Asbarez; Yerevan Decries CSTO’s Lack of Response when Azerbaijan Breached Armenia’s Borders

Foreign Minister Ararat Mirzoyan (right) during a press conference on June 10 in Yerevan with CSTO Secretary General Stanislav Zas


Imperative for Karabakh Status Addressed at CSTO Summit

During a summit of CSTO-member states’ foreign ministers in Yerevan on Friday, Armenia’s top diplomat decried the security organization’s lack of response when Azerbaijani forces breached Armenia’s sovereign borders last year and advanced their positions into the Syunik and Gegharkunik provinces.

Foreign Minister Ararat Mirzoyan said while Yerevan remains committed to the mission of the CSTO—the Collective Security Treaty Organization—Azerbaijan’s incursion into Armenia in May 2021 remains an open issue for Armenia.

Soon after the May 13, 2021 incursion by Azerbaijani forces into Armenia’s sovereign territory, Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan applied to the CSTO for assistance. The organization did not respond until July, when it said that Armenia and Azerbaijan need to resolve the matter through negotiations.

“In January the organization responded to the incidents in Kazakhstan at the right time, but the issue connected with the incursion of the Azerbaijani troops into Armenia’s sovereign territory, which started in May 2021, still remains open,” Mirzoyan said during a joint press briefing held after the summit with CSTO Secretary General Stanislav Zas in Yerevan on Friday.

“Armenia has been and remains committed to the initiating cooperation within the CSTO aimed at expanding the mutual partnership between the member states, including developing the foreign policy coordination within the CSTO and raising the role of the Organization in the international arena,” added Mirzoyan.

During a meeting with Zas and the CSTO foreign ministers, Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan also echoed Mirzoyan’s concerns over the group’s lack of response during last year’s armed incursion by Azerbaijan into Armenia’s territory.

He also highlighted the importance of the settlement of the Karabakh conflict, voicing Yerevan’s support for the involvement of the OSCE Minsk Group co-chairs. Since the Ukraine war and the showdown between the West and Russia, the three co-chairing countries—Russia, the United States and France—have signaled that the group’s fate is in question. The co-chairs representing each country have been given new diplomatic ranks having to do with the Caucasus.

Pashinyan briefed the CSTO representatives about the current situation in the region, and spoke about the activity of the Armenia-Azerbaijan delimitation and border security commission, the opening of regional transit routes and the return of Armenian prisoners of war, hostages and other civilians still being held in Azerbaijan.

Pashinyan emphasized that the transit routes that are to be opened must operate with the sovereignty of the country through which they pass remaining intact. In this context, he also said that there cannot be discussion of a corridor, referring to Baku’s insistence to establish the so-called “Zangezur Corridor” that connects mainland Azerbaijan with Nakhichevan through a road in Armenia.

AW: Reflections on Hamazkayin’s Cultural Retreat

Dr. Lalai Manjikian and Dr. Khatchig Mouradian, Belmont, Mass., May 28, 2022 (Photo: Nanar Avedessian)

I recently fell in love with being Armenian all over again during a trip to Boston, Massachusetts last month. 

It’s not that I ever stopped being in love with being Armenian. However, a lot has been happening the past few years on both individual and collective levels that needs to be addressed, expressed and processed. 

These include, but are not limited to: navigating a global pandemic, the immeasurable loss brought on by the 44-day Artsakh war which re-triggered trauma from the Genocide and presented an additional layer of questions about how to approach transmitting history and the reality of war to the younger generation. We also cannot ignore the looming threats in and around Armenia/Artsakh and the resistance movement currently unfolding in Armenia. 

Amid this complex context, Hamazkayin’s cultural retreat at the National Association for Armenian Studies and Research’s (NAASR) Vartan Gregorian building provided a much-needed safe and non-hierarchical intellectual space for meaningful exchanges, as well as for healing and empowering conversations among participants.  

Even though many of the participants had just met for the first time at the retreat, there was an unmistakable sense of familiarity in the air, in large part due to the unifying power of the mother tongue. Suddenly, through language, we were all home again. Hearing Eastern and Western Armenian filling the soundscape throughout the weekend retreat was a pure delight. And perhaps the short period of time we had together prompted us to connect faster and on a deeper level.

As many casual or more formal conversations took place, I was intrigued by the ways in which language creates a certain type of intimacy between individuals. As much as language can become barriers in our lives, seeing how it can also quickly establish common ground between strangers or old friends is always heartening. Throw in differences in dialect and expressions based on geographic locations, and you have all the colorful nuances and richness of the Armenian language come to life. 

Language vividly came to life when the Los Angeles-based writer and actor Sona Tatoyan delivered an entrancing performance of “Azad,” a theatrical play she wrote about her great great grandfather’s Karagöz shadow puppets (an ancient storytelling art form). Tatoyan’s “Azad” is where folkloric art, family history, genocide, war, trauma and healing collide.

Through her use of language alone (without any theatrical elements such as lighting, music or stage props for this particular performance), Tatoyan’s poignant storytelling allowed her audience to be immersed in faraway places oscillating between the present and the past. 

It is safe to say that Tatoyan’s masterful use of language set the tone of the retreat, as she poetically connected her family’s century-old history of genocide to current war-torn Syria. Her performance left participants deeply moved. 

Following Tatoyan’s performance, all the participants and speakers held a safe space for each other to have a raw and unfiltered discussion about family history, intergenerational trauma and healing. 

Unfortunately, these conversations do not happen often enough within our communities, even though there is a crucial need for them. 

The art of thinking, speaking and writing in Armenian was taken to an entirely new level during Dr. Lisa Gulesserian’s workshop on the art of producing a “zine.” A zine is small-scale, self-published publication, similar to a magazine, which can focus on a large range of topics.  Dr. Gulesserian, who teaches Western Armenian language and Armenian culture at Harvard University, asked participants to individually come up with a concept, write, illustrate and then present a zine in Armenian. 

Despite being fluent in Armenian, this exercise pushed me out of my linguistic comfort zone. Initially, I was uneasy about the whole idea; however, soon enough I was drawn in and came up with content in Armenian. I created a zine in Armenian on mindfulness and yoga, which ultimately pushed me to think about expressing these topics close to me in my mother tongue. Through this workshop, I realized how I express so many of my passions, hobbies and interests only in English or French. What is stopping me from approaching them and expressing them in Armenian?

Dr. Kristi Rendahl’s presentation on “Navigating times of disruption through language” was full of emotion. Dr. Rendahl, who is an associate professor at Minnesota State University, does not carry any Armenian ancestry, however she is fluent in Eastern Armenian. She learned to speak the language while living in Armenia. 

During her interactive talk, she spoke about her work with non-governmental organizations. I was in awe of the way Rendahl personalized the language, made it her own in recounting her professional or personal experiences. I was most touched when Rendahl spoke about the use of language as a primary caregiver for her ailing father. The clever and innovative ways she and her father used language to communicate, despite his limitations and difficult health-related circumstances, made me think of the endless possibilities language offers outside the confines of rigid semantic rules. 

As she eloquently spoke of deeply personal experiences in a language that is not her mother tongue, it was beautiful to learn how language came to shape her experiences and allowed her to express her emotional world. Dr. Rendahl’s presentation was a testament to how liberating language can be and how language has no borders. Her presentation provided a deeply human component to the retreat. 

So much of what I took away from this retreat can be applied in my day-to-day life and not just within an academic context, which made the entire experience doubly enriching. 

During the final talk of the retreat, Dr. Mouradian invited me to join him for a discussion on narratives and agency in the context of migration, genocide, war and refugees. I addressed different types of discourse surrounding refugees, as well as ethical dimensions related to those who are forced to flee. 

My aim was to highlight the importance of migrant narratives and how refugee voices are crucial in understanding their plight and everyday life realities. This is particularly important given the fact that certain media, political discourses and public opinion tend to dehumanize and criminalize refugees. 

I then focused on how refugees within an urban context face a period of “in-betweenness” (both in the spatial and temporal terms). During this period of uncertainty and indefinite waits to obtain formal status, refugees face a number of severe obstacles. As a result, they face social exclusion. However, through a collection of qualitative interviews I conducted with refugee claimants, it became evident that they manage to carve out their own agency by partaking in social and political activities in the city. By doing so, they establish a sense of belonging and become productive members of society, despite not being formally recognized as citizens. 

Dr. Mouradian, for his part, converged all the themes of the retreat including language, identity, narratives, storytelling, agency and the importance of amplifying voices of targeted communities. The discussion ended with the importance of building solidarity with other communities who have similar pasts marked by genocide and injustice.  

Meeting such bright and talented Armenian youth from across the United States and Canada, hearing their perspectives during our conversations, as well as learning about their academic paths was refreshing. The retreat renewed my sense of hope about the Armenian Diaspora and about Armenia during these turbulent times. 

At times, living in diasporic communities can feel suffocating. This retreat felt like coming up for air, re-oxygenating so that we can return home and continue our work in our own communities, Armenian and non-Armenian. How refreshing to engage with a group of like-minded, progressive, brilliant Armenian youth, moving and shaking ideas, status quos, injecting our communities with new vision and direction. 

There was something deeply empowering in descendants of genocide survivors coming together, who speak Armenian, who express how the past plays out in the present and how they intend to forge the future. 

Our fate as Armenians has been largely based on survival, and this retreat reinforced the notion that through language, storytelling, agency and narrative, as always, we will not only survive, but thrive. 

Dr. Lalai Manjikian is a humanities professor at Vanier College in Montreal. Her teaching and research interests are in the areas of immigration and refugee studies, media representations of migration, migrant narratives and diaspora studies. She is the author of Collective Memory and Home in the Diaspora: The Armenian Community in Montreal (2008). Lalai’s articles have been published in a number of newspapers and journals including The Armenian Weekly, Horizon Weekly, 100 Lives (The Aurora Prize), the Montreal Gazette, and Refuge. A former Birthright Armenia participant (2005), over the years, Lalai has been active in volunteering both within the Armenian community in Montreal and the local community at large, namely engaged in immigrant and refugee integration. She previously served as a qualitative researcher on the Armenian Diaspora Survey in Montreal. Lalai also serves as a board member for the Foundation for Genocide Education. She holds a PhD in Communication Studies from McGill University (2013).


AW: Armenia’s Existential Decision: Regathering of Armenians

Avetik Chalabyan

Second of a multi-part series, this article was originally published in Armenian by Mediamax on May 30, 2022.

Avetik Chalabyan’s legal representatives have published his article penned at the Armavir Penitentiary Institution, where the co-founder of ARAR Foundation is currently being held under trumped up charges. 

Part 1:

In my previous article, I wrote that the alternative to Nikol Pashinyan and the “Nikolism” introduced to the Armenian reality is not another person but a radically different approach to our national identity.

The three pillars of this identity are: Regathering, Modernization and Militarization.

Regathering of Armenians: Continuous influx and regathering of Armenians in the preserved parts of our historical homeland

Modernization: Building a progressive, highly productive economy and a dynamic and free society in Armenia

Militarization: Consistent expansion of the security capabilities of the Armenians and Armenia, with the prospect of becoming an independent player in the region

These three pillars are deeply interconnected and form a general concept, yet each with its own characteristics and sequence of actions. Therefore, in these essays I will first identify the main elements of each pillar and then present them as a whole. Today, we will focus on Regathering of Armenians.

While Regathering of Armenians is highly desirable, it is a challenging process. From the fall of the Bagratuni dynasty in the 11th century to the present times, the Armenian reality has been one of dispersion. For centuries, people have left their historical homeland due to lack of security, lack of economic opportunities, repression, persecution and ethnic cleansing. As a result, the number of Armenians on the territory of the historical homeland has almost never exceeded three million, while the population of neighboring Azerbaijan has increased four-fold in the last century, with approximately eight million Azeris living in the South Caucasus at present.

Regathering of Armenians has indeed taken place a few times in the past centuries, when Eastern Armenia came under Russian rule throughout most of the 19th century following the influx of Armenians from the Ottoman and Persian empires[1]. A similar migration happened in the early and mid-20th century, when a large number of western Armenians moved and settled both in independent and Soviet Armenia. 

Except for a brief period of the independent republic from 1918 to 1920, when a large number of Armenians moved to the newly independent republic as a result of displacement from and the loss of western Armenia, their security guarantor was first the Russian Empire and then the Soviet Union. With this perceived security, Armenians settled in the present-day Armenia, as it had become a relatively safe and secure place to raise a family.

However, today there is no such external guarantor of security. The Russian Federation, with all its ambitions, is neither the world empire of the 19th century nor the superpower that the Soviet Union was. The Russian Federation is mainly focused on its own security today. Thus, Armenia does not have another external security guarantor – while there are people who mention other possible guarantors, to me such thoughts are more imaginary than real.

Given these conditions, a mass immigration of Armenians to Armenia proper will be rather unlikely, regardless of the effort. Instead, the future Armenian state, and the political and social forces supporting it, should focus on the active immigration of those Armenians who repatriate not because they are looking for security and prosperity, but instead because they want to strengthen the foundations of security and prosperity in their ancestral homeland for future generations. This was the idea behind the first waves of resettlement in the state of Israel, which at that time was laying the foundation of a new state in the middle of a desert, surrounded by enemies. Even if such devotees make up only a small percentage of the Armenians of the Diaspora, our goal should be to focus on the potential of these patriots on the homeland, given its precarious condition today, and the need to defend it, as the main goal for all Armenians.

The Armenian state has a lot to do here, from specific benefits for repatriates, to assisting them with resettlement, not just in Yerevan, which is bursting at the seams as is, but in the provinces. Making resettlement in the provinces an attractive option would not only help repatriates, but will also strengthen regional towns and villages and facilitate the construction of strategic settlements. Such settlements may be established in sparsely populated areas of major strategic importance in Syunik and Vayots Dzor, in the border areas of Tavush and Gegharkunik, as well as in the valley between Hrazdan and Sevan, which have become attractive for both tourist and high-tech development (the Gagarin Project is already underway).

Repatriation should be of great importance not only for the state itself, but also for the political and social organizations. The decision to repatriate is difficult for any family, especially given the perceived dangers Armenia is facing in the immediate future. In order for a particular person or family to make such a decision, it must be supported and encouraged by their local community and be provided with information about life in the homeland, and how one can use one’s skills and abilities to make a living in Armenia. Those in the homeland should welcome the repatriates and help them get engaged in local activities and view the repatriates not as competitors but as partners in the defense and betterment of the homeland.

All this will require continuous educational and awareness-building campaigns, training, creation of opportunities and encouragement by both public and political organizations. Our church also has an important role to play, and it must make a difficult choice between the present imperative of securing the homeland and the alternative of temporarily weakening the church’s own flock in the Diaspora communities. However, if the church and political and community organizations in the Diaspora and Armenia come together around the central idea of repatriation, it will be realistic for about 50,000-70,000 Armenian families to repatriate to Armenia in the next 10 years and join the nation’s rebuilding and reinforcing efforts. By joining forces with creative and tenacious Armenians already in the homeland, they will create a strong ethnocentric nucleus in the homeland which would also serve as a bulwark against the spread of anti-national elements to the point of seizing power in Armenia.

It is important to address immigration to Artsakh while discussing Armenian Regathering. Unlike the current Republic of Armenia, whose population has been significantly shaped by numerous waves of immigration, the population of Artsakh is indigenous and has never seen large waves of repatriation. However, Artsakh also needs people who will help develop its post-war economy, who will enlist in its armed forces, and who will create new educational potential for its population. Assuming that the future government of Armenia will not abandon and will also consistently pursue the issue of Artsakh’s legal status, it must also pursue a coordinated policy with Artsakh authorities to encourage the immigration of creative and combat-ready people to Artsakh. This will further strengthen our combined potential.

Although repatriation should be the main focus of Armenian Regathering in the coming years, natural population growth is also important in the long run. In recent years, the birth rate in Armenia has stabilized at the level of 12.5 births per 1,000 people per year, which is insufficient in terms of population growth, especially in the conditions of continued emigration and the threat of war[2]. Therefore, it is necessary to increase the birth rate in Armenia by at least 20 percent. Evidence of state-offered benefits for family growth shows that these various levers only have a temporary effect on the birth rate, where the most important factor in raising birth rate is public opinion. For example, Israel, which is under constant threat of war, has maintained a high birth rate in recent decades despite its highly urbanized population, because people there are motivated by the notion that the growth rate of the Jewish population in the country should not be lower than that of the Arab population. The same must happen in Armenia: any Armenian family living under the imperative of defending the country must realize that the country is first and foremost defended by its people, and Armenian families are tasked with raising individuals who will become defenders of the country.

Thus, the defense of the country begins with having three or more children in the family, raising them from an early age with the awareness of defending the country, educating and training them, and instilling in them the right values. Whoever does not do this, is hesitant to have a third child, does not prepare their child physically and mentally, and is thinking about getting their child excused from military service from the moment they are born, is fueling the “Nikolism” mantra, preparing a weak generation that is not only incapable of defending their homeland, but also is reliant on someone else to defend the country and people like them.

Therefore, all those who are protesting in the streets today to liberate the country from Nikol and “Nikolism” must make a clear decision today. After this phase is over, they will join efforts to facilitate Regathering of Armenians, with each person/family focusing on giving birth to the next generation of patriotic Armenians. This will be the best homage to the memory of those soldiers who fell defending our country.

Armenian Regathering will revitalize the mission of Armenia’s defense and progress. More about that later – in the meantime, if you are reading these lines and want to help rid our country of the “Nikolism” metastases, you need to make a clear decision for yourself about your role and participation in the new Regathering of the 21st century.   

 ——

[1] The influx of Armenians from Ottoman-controlled areas (Western Armenia) was primarily a rearrangement of Armenian presence in historical lands, where Armenians from western Armenia settled in eastern Armenia.

[2] Azerbaijan’s birth rate is north of 15, as a comparison.

Ara Stepanyan is a Boston-based consultant advising companies and government agencies on a broad range of complex business problems by applying his expertise in economics, finance, data analytics, and strategy. His experience includes engagements across a broad array of economic issues related to domestic and international tax disputes, corporate restructurings, data-driven strategy, and investigations in connection with corruption and money laundering. Ara holds a PhD in economics from Rice and an MPA from Harvard.


RFE/RL Armenian Report – 06/10/2022

                                        Friday, 


Vanadzor Election Winner Goes On Trial

        • Karine Simonian

Armenia - Former Mayor Mamikon Aslanian stands trial in Vanadzor, 


The former mayor of Armenia’s third largest city of Vanadzor went on trial on 
Friday six months after defeating the ruling Civil Contract party in a local 
election and being arrested on corruption charges.

An opposition bloc led by Mamikon Aslanian essentially won the election with 
about 39 percent of the vote. Civil Contract finished second with 25 percent, 
the most serious of setbacks suffered by Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian’s party 
in local polls held in 36 communities across Armenia on December 5.

Aslanian was thus well-placed to regain his post lost in October. But he was 
arrested on December 15, with law-enforcement authorities saying that he 
illegally privatized municipal land during his five-year tenure.

The former mayor insisted at the start of his trial that the charges leveled 
against him “have nothing to do with criminal justice.” His lawyers petitioned a 
Vanadzor judge presiding over the trial to release their client from custody 
pending a verdict in the case.

A trial prosecutor objected to the request, saying that Aslanian could exert 
pressure on witnesses if set free. Defense lawyers countered that none of the 
three dozen witnesses in the case has testified against the ex-mayor.

“If someone gave testimony refuting the accusations why would Mamikon Aslanian 
want to influence that person?” one of the lawyers told the court.

The judge will rule on Monday whether Aslanian must remain under arrest.

Armenia - The building of the Vanadzor municipality, December 13, 2021.

Aslanian’s supporters as well as opposition figures in Yerevan say that 
Pashinian ordered the ex-mayor’s arrest and prosecution to make sure that the 
Vanadzor municipality remains under his control. They have accused the prime 
minister of effectively overturning the local election results.

Vanadzor’s new municipal council has still not been able to meet and elect the 
city’s new mayor. Armenia’s Administrative Council has banned the council from 
holding sessions, citing an appeal against the election results lodged by 
another pro-government party, Bright Armenia.

The ban remains in force even though the appeal was rejected by two other courts 
earlier this year. Bright Armenia, which fared poorly in the December polls, 
appealed to the higher Court of Cassation. The latter has still not ruled on the 
complaint.

In April, Pashinian’s party swiftly pushed through the Armenian parliament a 
bill that empowered the prime minister to name acting heads of communities whose 
councils fail to elect mayors within 20 days after local elections.

On May 13, Pashinian appointed a man with a criminal record, Arkadi Peleshian, 
as Vanadzor’s acting mayor.

Peleshian served as deputy mayor from 2017-2021. An obscure party led by him won 
less than 15 percent of the vote in December.



U.S. Official Meets Armenian Oppositionists

        • Artak Khulian

Armenia - U.S. Deputy Assistant Secretary of State Kara McDonald (center) at a 
meeting in Yerevan, June 9, 2022.


A senior U.S. State Department official has met with leaders of Armenia’s main 
opposition groups holding anti-government protests during a visit to Yerevan.
Kara McDonald, the deputy assistant secretary of state for democracy, human 
rights and labor, arrived in the Armenian capital on Wednesday for talks with 
government officials, politicians and civil society members. The officials 
included Justice Minister Karen Andreasian and Deputy Foreign Minister Vahe 
Gevorgian.

The U.S. Embassy in Armenia said that during the two-day trip McDonald 
“underscored the U.S. commitment to continue helping the Armenian people build a 
future based on shared democratic values.”

It emerged on Friday that she held a separate meeting with representatives of 
the two opposition alliances represented in the Armenian parliament.

Gegham Manukian, an opposition parliamentarian, said they discussed a wide range 
of issues, including “shameful practices” in the Armenian judiciary and police 
actions against participants of continuing opposition rallies aimed at toppling 
Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian. McDonald took note of concerns voiced by the 
oppositionists, he said.

The U.S. Embassy did not comment on that meeting. The embassy posted on its 
Twitter page photographs of McDonald’s meetings with other individuals, 
including leaders of four parties not represented in the Armenian parliament.

Armenia - Opposition supporters demonstrate in Yerevan, May 4, 2022.

The parliament’s two opposition factions criticized the U.S. ambassador to 
Armenia, Lynne Tracy, last month after she seemed to hail the outcome of last 
year’s parliamentary elections won by Pashinian’s party.

One of their leaders, Ishkhan Saghatelian, accused the United States and other 
Western powers of turning a blind eye to government pressure on the judiciary, 
the existence of “dozens of political prisoners” and other human rights abuses. 
He also said Armenians did not give Pashinian a mandate to “cede” 
Nagorno-Karabakh to Azerbaijan.

Saghatelian is the main speaker at the ongoing street protests which were 
sparked by Pashinian’s conciliatory policy towards Azerbaijan and Turkey praised 
by Washington.

Reacting to the protests earlier in May, the State Department urged the Armenian 
opposition to “refrain from violence and respect the rule of law and Armenia’s 
democracy.”



Armenia Backs Alliance With Russia, Other Ex-Soviet States

        • Sargis Harutyunyan

Armenia - Foreign Minister Ararat Mirzoyan chairs a session of top diplomats of 
the CSTO member states, Yerevan, 


Armenia on Friday expressed readiness to help strengthen the Collective Security 
Treaty Organization (CSTO) while again chiding other members of the Russian-led 
military alliance for not openly supporting Yerevan in its border dispute with 
Azerbaijan.

The Armenian government appealed to the CSTO for help shortly after Azerbaijani 
troops reportedly crossed several sections of the Armenian-Azerbaijani border 
and advanced a few kilometers into Armenian territory in May 2021. It asked the 
alliance of six ex-Soviet states to invoke Article 2 of its founding treaty 
which requires a collective response to grave security threats facing one of 
them.

Russia and other CSTO member states expressed concern over the border tensions 
but did not issue joint statements in support of Armenia. Armenian leaders have 
repeatedly criticized that stance.

Foreign Minister Ararat Mirzoyan reiterated the criticism after hosting a 
meeting in Yerevan with the fellow top diplomats of Russia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, 
Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan.

“While the organization responded in a timely manner to the events in Kazakhstan 
in January the issue still remains open in connection with the invasion of 
Azerbaijani troops into the sovereign territory of Armenia, which began in May 
2021,” he told the press.

Mirzoyan made clear at the same time that Yerevan is intent on “stepping up 
cooperation between member states” of the bloc. That includes ensuring a closer 
coordination of their foreign policies and “enhancing the CSTO’s role in the 
international arena,” he said.

Armenia - The foreign ministers of Russia and other CSTO member states arrive 
for a meeting in Yerevan, .

In a joint statement issued after the meeting, the CSTO foreign ministers did 
not explicitly mention Russia’s war with Ukraine. They voiced concern at the 
“continuing degradation of the system of international security.” They said all 
countries must respect “the principle of equal and indivisible security.”

From Moscow’s perspective, “indivisible security” means that NATO must pledge 
not to admit Ukraine and to scale back its military presence near Russia’s 
borders. The U.S. and its NATO allies rejected these demands in the run-up to 
the Russian invasion of Ukraine which began on February 24.

Belarus is the only non-Russian CSTO country to have publicly backed the 
invasion. Belarusian President Alexander Lukashenko chided the other member 
states for their more cautious stance when he spoke at a CSTO summit in Moscow 
last month.



Armenian Opposition Rethinking Protest Tactics

        • Artak Khulian

Armenia - Parliament vice-speaker Ishkhan Saghatelian leads an opposition 
demonstration in Yerevan, May 18, 2022.


A leader of the Armenian opposition said on Friday that it is rethinking the 
tactics of its “resistance movement” almost six week after starting regular 
demonstrations aimed at toppling Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian.

Ishkhan Saghatelian insisted that the protests are not dying down and that the 
opposition has no plans to suspend or end them.

“Yes, we need a new tactic,” Saghatelian told reporters. “Therefore, there may 
be changes in our steps and actions. Right now we are engaged in active 
discussions and will change some steps and actions.”

He declined to say what those changes will be.

“The movement cannot die down because its collapse or suspension would mean a 
defeat for the Armenian people,” he said.

Armenia’s main opposition groups represented in the parliament have rallied 
thousands of supporters on a virtually daily basis since setting up a tent camp 
in a central Yerevan square on May 1. They accuse Pashinian of renouncing 
Armenian control of Nagorno-Karabakh and making other concessions to Azerbaijan 
that will jeopardize the very existence of Armenia.

Armenia - Riot police arrest opposition protesters in Yerevan, May 10, 2022.
Pashinian and his political allies dismiss the demands for his resignation. They 
say that the opposition has failed to attract popular support for its “civil 
disobedience” campaign.

“There is no political crisis in Armenia,” Foreign Minister Ararat Mirzoyan said 
on Thursday. Echoing statements by other Armenian officials, he said that 
Pashinian’s political team won a popular mandate to run the country for the next 
five years in the 2021 general elections.

Saghatelian, who has been the main speaker at the protests, dismissed that 
argument. He said that Pashinian does not have such a mandate anymore because he 
broke his election campaign pledge to help the people of Nagorno-Karabakh 
exercise their right to self-determination.

“They are now talking about ‘lowering the bar’ [on Karabakh’s status] and 
leading the country to new concessions,” he said.


Reprinted on ANN/Armenian News with permission from RFE/RL
Copyright (c) 2022 Radio Free Europe / Radio Liberty, Inc.
1201 Connecticut Ave., N.W. Washington DC 20036.

 

‘Amended’ statement of Russian Foreign Minister: what happened during Lavrov’s visit to Armenia?




  • JAMnews
  • Yerevan

Russian Foreign Minister Lavrov’s visit to Yerevan

In Armenia, special attention was paid not to the meeting of the Council of Foreign Ministers of the CSTO member countries, which took place in Yerevan on June 10, but to the statements of Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov. He arrived in Armenia on a two-day working visit. During a joint press conference with his Armenian counterpart Ararat Mirzoyan, he made two statements that are still actively discussed in Armenia.

One concerns the unblocking of communications by Armenia and Azerbaijan, and the other concerns the situation around the village of Parukh in Nagorno-Karabakh (Azerbaijanis call this village Farukh).

In particular, Lavrov announced a “simplified regime” of control during the resumption of road communication between Armenia and Azerbaijan, which “will be completely based on the sovereignty of the territory of Armenia”. This statement corresponds to the position of the Armenian side, but the _expression_ “simplified regime” raised questions.

Answering the question about the village of Parukh, Lavrov said that the issue would be resolved “within the framework of the upcoming substantive work on the delimitation” of the Armenian-Azerbaijani border. This raised a question in Baku: what do NK territories have to do with the Armenian-Azerbaijani border?


  • CSTO military bloc celebrates 30th anniversary: how leaders view the alliance
  • Opinion from Baku: “Moscow is against bilateral negotiations between Azerbaijan and Armenia”
  • “CSTO military contingent went to Kazakhstan, but never came to Armenia”

During a press conference, Sergey Lavrov spoke about the resumption of transport links between Armenia and Azerbaijan:

“The railway route has already been agreed, now the agreement on the land route is ending, as well as the agreement on the regime that will be introduced. It will be completely based on the sovereignty of the territory of Armenia. There can be no ambiguity here”.

After the second Karabakh war, the Azerbaijani side repeatedly demanded the provision of a “corridor” through the territory of Armenia to its Nakhichevan exclave. The Armenian side constantly repeated that it was in favor of unblocking regional communications, but was categorically against providing routes with “corridor logic”. According to the explanation of the Armenian authorities, the term “corridor” implies the loss of sovereignty over this territory, which is out of the question.

According to Lavrov, the process of unblocking roads is connected with practical actions, “which are associated with the creation of infrastructure for many years, so it’s better to look before leaping”.

After the meeting of the Deputy Prime Ministers of Armenia, Azerbaijan and Russia, which took place in Moscow on June 3, Russia reported that the parties had found closer approaches to issues of border, customs and other types of control of roads and railways. Yerevan said that the approaches of the parties were clarified. But it remains unclear what these approaches are.

During the press conference, the ministers did not explain what is meant by the “simplified regime” of control. It is this issue that has become the most discussed in the expert community of Armenia.

The new CRRC Armenia survey has determined what worries the Armenian people the most: the need to strengthen the army, poverty, and the peace agreement with Azerbaijan

Answering a question about the situation around the village of Parukh in Nagorno-Karabakh, Lavrov stressed that it is a priority for Russian peacekeepers:

“There are certain results already in terms of the de-escalation of this situation. We have an understanding that within the framework of the forthcoming substantive work on delimitation, these issues will be considered and resolved without fail”.

In March 2022, the Azerbaijani Armed Forces advanced in Nagorno-Karabakh to the territory under the control of Russian peacekeepers. This refers to the village of Parukh in the Askeran region and part of the strategically important height of Karaglukh. So far, the Russian peacekeepers have failed to return the Azerbaijanis to their original positions and the inhabitants of Parukh still cannot return to their homes.

Armenia reports tensions in Nagorno-Karabakh – statement of the Security Council of Armenia, position of the command of the Russian peacekeeping forces stationed in NK, as well as a comment by a political scientist here

Official Baku reacted to Lavrov’s comment about the village of Parukh (Farukh) in Nagorno-Karabakh. The head of the press service of the Azerbaijani Foreign Ministry, Leyla Abdullayeva, stated that it is located in the Khojaly region and has nothing to do with the issue of delimitation of the border with Armenia:

“The activities of the commissions on delimitation established by Azerbaijan and Armenia, as was foreseen in advance, pursue the goal of delimiting the state border of the two countries. Within the framework of this process, no issue is expected to be considered outside the Azerbaijani-Armenian state border”.

After that, the Russian Foreign Ministry released the transcript of the press conference between Lavrov and Mirzoyan, editing Lavrov’s statement as follows:

“We hope that the launch of the process of delimitation of the Armenian-Azerbaijani border will help increase confidence between Baku and Yerevan and prevent incidents like Parukh in the zone of responsibility of the Russian peacekeeping contingent”.

Political scientist Armen Grigoryan calls for urgent revision of Armenia’s foreign policy to replace the ongoing “pseudo-diversification” of the country’s foreign affairs

Political observer Hakob Badalyan is sure that the parties have not agreed on the regime of control of roads that will be unblocked.

Hakob Badalyan emphasizes that the starting point should be the trilateral statement of November 9, signed by the heads of Armenia, Azerbaijan and Russia. It clearly states that Armenia undertakes to ensure unhindered communication between Nakhichevan and Azerbaijan, and the FSB of Russia will control the road.

According to the expert, Azerbaijan is trying to present this in the corridor logic, since for Baku there is also the issue of domestic consumption. And Yerevan, according to him, should rule out such a development.

“Lavrov’s statements that sovereignty cannot be questioned are an important starting point. So far, Yerevan manages to keep this bar in the perception of the main players”, Badalyan believes.

Referring to Lavrov’s statement about the situation in Parukha, the observer eliminates confusion. Given the fact that this is an extremely experienced diplomat, Badalyan believes that this was most likely a deliberate hint. It came after “not so smooth” talks with the Turkish president in Ankara.

The political observer does not rule out that Lavrov’s statement was intended for Ankara or Baku.

“Lavrov made a hint in some direction, then, making sure that the addressee received it, he decided to stop the process at the public level. And the Russian Foreign Ministry presented a transcript with different content so that there would be no more noise on this topic. Over time, it will become clear how this process will continue behind the scenes”.

https://jam-news.net/amended-statement-of-russian-foreign-minister-what-happened-during-lavrovs-visit-to-armenia/

Assistant Secretary Donfried’s Travel to Azerbaijan, Georgia, and Armenia



 

Celebrating the First Republic of Armenia with a True Sense of Dignity, Victory and Pride

June 9 2022
 

By Madeleine Mezagopian

Amid domestic, regional and global turbulences, on May 28th the Armenian nation in Diaspora and in Motherland Armenia celebrated the painful however glorious birth of the First Armenian Republic in 1918.

Given the surrounding existence threatening circumstances, this year’s celebration transformed into solemn contemplation on how to remain loyal to the sacrifices preceding and following the first Republic of Armenia through carefully dealing with the immediate challenges that may very well threaten the current Republic of Armenia itself.

The ongoing Russian-Ukraine war with its still ambiguous causes and outcomes is surely reconfiguring the world order and with it, political and military alliances. Certain actors like Turkey and Azerbaijan, despite their despicable record of human rights, are gaining an upper free hand in fulfilling expansionist schemes.

Turkey and Azerbaijan, two countries presented with Armenian territories in the aftermath of the First Republic of Armenia, through antagonizing Russia and taking advantage of their association with the US, are threatening anew the destiny of the current Republic of Armenia and of what is left of Armenian Artsakh.

These developments surely warrant not only to remember but to reproduce the Armenia of 1918 when Armenians vigorously and faithfully fought to keep the Armenian nation alive and prevent Ottoman rulers from committing further Armenian genocide.

Armenian Americans are a vital part of the fabric of the United States. They make our nation stronger and more dynamic, even as they continue to carry with them the tragic knowledge of what their ancestors endured. We recognize their pain and honor their story.

– Statement by U.S. President Joe Biden on Armenian Remembrance Day, April 24, 2022

Today, the fate of the Armenian Nation and of Motherland Armenia is vulnerable. However, it can be salvaged and the glorious memory of the First Armenian Republic can be proudly celebrated even repeated. An ambitious however doable national aspiration can be materialized through the efforts of Armenians worldwide and in Motherland Armenia concerted towards the arrival of a salvation government comprising loyal Armenian elites, ruling Armenia peacefully, without territorial and democratic compromises, and foremost serving the national interests of United Armenia.

The domestic anger and frustration of the Armenian people in diaspora and in Motherland Armenia are intensified by the policies of the current government which reflect a betrayal to the memory of May 28 of 1918 and to the memory of millions of Armenian martyrs of past and recent history. The prescription for the current Republic of Armenia to survive with dignity and without further loss of territories is through adopting neutral policies, providing humanitarian services to those truly seeking safety and security, while simultaneously involving and interacting with its people rather than suppressing and persecuting them.

Further, for the current Republic of Armenia to survive with dignity and pride necessitates remaining faithful to the sacrifices of the heroes of the battles of Sardarabad, Bash Abaran and Karakilisa* through resisting unconditional normalization with Turkey and Azerbaijan and the further surrender of territories of Armenian Artsakh, redrawing the borders of Armenia resulting in further concessions.

The Republic of Armenia must advance and invest all available diplomatic tools to regain the Republic of Armenia of 1918. Only then can Armenia claim being independent, sovereign and democratic and entitled to celebrate May 28th with a true sense of dignity, victory and pride.

[* The Ottoman defeats at Sardarabad, Bash Abaran and Karakilisa staved off the annihilation of the Armenian nation, and the victories were instrumental in allowing the Armenian National Council to declare the independence of the First Republic of Armenia on May 30, 1918 (retroactive to May 28)].

Madeleine Mezagopian, for LIMA CHARLIE WORLD

[Edits by Anthony A. LoPresti]

[Original Main Photo: Vahram Baghdasaryan]

Madeleine M. R. Mezagopian is a published author and the holder of the Swedish Royal Medal of the North Star (Kungliga Nordstjärnemedaljen) and the Shield of the University of Jordan. She is a researcher, adviser and analyst and has served as the Executive Director at Al Arab Al Yawm (English) newspaper. Mezagopian is also a member of the General Assembly of Al-Hussein Society–Jordan Centre for Training and Inclusion.

[Subscribe to our newsletter for free and be the first to get Lima Charlie World updates delivered right to your inbox.]

Lima Charlie World provides global news, featuring insight & analysis by military veterans, intelligence professionals and foreign policy experts Worldwide.

Support Lima Charlie’s quality journalism and independent voice! Our team at Lima Charlie World works hard to bring you in-depth & insightful news coverage. We believe in our mission to investigate and report the truth, with an eye towards promoting peace, understanding & positive political engagement … But our independent, investigative journalism takes a lot of time, money and effort to produce. If everyone who reads our work would make a small donation, we would be able to continue keeping you informed. Please take a moment. Thank you in advance for your kind support.

For up-to-date news, please follow us on twitter at @LimaCharlieNews

 

Kazakhstan to deliver petroleum products to Armenia

Kazakhstan –
 

NUR-SULTAN. KAZINFORM – Kazakhstan President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev inked the Law of the Republic of Kazakhstan «On ratification of the Agreement between the Government of the Republic of Kazakhstan and the Government of the Republic of Armenia on trade and economic cooperation in the sphere of petroleum products supplies to the Republic of Armenia,» Kazinform cites the president’s press service.

Armenian Diocese of Germany condemns Berlin car-ramming incident

PanARMENIAN
Armenia –

PanARMENIAN.Net - The German Diocese of the Armenian Apostolic Church has condemned the incident in which a motorist, who has both German and Armenian citizenship, rammed his vehicle into a crowd of people in Berlin, killing one and leaving six in critical condition.

"We reject any act of this nature, regardless of the national-religious affiliation of the person who committed it," the Diocese said in a statement, according to the Orer Armenian European Magazine.

Berlin Interior Affairs Minister Iris Spranger has said the car-ramming was a deliberate act by a person who likely was suffering from mental illness.

As part of their investigation, police have already searched the driver’s home and also are investigating his sister, who is the owner of the car used in the attack, EFE reported.

https://www.panarmenian.net/eng/news/300847/Armenian_Diocese_of_Germany_condemns_Berlin_carramming_incident