik 
hours after the shootings.

“Everything must be done to exclude similar cases in the future,” Asrian told 
its top officers.

Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian in turn gave such instructions to Papikian and 
the army’s top brass when he visited the Defense Ministry in Yerevan on 
Wednesday morning.

Pashinian pledged to successfully tackle noncombat deaths of military personnel 
after he came to power in 2018. However, the problem has remained just as 
chronic since then.

January 2023 saw one of the deadliest noncombat incidents ever registered in the 
Armenian army ranks. Fifteen conscripts serving in Gegharkunik were found dead 
at their military barracks destroyed by a major fire. Papikian, who is a leading 
member of Pashinian’s party, faced calls for resignation from their relatives, 
opposition figures and human rights activists in the wake of the tragedy.

Andranik Kocharian, the chairman of the Armenian parliament committee on defense 
and security, dismissed such calls reignited by the latest deaths.

“You immediately want sensational sackings,” an irritated Kocharian told 
journalists. “That’s wrong. If we followed that path no official would retain 
his post.”

Tigran Abrahamian, an opposition lawmaker, said the latest incidents raised more 
questions about “defense reforms” promised by Pashinian’s administration 
following the 2020 war with Azerbaijan.

“The authorities must admit that they are not carrying reforms in that area or 
that the reforms have failed,” Abrahamian told RFE/RL’s Armenian Service.

“No matter how much you reform the army, no matter how successful those reforms 
are, there will always be crimes and accidents in the army,” countered Armen 
Khachatrian, another pro-government parliamentarian. “They should just be 
reduced to a minimum.”

Khachatrian claimed that the number of noncombat deaths has steadily fallen in 
recent years. Official figures tell a different story, however.

In particular, only 20 of 75 Armenian servicemen who died in 2023 were killed as 
a result of ceasefire violations on the Armenian-Azerbaijani border. The 
Armenian military reported 50 noncombat deaths in 2022.




Government Admits Failure Of New Ferry Link To Russia

        • Robert Zargarian

Georgia -- A view of the port of Batumi.


Economy Minister Vahan Kerobian has acknowledged that the Armenian government’s 
$1.2 million project to revive a Black Sea ferry service as an alternative trade 
route between Russia and Armenia has been a failure.

The bulk of Armenia’s commerce with Russia, its number one trading partner, is 
carried out through the sole Russian-Georgian border crossing at Upper Lars. A 
mountainous road passing through Upper Lars is periodically closed due to 
blizzards and landslides, causing Armenian companies serious losses. It has also 
become increasingly congested in recent years.

The Armenian Ministry of Economy hired a foreign sea freight company last year 
to operate a new ferry link between the Georgian Black Sea port of Batumi and 
Russia’s Novorossiisk that was supposed to be an alternative to Upper Lars. The 
company, C&M International, launched it in the summer after being paid 500 
million drams ($1.2 million) by the ministry.

“The ferry operated for several months but … did not generate sufficient 
interest from exporters and importers,” Kerobian told reporters this week. “We 
did not see export and import companies use the ferry in a way that could 
convince us and our partners to continue the project.”

RUSSIA - A general view of the Novorossiysk Fuel Oil Terminal (NMT) in the Black 
Sea port of Novorossiisk, May 30, 2018.

The minister contradicted his own remarks on the issue made less than three 
months ago. “The project is working as we see strong interest from [trading] 
companies,” he said at the time.

Speaking to RFE/RL’s Armenian Service, multiple cargo company executives in 
Yerevan said a key reason for the failure of the Batumi-Novorossiisk service is 
that it involved a typical cargo ship, rather than a real ferry. This means that 
commercial trucks were unable to board the ship and proceed to the Russian port 
or vice versa by sea and instead had to load their cargo onto it.

Russian-Armenian trade has skyrocketed since Russia’s February 2022 invasion of 
Ukraine. Armenian entrepreneurs have taken advantage of the Western sanctions 
against Moscow by re-exporting Western-manufactured goods to Russia. Armenian 
exports to Russia rose by 63 percent, to $2.9 billion, in January-October 2023, 
generating half of the South Caucasus nation’s overall export revenue.

Kerobian said that his government now wants to “diversify” Armenia’s export 
operations. But he did not specify just how and when it will try to achieve that 
objective.




Yerevan Sees ‘Regression’ In Azeri Peace Proposals

        • Nane Sahakian

Armenia - Foreign Ministers Ararat Mirzoyan of Armenia and George Gerapetritis 
of Greece shake hands at a news conference, Yerevan, .


Foreign Minister Ararat Mirzoyan indicated on Wednesday that Azerbaijan is 
reluctant to explicitly recognize Armenia’s borders through a bilateral peace 
treaty discussed by the two sides.

Echoing remarks by another Armenian official, Mirzoyan spoke of “some 
regression” in Baku’s most recent proposals regarding the treaty presented to 
Yerevan.

“We submitted the latest Armenian proposals [to Baku] n January 4,” he told a 
joint news conference with his visiting Greek counterpart George Gerapetritis. 
“Yes, I would say that in terms of the content, we see some regress in the 
Azerbaijani proposals on some articles of the text and some progress in several 
other directions.”

Mirzoyan did not disclose those issues. He only stressed in this regard that 
mutual recognition of each other’s territorial integrity must be the key element 
of the Armenian-Azerbaijani peace accord.

“This is the issue where utmost clarity is needed and the final peace treaty 
must ensure this clarity,” he said. “Also, while the process of delimitation and 
demarcation of the two countries’ border may take long, we must see in the peace 
treaty a clear basis upon which the delimitation process must take place.”

“I want to emphasize that territorial integrity and inviolability of borders and 
border delimitation are the two issues on which Armenia cannot allow any 
ambiguity,” added Mirzoyan.

Senior Azerbaijani officials said last month that the two sides should sign the 
treaty before agreeing on the delimitation of the Armenian-Azerbaijani border. 
Armenian analysts and opposition figures suggested that Baku wants to leave the 
door open for territorial claims to Armenia.

In October, Azerbaijani President Aliyev again accused Armenia of occupying 
“eight Azerbaijani villages.” Aliyev referred to several small enclaves inside 
Armenia which were controlled by Azerbaijan in Soviet times and occupied by the 
Armenian army in the early 1990s. For its part, the Azerbaijani side seized at 
the time a bigger Armenian enclave.

Armenia has proposed that the two South Caucasus states use late Soviet-era 
military maps as a basis for the border delimitation. The idea is backed by the 
European Union but rejected by the Azerbaijani side.

Aliyev twice withdrew from EU-mediated talks with Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian 
in October. His foreign minister, Jeyhun Bayramov, similarly cancelled a 
November 20 meeting with Mirzoyan that was due to be hosted by U.S. Secretary of 
State Antony Blinken. Bayramov offered late last month to meet with Mirzoyan on 
the Armenian-Azerbaijani border without third-party mediation.

Mirzoyan on Wednesday declined to clarify whether he is ready for such a 
meeting. He said only that Armenian-Azerbaijani negotiations have always been 
“direct” in essence.



Reposted on ANN/Armenian News with permission from RFE/RL
Copyright (c) 2024 Radio Free Europe / Radio Liberty, Inc.
1201 Connecticut Ave., N.W. Washington DC 20036.

 

Peace treaty with Azerbaijan should include basis for delimitation – FM

 13:49,

YEREVAN, JANUARY 10, ARMENPRESS. Peace between Armenia and Azerbaijan must be anchored on several fundamental principles to prevent escalation or aggression in the future, Armenian Foreign Minister Ararat Mirzoyan has said.

Speaking at a joint press conference with the Foreign Minister of Greece George Gerapetritis in Yerevan, Mirzoyan said that on January 4 Armenia responded to Azerbaijan’s proposals on a peace treaty which was received in late December 2023.

“I’d say that in terms of content we see certain regress in some parts of the Azerbaijani proposals, but also progress in several other directions. And we’ve worked very constructively on these offers and we’ve sent our proposals, which, I am sure, are very constructive,” Mirzoyan said.

What matters are the principles on which the peace must be based, he added.

“Regardless whether any specific clause of the new offer is regress or progress, the final peace must definitely be anchored on several fundamental principles. The countries must recognize each other’s territorial integrity without any ambiguity. This is a matter that requires maximum clarity, and the final peace treaty must ensure that clarity. Also, understandably, if the delimitation of borders can take a long time, we must at least see in the peace treaty the clear grounds upon which the delimitation process must take place in the future. These are the issues where the Republic of Armenia cannot see or allow any uncertainty. Also because of the reason that uncertainty is grounds for future aggression or escalations. Therefore, if we are establishing peace, we are establishing the kind of peace that would be maximally difficult to doubt or violate,” Mirzoyan said.

The next principle is the unblocking of economic links and infrastructures in the region, based on fair and fundamental principles, Mirzoyan added.

Reiterating Armenia’s interest on opening the links, Mirzoyan said, “Peace isn’t only the absence of gunfire. Peace is open borders and the movement of goods and persons on each other’s territory. It’s difficult to talk about the establishment of peace in South Caucasus when Armenia continues to be blockaded.”

Unveiling the Layers: Diverse Categories of News and Articles on Armenia and Regional Affairs

Jan 6 2024

By: Rizwan Shah

The realms of news coverage are vast, and when it comes to the regional affairs of Armenia, they are as diverse as they are impactful. From in-depth interviews and probing programs to insightful opinions, each category serves as a lens through which the world can better understand this nation and its surrounding region.

The Armenian Quarter in Jerusalem recently came under attack, leading to a legal battle initiated by the Armenian Patriarchate. The community’s resistance against a controlling deal and their struggle to maintain their cultural footprint in Jerusalem has drawn attention from global audiences. The repercussions of this case, however, extend beyond the immediate players, with potential implications for the wider geo-political landscape.

In a revealing interview with Armenian Public Television, the Chairman of the Armenian Investigative Committee, Argishti Karamyan, disclosed the human toll of the military operation conducted by Azerbaijan in Karabakh. The operation claimed the lives of 223 Armenian soldiers and 25 civilians, inflicted injuries on 244 people, with 10 of them being minors, and around 80 civilians. Karamyan further informed that 20 individuals, including 5 civilians, are currently missing, and that 23 Armenian prisoners are being held in Azerbaijan. These startling numbers underpin the devastating impact of the operation on the people of Armenia and the region.

On the tense border between Azerbaijan and Armenia, mutual accusations of military supply violations and the emergence of checkpoints have escalated tensions. These developments have created restrictions on the only road connecting Armenia with the primarily Armenian populated parts of Azerbaijan’s breakaway Nagorno Karabakh region. The lingering conflict, which erupted in 2020, has led to Armenia and ethnic Armenians losing control over parts of the region and adjacent districts, sparking fears of food shortages and price hikes in Nagorno-Karabakh.

Both sides accuse each other of breaching the cease-fire agreement, prompting concern from international actors like the U.S. and Russia. This complex situation offers a glimpse into the intricate tapestry of geopolitical struggles and historical contexts that shape the lives of people in this region.

An interview with sociologist Artyom Tonoyan offers insight into the cultural genocide occurring in the region, a topic often underreported. This genocide involves the political persecution, torture, lack of healthcare, and food supplies affecting ethnic Armenians in the region. The conversation sheds light on the stark realities of the conflicts, revealing the human cost of such disputes that often remain hidden behind political rhetoric and territorial disputes.

These various narratives form a comprehensive overview of the regional affairs of Armenia, offering readers an in-depth understanding of the region’s geopolitical landscape. The stories are compelling, the stakes high, and the implications far-reaching, underscoring the critical role of diverse news coverage in informing global dialogue and action.

https://bnnbreaking.com/politics/unveiling-the-layers-diverse-categories-of-news-and-articles-on-armenia-and-regional-affairs/