Baku: Eldar Mammadyarov: The Intellectuals’ Visit To NK Should Be Re

ELMAR MAMMADYAROV: THE INTELLECTUALS’ VISIT TO NAGORNO KARABAKH SHOULD BE REGARDED NORMALLY

Azeri Press Agency, Azerbaijan
July 2 2007

Our intellectuals and NGOs representatives’ visit to Nagorno Karabakh
should be regarded normally, Azerbaijani Foreign Minister Elmar
Mammadyarov told journalists, APA reports.

Foreign Minister replying to the question on disapproval of the
intellectuals’ visit to the Armenian-occupied regions said that
he sounded the possibility of such visits a year ago. The Minister
saying that such visits will positively influence the negotiating
process did not rule out making visits in the future.

As a Foreign Minister Mr.Mammadyarov did not consider his visit
to Nagorno Karabakh possible regarding Nagorno Karabakh’s being
inalienable part of Azerbaijan. /APA/

From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

Turkish-Armenian Editor Dink’s Murder Trial Opens

TURKISH-ARMENIAN EDITOR DINK’S MURDER TRIAL OPENS
Nicolas Cheviron

Middle East Times, Egypt
AFP
ryID=20070702-114118-8154r
July 2 2007

WIDOW: Rakel Dink, widow of slain Turkish-Armenian editor Hrant Dink,
is helped by daughter Delal as they head into a court in Istanbul
July 2. The trial of suspects charged with killing Dink began in a
Turkish court in Istanbul Monday.

(REUTERS)

ISTANBUL — Eighteen suspects went on trial here Monday for the January
murder of ethnic Armenian journalist Hrant Dink, which sparked fears
of rising nationalist and anti-minority violence in Turkey.

The trial behind closed doors began amid accusations by Dink’s family
that the case was flawed because it does not include security officials
who knew as early as 2006 that there were plans to kill Dink, but
failed to act.

The police in Istanbul and the northern city of Trabzon, a nationalist
bastion from where most suspects hail, are responsible for "extremely
grave mistakes and almost intentional negligence," family lawyer
Ergin Cinmen said outside the courthouse.

The defendants "are just the tip of the iceberg," he said. "If public
servants are not put on trial, the ruling will never satisfy justice
and public conscience."

As police sealed off the street leading to the courthouse, about 2,500
protestors, most of them dressed in black, gathered at a nearby square
and unfurled a large banner that read: "We are all witnesses.

We want justice."

The crowd broke into applause as Dink’s widow Rakel briefly joined the
demonstration, chanting, "We are all Hrant Dink. We are all Armenians."

The 52-year-old, a prominent member of Turkey’s tiny Armenian minority,
was gunned down January 19 outside the offices of his bilingual
Turkish-Armenian weekly Agos, in central Istanbul. Even though he
campaigned for Turkish-Armenian reconciliation, Dink was hated by
nationalists for branding the mass killings of Armenians under the
Ottoman Empire during World War I as genocide, a label that most
Turks despise and Ankara officially rejects.

The suspected gunman, 17-year-old Ogun Samast from Trabzon, has
admitted to shooting Dink because he was an "enemy of the Turks,"
the indictment says.

Samast faces 18 to 24 years in jail for the murder and a further
eight-and-a-half to 18 years for belonging to a terrorist organization.

The prosecution did not seek life because he is a minor, which is
also why the trial is closed to the public.

Two other key figures – Yasin Hayal and Erhan Tuncel, both 26 –
are accused of leading the ultra-nationalist group and masterminding
the murder. They could be jailed for life without the possibility of
parole if found guilty.

The indictment says that Tuncel was a police informer who twice
told officials in 2006 that Hayal was plotting to kill Dink, but
deliberately concealed the fact that someone else would pull the
trigger because Tuncel himself was part of the plot.

Hayal was no stranger to the police either: earlier he served 11 months
in jail for the 2004 bombing in Trabzon of a McDonalds restaurant,
in which six people were injured, to protest against the US-led
invasion of Iraq.

He allegedly threatened Turkey’s 2006 Nobel Literature laureate
Orhan Pamuk, who has also contested the official line on the Armenian
massacres.

The pair traded accusations in their first words before the judge,
lawyer Oguz Ugur Olca said as he came out while the hearing proceeded.

Tuncel rejected any involvement in the murder, maintaining that he
was only an informer who did his "duty" by tipping off the police
about the plot.

Hayal said that both Dink’s assassination and the bombing of the
McDonalds were masterminded by Tuncel, who in turn, called Hayal
"schizophrenic," Olca said.

The 15 other suspects face sentences of seven-and-a-half to 35 years.

The murder sent Turkey into shock and more than 100,000 people from
all walks of life took to the streets in sympathy on the day of
Dink’s funeral.

Several policemen were suspended in the northern city of Samsun,
where Samast was captured a day after the murder, after a video was
leaked showing security forces posing with the alleged killer for
"souvenir pictures."

From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

http://www.metimes.com/storyview.php?Sto

A Peculiar Responsibility: Colleges And Universities Grapple With Th

A PECULIAR RESPONSIBILITY: COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES GRAPPLE WITH THEIR TIES TO SLAVERY

The Nation., NY
ies
July 2 2007

This article was originally published by CampusProgress. Campus
Progress works to strengthen progressive voices on college and
university campuses.

Right-wing gadfly David Horowitz struck at Brown University in 2001,
buying a provocative ad in the Brown Daily Herald titled "10 Reasons
Why Reparations for Slavery is a Bad Idea–And Racist Too." The ad
contained twisted formulations suggesting, for example, that African
Americans owe whites a debt for liberating them from slavery. In
response, a group of angry students stole an entire day’s run of the
newspaper, setting off a national media frenzy debating race and the
limits of free speech.

But against all odds, this Horowitz fantasy scenario ultimately led
to positive moral and intellectual development. Brown’s incoming
president, Ruth Simmons, is said to have realized that the flap over
Horowitz’s ad could be a "teaching moment." And there was something
else: Brown, founded in 1764, had known ties to slavery and the slave
trade, even though the topic was absent from the university’s official
history. It was particularly striking that Simmons, the Ivy League’s
first black president and the great-great-granddaughter of slaves,
shared her office in University Hall with a portrait of one-time
slave owner James Manning, Brown’s first president.

So Simmons created the Steering Committee on Slavery and Justice,
made up of faculty, administrators, and students, and charged it
in April 2003 with examining Brown’s ties to slavery and making a
serious study of the reparations issue.

But getting students involved proved difficult. Brown’s committee
strove to encourage student participation and several undergraduates
contributed research. But even as events and speakers were widely
advertised, many students opted not to take part in a rare opportunity
to engage with history in a meaningful way. While over 300 people
turned for a lecture by historian John Hope Franklin, attendance at
committee events was often dominated by locals unaffiliated with
Brown. Even when the report came out last fall to national media
coverage, apathy stubbornly persisted. Forty percent of students in a
Brown Daily Herald poll said they had not heard of or were uninterested
in the committee.

However high-minded they are, institutions undertaking these types
of historical inquiries should expect criticism. At one slavery and
justice forum at Brown, a neo-Nazi group showed up to denounce the
"exercise in white guilt." One letter-writer told the committee, "You
disgust me, as you disgust many other Americans. Slavery was wrong,
but at that time it was a legal enterprise. It ended, case closed."

And columnist Thomas Sowell of the conservative Hoover Institution
asserted (backed up by zero original reporting) that Brown’s effort
was a classic example of "race-hustling" and "no academic exercise
of scholarly research."

University of Alabama law professor Alfred Brophy advises any school
considering such a commission, "Realize this is controversial and
will antagonize people. And make sure that you can articulate what
is positive that will come out of this."

Brophy, who has written widely on universities and reparations, led a
successful drive in 2004 to have Alabama’s faculty senate apologize
for its involvement in slavery. Faculty members at Alabama in the
antebellum period were not only pro-slavery advocates, they were
also responsible for whipping students’ slaves on campus. Brophy told
Campus Progress that an apology was not enough to overcome the past,
but it was a step in the right direction.

"When you see the reaction to this–there were people angry
about this–you realize an apology is not meaningless, it is very
meaningful," Brophy said.

Last fall, after three years of work and over 30 public programs,
Brown’s committee released its report. The 100-page document makes
recommendations on how the University should hold itself accountable
for its entanglements with slavery, "the prototypical crime against
humanity." Just as important, it provides a full history of Brown and
slavery, a comparative look at the problem of "retrospective justice,"
and a history of the reparations debate in America. The committee
also posted videos of lectures and forums online along with relevant
historical documents.

Other schools, too, have recently confronted their historical
ties to slavery–histories that often have been glossed over or
forgotten–and have attempted their own forms of redress. Still others
are now considering proposals to investigate their involvement with
slavery. Whether these efforts will spread is uncertain. But it is
clear that there’s no shortage of universities implicated in slavery,
and that there are lessons to be learned from Brown’s experience.

"I think any university of this vintage will have its own distinctive
web of entanglements with slavery and the transatlantic slave trade"
James Campbell, a Brown history professor and chair of the slavery
and justice committee, told Campus Progress.

The Brown committee’s report is a stark reminder of the bankruptcy
of what Robert Penn Warren called the "Treasury of Virtue"–the
idea that the North was not implicated in slavery, and that the
Civil War was fought solely to end the peculiar institution. Half
of slave-trading ships originating in North America left from ports
in Rhode Island. Of the leading citizens who served on the Brown
Corporation (the university’s governing board) in that era, about
30 owned or captained slave ships. Brown’s first endowment campaign
received donations from men like South Carolinian Henry Laurens, who
ran the largest slave-trading house in North America. And four slaves
helped build University Hall, Brown’s main administrative building.

They are identified in construction records only by the names of
their owners ("Earle’s Negro," for example), who lent the slaves’
labor as a form of donation to the college. The enormous scope of
slavery, however, makes it impossible to peg exact numbers on slave
money in Brown’s history. "[S]lavery was not a distinct enterprise
but rather an institution that permeated every aspect of social and
economic life in Rhode Island," the report says.

The most arresting part of the report is the story of the slave ship
Sally, a joint venture of the four Brown brothers, prosperous merchants
who were heavily involved in the early governance of the College
of Rhode Island–later to be renamed Brown University. The ship set
out for Africa from Providence in 1764, the year the university was
founded. Most of its cargo was taken up by 17,000 gallons of rum to
trade for slaves on the African coast. They would later be sold in
the West Indies to harvest sugar cane, a product in turn bound for
the rum distilleries of Rhode Island. Of the 196 Africans acquired
by the Sally, 109 died from disease, suicide, and other means by
the time the ship arrived back in Providence. This notation from the
ship’s account book reported an uprising on the eighth day at sea:
"Slaves Rose on us was obliged fire on them and Destroyed Eight and
Several more wounded badly 1 Thye and ones Ribs broke." [sic]

But the report is not merely a catalogue of sins. There are heroes,
too. There is James Tallmadge, the undergraduate who gave the 1790
commencement address denouncing the slave trade as "repugnant to the
laws of God"–before an audience that likely included practitioners
of the trade. And there is Moses Brown, who broke with his brothers
when he converted to Quakerism, freed his slaves, and became a zealous
abolitionist. Ironically, Moses the anti-slavery activist also became
the pioneer of Rhode Island’s textile industry, which thrived on
slave-produced cotton.

It is crucial for universities pursuing such projects to present
historical findings in all their complexity, according to Campbell.

"Our starting point was, we think we know this history, but we don’t.

It has much to teach us," he said. "If you’re going to talk about the
legacy of history and its implications for the present, let’s figure
out what happened."

Brown’s slavery and justice report presents a comparative study of
attempts at retrospective justice, from South Africa’s truth commission
and compensation for Holocaust victims to, on the other end of the
spectrum, the Turkish government’s continuing denial of the Armenian
genocide. The report also addresses the "familiar extenuations" for
slavery: "that direct victims and perpetrators are long since dead" and
"that many, even most, Americans are descendants of immigrants who came
to the United States after 1865." These are true, the report says, "but
they neither expunge the crimes nor erase their enduring legacies."

The committee concluded that the most successful initiatives contained
three elements: acknowledgement of an offense, a commitment to
truth-telling, and the making of amends in the present. In Brown’s
case, the report says, this third element should include increasing
recruiting in Africa and the West Indies, creating a center to study
slavery and justice, and dedicating resources to improving public
education in Rhode Island.

But for universities, the most important form of
repair–reparations–may simply be recovering lost historical
narratives. "Folks really need to have a thorough investigation even
before they begin to call for further action. You need some good
historians on the case," Brophy said.

In April, the board of the University of Virginia unanimously passed
a resolution expressing "particular regret" for the school’s past use
of slave labor. It was hailed by Brophy and others as an important
step from a well-known university. But the apology was unceremoniously
announced in a press release 11 days after the fact and unaccompanied
by any investigation or process of self-discovery.

Another storied Virginia institution, William and Mary, is poised to
take a different route. English professor Terry Meyers told Campus
Progress he has introduced a resolution in the faculty assembly to
fund a two-year position for a scholar to research the history of
slavery and race relations at the college. Meyers said he came upon
a document showing that in the early 1700s the college purchased a
tobacco plantation and 17 slaves to support a scholarship program. He
turned to the three major histories of William and Mary, and while
each referred to the scholarship program, none mentioned the slaves
and the plantation.

He said he expects his resolution to pass when it is voted on in
September. "We’re a mature corporate body and we have a glorious
past," Meyers said. "But there are things that we did that are very
ugly and that we need to take a look at."

Meyers likes to quote Thomas Hardy, who wrote, "If way to the better
there be, it exacts a full look at the worst." Other universities
considering a fresh examination of their ties to slavery would also do
well to consider the words of Campbell, chair of the Brown committee:

"Maybe it’s just an occupational hazard as an historian, but I
believe that the past matters. I believe that the more a society is
able to understand and confront its past, the healthier it will be,"
he said. "The stories that we tell about our past not only shape who
we are as a society but also shape the matrix of political possibility
in the present."

http://www.thenation.com/doc/20070716/slavery_t

Baku: Allahshukur Pashazade: I Can Also Visit NK If Necessary

ALLAHSHUKUR PASHAZADE: I CAN ALSO VISIT NAGORNO KARABAKH IF NECESSARY

Azeri Press Agency
Azerbaijan
July 2 2007

"I have met Armenian religious figures several times. I can also
visit Nagorno Karabakh if necessary," chief of Caucasus Muslims Office
Sheikhuislam Haji Allahshukur Pashazade told journalists, APA reports.

He underlined that Shusha is a historical Azerbaijani land.

"Shusha is our land. I can invite Armenian Garegin to Shusha. All
parties – politicians, religious men and public figures should be
involved in the process of negotiations," he said.

Allahshukur Pashazade did not rule out military way of solution to
the Nagorno Karabakh conflict if the negotiations for the peaceful
resolution turn out ineffective. /APA/

Baku: Novruz Mammadov: Our Intellectuals’ Visit To NK And Armenia Ga

NOVRUZ MAMMADOV: OUR INTELLECTUALS’ VISIT TO NAGORNO KARABAKH AND ARMENIA GAVE US CHANCE TO RECEIVE THOROUGH INFORMATION REGARDING CERTAIN ISSUES

Azeri Press Agency
Azerbaijan
July 2 2007

Several Azerbaijani intellectuals’ visit to Nagorno Karabakh and
Armenia is not the change of existing strategy in the solution of the
conflict, head of international relations department of Azerbaijani
President’s Office Novruz Mammadov told journalists, APA reports. He
said that such visits are of tactical character.

"This is only tactical step and has several positive sides. Such steps
should be used. This visit thoroughly informed Azerbaijan about several
issues. I regard that there is need to take every step regarding the
solution of the conflict," he said. /APA/

From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

Georgian Flag Raised Over Akhalkalaki

GEORGIAN FLAG RAISED OVER AKHALKALAKI
By Vladimir Socor

Eurasia Daily Monitor, DC
July 2 2007

Akhalkalaki military base The flag of Georgia has been flying
over the Akhalkalaki military base since June 27, with Georgian
troops moving onto the base to replace the last Russian troops. The
commander of the Group of Russian Forces in the Transcaucasus (GRVZ),
Maj.-General Andrei Popov, and Georgia’s First Deputy Defense Minister,
Maj.-General Levan Nikolaishvili, signed the handover documents on
that day, as Russian troops completed the evacuation of materiel from
the sprawling base.

Fixed assets handed over to the Georgians include 196 buildings on an
area of 128 hectares as well as a nearby combat training range. The
last 150 Russian troops left on the eve of the official handover. The
evacuation of materiel and troops began in late 2004 on an ad-hoc
basis and continued from mid-2006 onward in accordance with an agreed
timetable. The Russians have completed it three months ahead of the
October 2007 deadline.

While some of the materiel and troops have been evacuated to Russia,
a considerable quantity of hardware has been transferred to the
Russian base at Gyumri in Armenia — a move that raises concern
in Azerbaijan. The Russian arsenals at Gyumri are steadily growing
through transfers of heavy weaponry from Russian bases in Georgia.

The Georgian-Russian agreements prohibit the transfer of that weaponry
to Armenian forces by Russia. However, compliance with the ban and
indeed the actual basing location of that hardware, once it reaches
Armenia, is difficult to verify.

The Imperial Russian Army built the Akhalkalaki base in 1910 from
an earlier military outpost near the Ottoman border. The base was
expanded to accommodate up to 15,000 Soviet troops during the Cold
War. Its missions included launching offensive operations into Turkey
in the event of actual war.

After the Soviet Union’s collapse, the Akhalkalaki base became the
main employer and for the local ethnic Armenian-majority population
and main buyer of goods and services. Russian authorities in Moscow
and in the theater instigated local Armenians at times to demonstrate
against the closure of the base and even to block the evacuation
path of military convoys. However, such incidents stopped in 2006
when Russia began implementing its agreement with Georgia on the
withdrawal of Russian forces.

The evacuation process continues from Russia’s base at Batumi, where
800 Russian soldiers remain. Under the withdrawal schedule, the ninth
railroad train left Batumi on June 28 for Russia and the tenth is
scheduled to leave at the beginning of July for the Russian base at
Gyumri in Armenia. The materiel aboard these trains includes tanks,
various types of armored vehicles, and artillery systems as well as
infantry equipment. Ten more trains and one more motor convoy are to
be sent from Batumi until the end of 2007. The base is due to close
before the end of 2008.

>>From 1991 through 2005, Russia stonewalled the negotiations on
troop withdrawal, attempting to prolong its presence at Akhalkalaki
and Batumi indefinitely. Even after the signing of the 1999 Istanbul
agreements on troop withdrawal, Russia wanted at least another decade
to close these two bases and demanded hundreds of millions of dollars
as compensation for relocating the troops and materiel in Russia. The
only Istanbul commitment that Russia fulfilled on time was the handover
of the Vaziani base and airport near Tbilisi in 2001.

The 2003 regime change in Georgia and the reestablishment of
effective Georgian sovereignty in Ajaria changed the negotiations
fundamentally. Moscow understood that the location of Akhalkalaki
and Batumi, deep inside Georgian territory, meant that the bases
could be isolated and even blockaded if Russia refused to honor its
obligation to close them down. This realization — as well as the
loss of real military value of these bases — led Moscow to agree to
evacuate them. The withdrawal process is governed by the May 30, 2005,
Joint Statement and March 31, 2006, implementing agreements, which
were signed, respectively, by Russia’s Minister of Foreign Affairs
Sergei Lavrov and Ground Forces Commander-in-Chief Colonel-General
Alexei Maslov, with Georgia’s then-minister of foreign affairs Salome
Zourabichvili and then-first deputy defense minister Mamuka Kudava.

These documents stipulate a precise timetable for withdrawal, with
interim deadlines to be met (see EDM, June 3, 2005; April 4, 2006).

On Christmas Day, December 25, 2006, the last personnel of Russia’s
garrison in Tbilisi and the rump GRVZ Headquarters pulled out of
Georgia’s capital and of the country altogether. That move brought
to a close more than 200 years of the Russian garrisoning of Tbilisi.

The imperial Russian army under General Ivan Lazarev occupied Tbilisi
in November 1799, using the easy invasion route from Ossetia. The
sprawling ex-GRVZ complex is located on prime real estate grounds in
downtown Tbilisi, in proximity to the main government institutions
(see EDM, January 2).

As part of its 1999 commitments, enshrined in the CFE Treaty’s Final
Act at that year’s Istanbul summit, Russia was to close the Gudauta
base, evacuate the personnel and equipment, and hand the base over
to Georgia by July 1, 2001. However, Russia retains the base to the
present day, albeit with a reduced garrison (see EDM, June 18). While
giving Russia due credit for evacuating the Batumi and Akhalkalaki
bases and the Tbilisi headquarters — even ahead of the 2005-stipulated
deadlines — Georgia calls for complete fulfillment of the CFE Treaty
and Istanbul Commitments regarding the Gudauta base.

Baku: CHP Parliamentarian: Defending Azerbaijan’s Rights Will Be The

CHP PARLIAMENTARIAN: DEFENDING AZERBAIJAN’S RIGHTS WILL BE THE MAIN TARGET OF CHP

Azeri Press Agency
Azerbaijan
July 2 2007

"We wish Armenia not to listen to the Diaspora organizations abroad
and live in harmony with its neighbors. We are anxious that Armenia
has occupied Azerbaijani lands leading one million people refugees and
internally displaced, raise alleged genocide claims," parliament from
Turkey’s Republican People’s Party (CHP), the party’s candidate from
Erdehan Ensar Ogut told the APA’s Turkey bureau. He said if they come
to power they will make the Nagorno Karabakh issue the first item of
the foreign policy.

"The Nagorno Karabakh conflict has to be solved so that the relations
between Turkey and Azerbaijan can be normalized. If Armenia gets along
with Azerbaijan, it can establish normal relations with Turkey as
well. Erdahan borders on Georgia and Armenia. We have normal relations
with Georgia, but Armenia’s aggressive policy and groundless claims
against Turkey impede establishing normal relations with this country,"
he said.

Ensar Ogut said that Armenia should be exerted pressure to establish
peace in the Caucasus.

"There are forces that support Armenia, we will bring Armenia to
peaceful negotiations. Defending Azerbaijan’s rights will be the main
target of CHP," he said. /APA/

From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

WB: Good Governance Helps Fiscal Policy Spur Economic Growth

GOOD GOVERNANCE HELPS FISCAL POLICY SPUR ECONOMIC GROWTH

World Bank Group, DC
,,contentMDK:21392999~pagePK:34370~piPK:34424~theS itePK:4607,00.html
July 2 2007

New World Bank Report Recommends Spending and Tax Reforms to Enhance
the Impact of Public Finance on Growth in Eastern Europe and Central
Asia

BRUSSELS, July 2, 2007-Well-run governments get better results out of
their budget resources, according to Fiscal Policy and Economic Growth:
Lessons for Eastern Europe and Central Asia, released today by the
World Bank. The study draws on quantitative analysis and case studies
to confirm that more productive public spending, lower fiscal deficits,
and greater reliance on non-distorting taxes can spur economic growth.

The report reviews trends in public spending and taxation in Eastern
Europe, Turkey, and Central Asia (ECA) since the 1990s and how they
compare to trends in high-growth countries elsewhere in the world.

Middle-income countries in Eastern Europe typically have bigger
governments than comparator countries in Asia or Latin America because
of large social transfers. Primary public spending in Croatia is more
than double the size of that in Thailand, and the 8 Eastern European
countries that joined the EU in 2004 spend on average three times
as much on social transfers as Korea. The lower-income countries
in ECA have smaller governments, closer in size to the high-growth
comparators.

Once public spending exceeds about one-third of GDP, higher spending
is associated with lower growth in countries with weak governance,
but no such relationship exists in well-governed countries. "High
levels of public spending are risky when public institutions are
weak," says World Bank Country Manager and report co-editor Aristomene
Varoudakis. "Money is less likely to be well-spent, fiscal deficits
are more likely to emerge, and higher taxes needed to finance such
spending are more likely to distort business and worker decisions."

"The biggest challenge in most countries in ECA is to increase the
efficiency of public spending," emphasizes World Bank Sector Director
and co-editor Cheryl Gray. "This is particularly important to enhance
growth prospects and ensure that populations benefit from expenditures
in health, education, pensions, and infrastructure."

The study offers policy recommendations to enhance the efficiency
and effectiveness of public spending in these four sectors, drawing
on experience in high-growth countries such as Chile, Korea,
and Ireland. In education and health, for example, Eastern Europe
achieves good results but at a high cost. Reorienting spending away
from expensive vocational programs and high-cost hospital care,
moving to per capita financing, and realigning cost-sharing between
governments and students or patients can both help make public spending
more effective and yield better results.

Investing in infrastructure can help boost economic growth if project
selection is appropriate and operations and maintenance costs are
adequately funded. Removing implicit subsidies, especially in power
and water, can make resources available for maintenance while also
making infrastructure more attractive for private investment.

Armenia, for example, has taken important steps to reduce pricing
subsidies and improve collections in the power sector to ensure
financial viability, while ensuring an adequate safety net for needy
households.

Given aging populations, low employment ratios, and a legacy of
generous social protection, pension spending in Eastern Europe tends
to be much higher than in fast-growing countries elsewhere. Reforms
of pension systems need to create fiscal space for growth-enhancing
public spending while continuing to protect the most vulnerable. In
middle-income countries, public pensions need to be further streamlined
and complemented by privately-funded pillars and means-tested social
assistance. In low-income countries, a universal or means-tested
low-rate pension financed out of general revenues-as has recently
been adopted in Georgia-may be the best option.

On the revenue side of the budget, the study focuses on two questions
that are central in today’s debate: (1) What are the economic
impacts of the flat-rate income tax reforms sweeping through Eastern
Europe? (2) How can labor taxes be reduced to stimulate employment?

"Flat-rate income tax reforms have generally had positive effects in
Eastern Europe, but need to be complemented with additional steps to
modernize tax administration and reduce labor taxation," says World
Bank Senior Economist and co-editor Tracey Lane. The flat-rate income
tax reform in Slovakia closed tax loopholes and improved compliance,
and well-designed exemptions and changes in social benefits maintained
the progressiveness of the overall fiscal system.

Despite income tax reforms, labor taxes are still much higher in
Eastern Europe than in comparator countries and are associated with
lower formal employment and growth. The key to reducing labor taxation
and stimulating employment is to reform social benefits and move some
financing to general revenues rather than relying on wage taxes.

http://web.worldbank.org/WBSITE/EXTERNAL/NEWS/0

Ankara: Turkish Judiciary Put To Test With Dink Trial

TURKISH JUDICIARY PUT TO TEST WITH DINK TRIAL
Ilnur Cevik

The New Anatolian, Turkey
July 2 2007

The murder trial of journalist Hirant Dink promises to be not only
controversial as the ultra nationalists will try to sabotage it but
will also be a test case for the Turkish judiciary which has been
taking a beating recently.

There have already been some ugly scenes between our liberal journalist
friends and the ultra nationalists outside the court as the Dink
trial got underway.

The ultra nationalists seem to feel that there could be some kind
of justification for the murder of Dink… There is also widespread
belief that the 18 defendants including a young man who is suspected
of killing Dink are receiving some kind of official sympathy if
not support…

It is sad that there are efforts that this case is being turned into a
simple murder case instead of a complicated political assassination
where the role of the police and even the Gendarmerie should be
scrutinized.

There are all kinds of criticisms being leveled against the case.

Observers are justified in saying the role of a police informant
involved in the assassination remains a mystery. It is also a mystery
that the police have not properly investigated the role of an ultra
nationalist party in the murder of Dink. There are still too many
unanswered contradictions that have not even been addressed by the
indictment.

The trial should not simply end with some defendants being punished
for the Dink murder. The trial should bring into the open in very
clear terms who is using ultra nationalist outcasts to perform their
own dirty work or even executions. We have to know why is all this
happening.

In the past too many political murders have remained unsolved. This
time we have a chance to get to the bottom of a case where the
defendants have been captured immediately thanks to the help of
modern technology.

What is the role of the "deep state" in this mess? Who has promised
official protection for the defendants? The nation has to know.

We see with great shame that the Semdinli case is being covered up in
a very clear manner. We do not want this to happen to the Dink trial.

Turkey has to perform well in the Dink trial. It cannot afford to give
the image that if you are an Armenian and especially a controversial
Armenian who wants to express his views freely then you deserve what
you get…

Dink did not deserve to die. Now those really responsible for this
death have to pay for their crime but will they?

Baku: Armenian-Captured Azeri Being Identified

ARMENIAN-CAPTURED AZERI BEING IDENTIFIED

Azeri Press Agency, Azerbaijan
July 2 2007

One more Azerbaijani was captured by Armenians on June 30 in Aghdam,
APA reports quoting Panarmenian agency. The military men of so-called
Nagorno Karabakh Republic said that he had no documents.

The so-called Nagorno Karabakh Republic State committee on Prisoners
of War, Hostages and Missing Persons said that the captive did not
answer any questions and introduced himself as Samandar Guliyev. He
said he was born in 1972 in Shusha and inhabited in the village of
Uchoglan of Aghdam region.

The related organizations are carrying out investigations. Karabakh
representations of OSCE and International Committee of the Red Cross
(ICRC) were informed of the fact.

APA’s Karabakh bureau found out that Samandar Guliyev (patronymic
Rasul, born in 1964) was registered in Aghdam and died in the battles
for Suma-Gulluja village on February 3, 1994. Aghdam executive power
reports that no one called Samandar Guliyev (patronymic Namaz) was
found. Investigations are beign carried out on the fact.

Officer of ICRC Azerbaijani office Gulnaz Guliyeva told the APA that
the committee was informed of the captured Azerbaijani citizen.

She said the committee representatives have not yet met with the
captured. APA could not contact Azerbaijani State committee on
Prisoners of War, Hostages and Missing Persons. /APA/