Month: November 2023

This loan also aims to support Armenia's "Comprehensive and Sustainable Green Development Program."

Abdulhamid Alkhalifa, the Director-General of the OPEC Fund, emphasized the fund's commitment to supporting Armenia's climate adaptation program in collaboration with the World Bank, which has provided a parallel loan of €92.3 million.

The statement highlighted the importance of enhancing climate adaptation capabilities.

The OPEC Fund's statement explained that the "Comprehensive and Sustainable Green Development Program" supports Armenia's developmental aspirations and long-term national plans.

It helps Armenia achieve multiple Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), improve environmental management, enhance energy efficiency, promote human capital development, and strengthen governance.

This loan signifies international support for Armenia's endeavors in addressing climate change and advancing sustainable development initiatives. 

Self-proclaimed Belarusian President Alexander Lukashenko has condemned Armenia's absence from the Collective Security Treaty Organisation (CSTO) summit, calling it a "demarche".

Source: European Pravda with reference to the Belarusian state agency Belta

Quote from Lukashenko: "We came to the conclusion that there have always been and will be problematic issues. If we want to solve them, we need to do it at the negotiating table, but not to make demarches without reasons, without specific reasons."

Details: At the meeting, the CSTO members discussed the situation in the Caucasus and "some dissatisfaction of a Collective Security Council’s member", referring to Armenia's decision not to attend the organisation's summit in Minsk.

Background:

• Russian dictator Vladimir Putin arrived in Minsk for a session of the Collective Security Treaty Organisation (CSTO), which was ignored by Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan.

• Belarusian Foreign Minister Sergei Aleinik said decisions in the CSTO are made through consensus, and the decisions will be legitimate even in the absence of the Armenian side.

• Armen Grigoryan, Secretary of Armenia's Security Council, explained that the country ignored the previous CSTO meetings because it "had numerous questions" for the organisation, which still have no answers.

• Maria Zakharova, spokeswoman for the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs,  accused Armenia of "trying to sit on two chairs" because Yerevan is improving relations with the West.

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• https://news.yahoo.com/lukashenko-condemns-armenias-absence-collective-134026465.html

Shortly after actor-director Michael Goorjian wrote the script for “Amerikatsi,” which is Armenia’s candidate for the international Oscar, he turned to System of a Down frontman Serj Tankian – who is also of Armenian descent – for feedback on the tale of an Armenian-American who repatriates in 1948 to what has become Soviet Armenia.

The Grammy-winning musician and political activist then became an executive producer on the film, which uses an ironic Chaplin-esque tone to depict the dream of the Armenian diaspora to reconnect with their roots.

Goorjian, who wrote and directed the movie, also stars as Charlie, an Armenian immigrant to the U.S. who returns to his homeland, now under Soviet rule, and almost immediately gets thrown into jail. But from his cell, he can see a prison guard’s home. Gradually, his life and that of the Armenian guard and his wife become vicariously entwined.

Goorjian and Tankian spoke to Variety about the film’s timeliness, just as Armenia’s relations with Russia are becoming increasingly frayed.

How did “Amerikatsi” germinate?

Goorjian: As an Armenian, I’ve always wanted to do something related to my roots. But with so much focus on the genocide, I really wanted to make a movie that would allow Armenians to celebrate themselves a bit and be fun to watch. This period when Stalin invited Armenians to repatriate – he did it with many of the Soviet countries – I didn’t know about it, and many Armenians don’t really talk about it. But I’ve heard it described a few times as a “wound upon a wound.” After the genocide, these Armenians who had made their way in the world wound up going back expecting homeland and expecting Armenia. It was a disaster for so many. So finding what was hopeful in this story wasn’t necessarily easy, nor was finding the right tone. When I first wrote the script, I wasn’t 100% sure it would work. That is one of the reasons why Serj saw an early copy of it. And I think, in a lot of ways, he gave me the confidence that there’s something here and it’s worth pursuing.

Can you contextualize the film for me within present-day Armenia?

Tankian: I think it’s an incredible time to put out this film because of Armenia’s geopolitical pivot toward the West and showing some of the history. People look at Armenia and say, “Oh, they’ve been a Russian satellite Soviet nation since the early 1920s.” Which is true. But people don’t realize that the genocide has a lot to do with it. We had Turkey next door after the genocide. We had famine in Armenia and a lot of things. Armenia didn’t have much of an independence. It just had independence for about two years, and the Turkish army was moving in. There were battles and all that. So the choice was between the Russians, who we knew weren’t going to massacre us, and the Turks, that were massacring us. So it wasn’t much of a choice to Sovietize Armenia in 1921. And people have to realize that. The story then becomes the story of Soviet Armenia, which lasted until 1991 with the independence of Armenia and Russia being the security guarantor. And then in 2020, as we know, Azerbaijan attacked. And, of course, they attacked with the full knowledge and acceptance of Putin because that stuff wouldn’t happen in his backyard without his go-ahead. And since then, the Russian state has thrown Armenia under the bus. So coming back to this film, it’s a perfect pivot showing why Armenia is going Western.

Michael, how did you create this protagonist who, while he’s imprisoned, lives almost vicariously through the life of these other two characters he sees from his prison window?

Goorjian: Oddly, it’s actually based on a true story someone told me. A Ukrainian friend of mine knew somebody in prison who could see into an apartment building. And what struck me about the story is that it’s a reflection of a very deep aspect of the human condition that doesn’t get recognized that much. Sometimes we forget that we have this part of ourselves that, when we start noticing someone else or paying attention and looking and learning about someone else, just like this prisoner, we can’t help but start caring. That’s human nature. And to me, that’s something that’s not just for Armenians, but for the world right now. We need to be reminded of things like that. That’s what struck me about that story, and that’s why it felt right also for Armenia. I wanted to share Armenian culture, but in a way that was not hitting you over the head with it. I wanted the audience, like the prisoner, to voyeuristically be peeking in a window at an Armenian family and learning little bits of their culture and the food they eat, hearing the music they’re playing. And that is a way of pulling people in.

What does the fact that this film is an Oscar contender mean for Armenians?

Goorjian: I look at it like it’s almost national security to be able to help people see us more as who we really are. Things people know about Armenian culture are very, very limited. And just by having a film that’s accessible – that’s not just for Armenians, but also for non-Armenians – it helps Armenians to be seen. For Armenia to get a nomination, it would literally change the country.

This interview has been edited and condensed for clarity.

https://variety.com/2023/film/global/system-of-a-down-serj-tankian-amerikatsi-michael-goorjian-armenia-oscar-1235806383/

The Kremlin said Thursday that it "regretted" Armenia's decision to skip a summit of a Moscow-led security alliance, amid a souring of relations between the two ex-Soviet allies.

Neither Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan nor his defense minister showed up to a meeting of the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) in Minsk on Thursday, which comes as Russia worries Yerevan could pull out of the alliance altogether.

When asked to comment on the absence of Armenia's delegation, the Kremlin said: "We can express regret in this regard."

"We hope that Armenia does not change the vector of its foreign policy and remains our ally… We will continue to talk to them," President Vladimir Putin's spokesman Dmitry Peskov told a state TV reporter.

Tensions between the two countries have run high since September, when Russian peacekeepers failed to intervene in Azerbaijan's lightning offensive against ethnic Armenians in Nagorno-Karabakh.

In a televised address after the conflict, Pashinyan denounced Armenia's traditional security alliance with Russia as "insufficient" and called on Yerevan to seek new partners.

Russia's Foreign Ministry said Wednesday it was "reckless" for Armenia to think it could rely on the West for security, and slammed Yerevan for "radically" changing its foreign policy.

Armenia's high-level snub marks yet another blow to bilateral relations, after Pashinyan shunned a summit attended by Russian President Vladimir Putin in October.

A US report published last week criticizes Turkey for not doing enough to prevent threats to non-Muslim religious sites in the country.

The report of the United States Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF) maintains that while the number and severity of violent attacks targeting religious sites—such as bombings and other terrorist methods—have decreased over the last decade, there has not been a similar decline in incidents of vandalism and the destruction of religious properties.

Titled “Examination of Threats to Religious Sites in Turkey,” the study demonstrates denominational differences in the threats and attacks faced by various religious communities, including the Greek Orthodox, in Turkey and evaluates the geographic variation in attitudes towards these communities and their religious sites.

Although efforts by the Turkish government and local authorities to restore select religious heritage sites represent an important positive step, such projects remain limited, it is reported.

It notes that “the 1923 Treaty of Lausanne also provided protection and freedom of worship for the remaining non-Muslim communities” but that this protection and freedom of worship has often been sharply curtailed, not infrequently through action against sacred Christian sites.

The report illustrates that the highest number of attacks on Greek Orthodox and other Orthodox churches occurred in the Marmara region of Istanbul, which is associated with the largest concentration of non-Muslim populations.

In addition, the report states that the seizure of property can be used as a form of retaliation, citing as an example the seizure of the Prince’s Greek Orthodox orphanage.

The particular orphanage was confiscated in 1964 by Turkish authorities, who did not perform the necessary maintenance, thus allowing the building to suffer the wear and tear of time.

As noted, by the time the Ecumenical Patriarchate managed to regain ownership of the building through an appeal to the European Court of Human Rights, “after 60 years of abandonment, the building had sustained significant damage and fallen into disrepair.”

“The burden is on the Greek Orthodox community to repair and preserve the site at considerable financial cost,” the report added.

Overall, despite the decrease in bombings and terrorist attacks in the last decade, incidents of vandalism, destruction of religious property through arson, treasure hunting, and the lack of prosecution of such incidents have increasingly affected Greek Orthodox and other Orthodox communities in Turkey, the report notes.

USCIRF will host a virtual event to discuss the findings of the report on Tuesday, November 28, 2023.

Two-year waiver issued through the Armenian Protection Act.

The Senate unanimously voted to pass the Armenian Protection Act last week, suspending U.S. financial aid to Azerbaijan for the next two years to prevent that nation from invading Armenia. Azerbaijan has placed a disputed region of southern Armenia under siege for the last nine months, and last week 100,000 Armenians fled the area, prompting some to describe the situation as ongoing ethnic cleansing.

“We must send a strong message and show our partners around the world that America will enforce the conditions that we attach to military aid,” Senator Gary Peters of Michigan, author of the Armenian Protection Act, said on the Senate floor. “If we do not take action when countries willfully ignore the terms of our agreements with them, our agreements will become effectively meaningless and toothless.”

• For members of the Senate as they seek to ensure U.S. assistance is not used for ethnic cleansing.
• For representatives in the House to be wise as they consider the legislation to block waivers for Azerbaijan.
• For Secretary of State Blinken as he monitors the situation between Azerbaijan and Armenia.
• For the people of Armenia as they experience persecution and exile from their homes.

YEREVAN. Nov 23 (Interfax) – The Armenian government has allotted 2 billion drams (about $4.98 million) for initial social expenses of displaced persons from Nagorno-Karabakh.

The decision was made at a government meeting on Thursday.

"It is planned to allot 50,000 drams [about $125] to each person in November-December. The program beneficiaries will be 40,000 people," Armenian Labor and Social Affairs Minister Narek Mkrtchyan said.

People who received a one-off compensation of 100,000 drams (about $250) are also eligible for the program, he said.

"The program does not apply to those who had over 2 million drams [about $4,989] on their bank accounts as of October 2, persons registered in the State Register of the Armenian Population before September 19, persons staying outside Armenia or those staying at hotels and guest houses as of November 15. The compensation is given on the basis of a one-off online application, and payments are made exclusively in cashless form through banks," Mkrtchyan said.

The one-off compensation of 100,000 drams (about $250) has been received by 108,336 people to date, he said.

https://interfax.com/newsroom/top-stories/96811/ 

It may appear that the primary obstacle to the signature of a peace treaty between Armenia and Azerbaijan is the different views of the sides on where to resume and finalize the process. Armenia wants to do that in Western platforms, while Azerbaijan wants to return to the Russian platform, use the 3+2 format, or have direct negotiations without any mediators. In this op-ed for  Benyamin Poghosyan says that "in reality, the roots of the current situation are more profound than simple geopolitical choices of venue."

The military takeover of the self–proclaimed Nagorno Karabakh Republic by Azerbaijan has raised hopes that it may facilitate the signature of the peace agreement between Armenia and Azerbaijan. The logic behind this thinking was clear – the future of Nagorno Karabakh, and the fate of the Armenians living were the primary obstacles on the road toward peace. As all Armenians were forced to leave the region, and NKR de facto president Samvel Shahrmanyan signed a decree about the dissolution of the republic by the end of 2023, it seemed that the stage was set for quick signature of the Armenia – Azerbaijan peace treaty, and then a push forward in the Armenia – Turkey normalization process.

However, the reality appears to be different. Instead of fostering peace negotiations, the military takeover of Nagorno Karabakh resulted in an impasse in the process. Azerbaijan rejected to participate in the meeting in Granada, on the margins of the third European Political Community summit, arguing that the EU, France, and Germany had pro-Armenian views and, thus, could not be neutral facilitators. Baku indicated it was ready to resume negotiations in the "original Brussels format" by the end of October but also canceled that meeting. In mid-November, Azerbaijan rejected a US invitation to organize negotiations between Armenian and Azerbaijani ministers of foreign affairs in Washington, this time accusing the United States of having pro-Armenian sentiments. Simultaneously, Azerbaijan started to speak about the dangers of non–regional actors (the US, the EU, France, and others) involvement in the South Caucasus geopolitics, calling for settling the issues by the regional powers, using either Russian platform or 3+2 format. Baku also started to circulate the idea of having direct Armenia – Azerbaijan negotiations without any mediators, either in Georgia or near the Armenia – Azerbaijan border.

Meanwhile, Armenia continued to state that Yerevan was ready to immediately resume negotiations either in Brussels or in Washington and sign a peace treaty with Azerbaijan based on so-called "Granada principles," referring to the statement adopted in Granada by Armenia, France, Germany, and the EU. Simultaneously, Armenian officials argued that they did not hear about any Russian offer to resume negotiations in Moscow, despite several Russian officials recently reiterating Russia's readiness to host Armenia – Azerbaijan negotiations and a peace treaty signing ceremony.

It may appear that the primary obstacle to the signature of the peace treaty is the different views of the sides on where to resume and finalize the process. Armenia wants to do that in Western platforms, while Azerbaijan wants to return to the Russian platform, use the 3+2 format, or have direct negotiations without any mediators. This situation looks weird, given that Armenia is still an ally of Russia, while Azerbaijan has a strategic economic partnership with the West. However, in reality, the roots of the current situation are more profound than simple geopolitical choices of venue.

Azerbaijan was interested in signing the peace agreement with Armenia "to close the Karabakh chapter" and to have a legal document where Armenia has recognized Nagorno Karabakh as part of Azerbaijan, thus preventing any future possibilities for Nagorno Karabakh Armenians to strive for autonomy or independence. However, after closing the Karabakh chapter by force, Azerbaijan lost its interest in the quick signature of a peace agreement. Now, the peace agreement should close the Armenia – Azerbaijan chapter, and Azerbaijan has no reason to hurry. Meanwhile, Armenia and Azerbaijan still have significant disagreements on some issues, and from the Azerbaijani perspective, a peace agreement can be signed only after solving them.

The list is quite long and includes issues related to enclaves, the special guarantees for Azerbaijanis who will pass via Armenia to reach Nakhijevan and Turkey, the problem of so-called "Western Azerbaijan," and the "guarantors mechanism." Azerbaijan not only wants to receive back so-called enclaves – several small villages inside Armenia, which are located on strategic highways connecting Armenia with Iran and Georgia, but apparently would like to have land access to them to end their enclave status. While recognizing Armenian sovereignty over Syunik, Azerbaijan argues that Armenia is not able to ensure the safety of Azerbaijani citizens and cargo that will pass Syunik to reach Nakhijevan and Turkey. There is a lack of clarity on what Azerbaijan wants, but Baku would probably like to see Russian or other third-country involvement. Baku demands that hundreds of thousands of Azerbaijanis should have the right to return to Armenia, while the Armenian government should guarantee their safety and rights. Furthermore, Azerbaijan is unhappy with the Armenian suggestion to include the dispute-solving mechanism and the "institute of guarantors" in the agreement, arguing that guarantors have their regional geopolitical interests and may exploit their status to achieve their narrow goals.

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All these issues are very sensitive for Armenia and the Armenian government. It is challenging to believe that Armenia would agree to give to Azerbaijan not only enclaves but also additional lands to ensure Azerbaijani access to them. The Armenian government often reiterated that any involvement of third countries in overseeing the communications passing via Armenia is unacceptable. It believes that Azerbaijan created the concept of 'Western Azerbaijan" to prepare the ground for new attacks against Armenia. And finally, Armenia believes that the dispute-solving mechanism and "the institute of guarantors" are necessary to ensure that Azerbaijan will not violate the peace agreement as it violated the November 10, 2020, trilateral statement.

Thus, we currently have a situation where Armenia and Azerbaijan have differing views on the venue to resume the negotiations and the venue to sign the peace agreement, and they do not agree on some significant topics in the peace agreement. The peace process may stagnate in current circumstances, increasing the risk of limited or even large-scale military escalations as soon as Spring 2024. Perhaps the only way to avoid this scenario could be to intensify efforts by all mediators – Russia and the West – to bring back sides to the negotiation table.