Russia, Armenia Discuss Joint Anti-Terror Measures

RUSSIA, ARMENIA DISCUSS JOINT ANTI-TERROR MEASURES
by Oleg Lyakhov

ITAR-TASS News Agency, Russia
October 14, 2006 Saturday 09:24 AM EST

YESSENTUKI, Stavropol Territory, October 14

Russia’s Federal Security Service (FSB) and Armenia’s National
Security Service (SNB) on Saturday discussed how to improve bilateral
cooperation in the fight against terrorism and extremism.

"A key topic is how to organise joint struggle against terrorism and
other manifestations of extremism," the head of the Russian delegation
to the talks, Colonel-General Viktor Komogorov told Itar-Tass.

In his words, Russia and Armenia have reached the level of equal
strategic partnership, but existing social and political conditions
in the Caucasus may generate different threats to the security of
both countries.

"This requires the FSB and the SNB to take joint concerted measures
within our jurisdiction," the general said.

He stressed, "We proceed from the need to create a single security
space, as our mutual membership in the Collective Security Treaty
Organisation guides us."

Russia, Armenia Sign Anti-Terror Protocols

RUSSIA, ARMENIA SIGN ANTI-TERROR PROTOCOLS
by Oleg Lyakhov

ITAR-TASS News Agency, Russia
October 14, 2006 Saturday

Russia’s Federal Security Service (FSB) and Armenia’s National Security
Service (SNB) on Saturday signed two protocols on the suppression
of terrorism.

The head of the Russian delegation to the talks, Colonel-General Viktor
Komogorov told Itar-Tass, "The documents are dedicated to cooperation
between the two agencies in the fight against international terrorism
and other manifestations of extremism."

The head of the Armenian delegation, Lieutenant-General Gorik
Akopyan, said, "This is another step to strengthen mutual strategic
partnership."

He appeared to be pleased by the development of cooperation with
the FSB and said, "all in all, 18 protocols to the main agreement
were signed."

"A vivid example of effective and fruitful cooperation against
international terrorism was a joint command and staff exercise
codenamed Atom-Antiterror-2006, held in Armenia in September,"
Akopyan said.

In his view, "The commonness of our spiritual, cultural, political,
economic, and many other interests are a guarantee of further
integration."

The talks focused on how to improve bilateral cooperation in the
fight against terrorism and extremism.

"A key topic is how to organise joint struggle against terrorism and
other manifestations of extremism," Komogorov said.

In his words, Russia and Armenia have reached the level of equal
strategic partnership, but existing social and political conditions
in the Caucasus may generate different threats to the security of
both countries.

"This requires the FSB and the SNB to take joint concerted measures
within our jurisdiction," the general said.

He stressed, "We proceed from the need to create a single security
space, as our mutual membership in the Collective Security Treaty
Organisation guides us."

World – EU Attacks Armenian Genocide Bill

WORLD – EU ATTACKS ARMENIAN GENOCIDE BILL

Morning Star
October 14, 2006 Saturday

The European Union lashed out on Friday at a French Bill that would
make it a crime to deny that the World War I killings of Armenians
in Turkey were genocide.

The EU described the French legislation as counter-productive at a
critical stage in Turkey’s accession talks.

"We don’t think that this decision at this moment is helpful in the
context of the European Union’s relations with Turkey," European
Commission president Jose Manuel Barroso said.

"This is not the best way to contribute to something we think is
important."

On Thursday, French deputies voted by 106 to 19 to approve a Bill that
would make it a crime to deny that the mass killings of Armenians by
Ottoman Turks around the time of World War I was genocide.

The Bill still needs to be approved by the French Senate and President
Jacques Chirac before it can become law.

Turkey denounced the French National Assembly’s decision, warning
that it would harm bilateral relations.

EU enlargement commissioner Olli Rehn said that the Bill, "instead
of opening up the debate, would rather close it down and thus have
a negative impact.

"We don’t achieve real dialogue and real reconciliation by ultimatums,
but by dialogue. Therefore, this law is counter-productive," Mr
Rehn said.

He also complained that it was badly timed, saying: "The real issue
now is to avoid a train crash because of a slowing-down of the
reform process" in Turkey "and because of Turkey not yet meeting its
obligations" in EU entry requirements.

Mr Barroso said that "the very sensitive issue" of Armenia should be
addressed by "Turkish society itself.

"Frankly, we don’t think it is helpful that another parliament outside
takes a legislative action on a matter of historical interpretation
and analysis," he said.

France already recognises the 1915-19 killings of up to 1.5 million
Armenians as genocide.

Under Thursday’s Bill, those who contest that it was genocide would
risk up to a year in prison and fines of up to 45,000 euros (£30,150).

The Turkish Consumers Union announced a limited boycott of French
goods on Friday in retaliation for the French legislation.

The group said that the boycott would begin with French oil products
company Total, adding that it would name a new French company for
Turks to boycott each week.

"By adopting the Bill on making denial of the so-called Armenian
genocide a crime, the French National Assembly expressed its opposition
to freedom of thought," group chairman Bulent Deniz said.

He vowed that the boycott would continue until the law was defeated
or annulled.

–Boundary_(ID_S71IF48YW43f/V8BLCfCTw)- –

A Storm Over Istanbul

A STORM OVER ISTANBUL

The Irish Times
October 14, 2006 Saturday

Orhan Pamuk’s Nobel prize has angered Turkish nationalists, who say
he has sold his country out, writes Nicholas Birch.

Towards the end of Istanbul, the part-autobiography and part-memoir
that came out in English last year, Orhan Pamuk describes his horror
of spring days when the sun "brings every ugly thing in the city into
relief". His first reaction is to try to escape what he calls "this
hybrid, lettered hell" by conjuring up "a pure and shining moment
when the city was ‘at peace with itself’, when it was ‘a beautiful
whole’. But as my reason asserts itself, I remember that I love this
city not for any purity but precisely for the lamentable want of it."

A similar struggle between attraction and repulsion has characterised
the first Turkish reactions to Thursday’s news that he had been
awarded the Nobel Prize for Literature. Except that, in this case,
it remains to be seen whether love will win out over something darker.

Among fellow artists, reactions were overwhelmingly positive. "I am
as happy as if I won it myself," commented film director Nuri Bilge
Ceylan, winner of the 2003 Cannes Grand Prize. The doyen of Turkish
novelists, Yasar Kemal, himself once tipped for the Nobel Prize,
sent Pamuk an e-mail congratulating him for "this award that you
thoroughly deserved . . . I have no doubt you will continue to stand
behind what you believe."

In a country that often seems to fall through international cracks,
many other authors picked up on Orhan Pamuk’s comment that his
victory was above all a victory for all Turkish writers. The author
of best-selling detective novels, Ahmet Umit, spoke for many when
he described it as a "fantastic opportunity for Turkey and Turkish
literature to be better known by the world". In Turkey’s mainstream
media, meanwhile, generosity was in much shorter supply.

"Should we be pleased or sad?" asked Fatih Altayli, the chief editor
of Sabah, one of Turkey’s two most influential newspapers, in the
headline of his Friday column. Unlike the magnificently fork-tongued
contributions of other equally prominent journalists, what Altayli
wrote next at least had the merit of being relatively straightforward.

In the circumstances, he concluded, the best reaction to Pamuk’s
victory was pride. And yet, "we can’t quite see Pamuk as ‘one of us’.

Quite the opposite; we see him as someone who ‘sells us out’ and . .

. can’t even stand behind what he says."

The same impulse to blacken Pamuk’s name was equally in evidence
up the road in Hurriyet, Sabah’s biggest competitor. Chief editor
Ertugrul Ozkok wrote at length in his column about the difficulties
his editorial team had when choosing their seemingly banal headline,
"Nobel to a Turk".

"We all know that this headline will probably not satisfy anybody’s
‘Turkish side’," Ozkok simpered, alluding to the conviction of
nationalists the world over that they hold a monopoly on patriotism.

On one level, all this ill-disguised bile has a very clear source:
Orhan Pamuk’s statement to a Swiss magazine last year that 30,000 Kurds
and one million Armenians had been killed in Turkey. Published in Das
Magazin last February, the remarks were a reference to the war Turkey
has been fighting against Kurdish separatists since 1984 and to what
is widely seen internationally as the 20th century’s first genocide:
the deaths in 1915 of at least 600,000 Ottoman Armenians.

In Turkey, though, despite the liberalising tendencies of the last
few years, free discussion of either issue remains at best difficult.

Within hours, Pamuk had become the country’s most hated man.

While an ultra-nationalist lawyer hauled him to court on charges of
"insulting Turkishness", one local official even went as far as to
issue orders for all copies of Pamuk’s books to be collected and
burnt. His superior countermanded the order a few days later, but he
needn’t have bothered: no books were found.

"They might have more luck if they opened public libraries round here,"
local student Nilay Aksu commented acidly.

Orhan Pamuk’s sin wasn’t just to break nationalist taboos. In a
country which sometimes feels positively Sicilian in its insistence
that dirty washing be kept in-family, he broke the taboo abroad.

That, to a nationalist, can mean only one thing: opportunism.

"This prize was not given because of Pamuk’s books, it was given
because . . . he belittled our national values," Kemal Kerincsiz,
the lawyer who took the writer to court last year, told AP on Thursday.

THE SAME POINT was put more mildly by Sabah’s cartoonist, Salih
Memecan. "Works that won Orhan Pamuk the Nobel," read his Friday
cartoon, above a sketch of the grinning novelist standing in front of
two shelves of books. On the upper one, his seven novels. On the lower
one, a grey tome with "Turkish Penal Code article 301" – the article
used to bring him to trial last December – inscribed on its spine.

"It’s tragic, really," comments Elif Shafak, another novelist brought
to book under article 301. "This is a huge honour both for Pamuk and
the country, and yet so many people are so politicised they forget
about literature entirely."

IN FACT, THE hostility of some parts of Turkish society to Orhan Pamuk
goes back well beyond last year. While books such as The White Castle
and My Name is Red – both set in Ottoman times – largely went down
well here, Snow angered many with its bleak, burlesque portrait of a
contemporary Turkey peopled with religious and secularist fanatics,
separatists and police informers.

For secularists, Pamuk’s greatest crime is his critical attitude
towards the authoritarian secular legacy of Turkey’s Republican
fathers. As he writes in Istanbul, while the public manifestations
of the new Republic’s modernising zeal were occasionally lit with
"the flame of idealism", "in private life, nothing came to fill the
spiritual void".

"Orhan Pamuk’s problem is with his own people and history," Ozdemir
Ince, prize-winning poet and secularist, wrote last year. "Shoulder
to shoulder with religious extremists, he wants to settle accounts
with this Republic’s revolutionary past."

Ultimately, though, mistrust of the new Nobel Prize winner seems to
go beyond political differences. Many see it as simple jealousy on
the part of a parochial-minded intelligentsia. Others present it as
just the latest evidence of how much damage the authoritarian military
coup of 1980 did to Turkish society.

Recent criticisms levelled at Pamuk by the poet and philosopher Hilmi
Yavuz point to another possibility. Writing in the moderate Islamist
daily Zaman, Yavuz argues that the year Pamuk spent in the United
States after the publication of his second novel changed him for
the worse.

"He must have been promised a great future in America if he wrote
novels in a particular Orientalist format, like Salman Rushdie or
VS Naipaul," he wrote, referring to Pamuk’s literary agent. "Look at
Turkey and Turkish history as a westerner does. That was the idea."

Somehow, it’s an argument that contains all the paradoxes of modern
Turkey, a country where westernisation has played such a vital role
for so long that the opinion of the West has taken on an almost
deadly significance.

It’s a painful hesitancy that Pamuk celebrates. As he puts it in
Istanbul, the city’s greatest virtue is "its people’s ability to see
the city through both Western and Eastern eyes . . . Western observers
love to identify the things that make Istanbul exotic, non-Western,
whereas the Westernisers amongst us register all the same things as
obstacles to be erased from the face of the city."

Europe’s Stance On Turkey Is Shortsighted

EUROPE’S STANCE ON TURKEY IS SHORTSIGHTED

The Irish Times
October 14, 2006 Saturday

WorldView/Paul Gillespie: ‘The imaginative exploration of the other,
the enemy who resides in all our minds." This is how Orhan Pamuk, the
Turkish writer who has just won the Nobel Prize for Literature, defines
the novelist’s most important task. His work has been controversial
precisely because it reveals how false unitary accounts of political
and cultural identities can be.

This shows up in his frank acceptance that Armenians suffered
from a genocide in the final stages of the Ottoman empire during
the first World War, for which he was prosecuted by a nationalist
group for insulting Turkishness; in his novel Snow, which explores
the confrontation between secular and fundamentalist Islam; and in
his book about Istanbul published last year, which evokes the city’s
bricolage of overlapping identities. Cultures are not composed of
singular, univocal essences, he argues, but are plural and interwoven
between multivocal selves and others.

The theme was put in the foreground last weekend at a conference
in Istanbul of researchers from think tanks dealing with relations
between European and Mediterranean countries. Some 200 people from
55 institutes attended, with a large Turkish presence, including
several ministers.

Introducing the conference theme of "paths to democracy and inclusion
within diversity" Alvaro Vasconcelos from Lisbon warned against
the danger of "culturalism", the assumption that civilisations,
like national identities, are composed of such singular essences,
have personalities and are bound to clash.

"It is as if nothing has changed since the Crusades." Such a lens
obscures and distorts real political and economic changes around the
Mediterranean. They are reduced to a monolithic conception of us and
them, friends and enemies, closed and unconnected entities.

Turks are becoming all too used to such simplicities as their bid to
join the European Union runs into more and more opposition.

The Armenian question was to the fore this week, after the French
parliament voted to make the denial of genocide a crime, mirroring
a 1990 law about the Holocaust. The measure threatens to upset
Franco-Turkish relations, which are anyway fraught following rejection
of the EU constitution last year, in which Turkey’s membership became
conflated with France’s difficulty in relating to Islamic culture.

The antagonism is full of irony in that Turkish secular republicanism
was constructed by Ataturk by drawing freely on the French
experience. Now the assimilationist assumptions of both state
establishments are increasingly at odds. Mehmet Aydin, a Turkish
minister of state, made the point that when security agendas supplant
democratic ones, immigrant communities suffer from the cutting
off of funds for multicultural education and language teaching. The
ascendancy of right-wing parties has been accompanied by a shift from
integration to assimilationist policies in several European states,
including France, Denmark, the Netherlands and Austria.

This is associated with growing hostility to Turkish EU membership.

Speaking to this conference, Ahmet Davutoglu, an adviser to the prime
minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan, made the point that after 9/11 there
was a shift from freedom and democracy to security and power as guiding
political norms throughout western states. But Turkey was a conspicuous
exception to the trend. Erdogan’s government came to power in 2002 and
Turkey has undergone a huge programme of legal reform in preparation
for EU entry. It is led by a reforming Islamic party which believes
its cultural rights are best protected and affirmed by European norms
of tolerance and mutual respect rather than by Turkish secularism.

Even if that aspiration comes under more and more question the
programme will continue, he vowed. It is accompanied by a massive
economic growth of 40 per cent over the last three years and a doubling
of per capita income. Europe should realise that if it is to be a
power centre it must be ready for migration and multiculturalism.

There are growing fears that Turks are becoming disillusioned with
these hostile attitudes and turning away from European engagement.

The shift goes beyond the normal ebb and flow of enthusiasm seen in
other EU accession states as the intrusiveness of their adaptation
becomes more clearly apparent. Turkey has other options in its region
– with Iran and Russia, for example. The significance of Erdogan’s
commitment is that it brings a strategic element to Europe’s relations
with the Mediterranean and Middle East regions.

This speculation is premature, although it could be provoked by a
failure to resolve the issue of opening Turkish ports to Cypriot goods
next month. Several states are hiding behind the issue and stoking
it. Turkish officials believe it can be overcome by reciprocal moves
concerning access to Northern Cyprus; but one told me they will have to
draw the necessary conclusions if the interests of 70 million people
are gratuitously subordinated to those of 600,000 Cypriots. There is
a widespread belief that it was wrong to allow Cyprus join the EU,
with a veto on relations with Turkey, before its national question
was resolved.

The view is shared by European critics of these trends such as former
German foreign minister Joschka Fischer. "Safeguarding Europe’s
interests today means establishing a strong link between – indeed an
unbreakable bond – with Turkey as a cornerstone of regional security.

So it is astonishing that Europe is doing exactly the opposite:
firmly closing its eyes to the strategic challenge posed by Turkey".

Chancellor Angela Merkel was in Istanbul last week. Although she
confirmed her party wants to see Turkey in a reinforced partnership
with the EU rather than full membership, she declared the process of
negotiations should continue.

Much may change over the 10-15 years it may take to prepare for
membership. But to Turks it looks as if new conditions are being laid
out, such as absorption capacity, recognising the Armenian genocide,
or passage of constitutional reform, in addition to the 1993 criteria
for EU enlargement set out in Copenhagen.

The new culturalism is part and parcel of that. Pope Benedict XVI seeks
to harness it to the notion of a Christian Europe incompatible with
Turkish EU membership. He will have an opportunity to elaborate when
he visits Turkey next month. His controversial quotation from a 14th
century Byzantine emperor under Ottoman siege bemuses sophisticated
European Turks like Orhan Pamuk.

A Voice For Turkey

A VOICE FOR TURKEY

The Irish Times
October 14, 2006 Saturday

In awarding this year’s Nobel Prize for Literature to Turkey’s most
famous and controversial novelist, Orhan Pamuk, the award committee
was as much making a point about freedom of conscience and expression,
as honouring the literary achievements of this great writer. Indeed
Pamuk has probably gained wider fame and acclaim for his brave and
outspoken comments on his country’s amnesia regarding its treatment
of Ottoman Armenians, than for his accomplishments as a powerful and
innovative contemporary novelist.

Some years ago when receiving a German peace prize, Pamuk said he
considered it a shortcoming "if a Turkish writer today does not deal
with the Kurds, with minorities in Turkey and with the unspoken dark
moments in our history". Pamuk has been a moral voice dealing directly
and bluntly with those dark moments, reminding fellow Turks of deeds
and events written out of their country’s history.

In touching on these taboo subjects, Pamuk the truth-teller landed
himself in trouble for the crime of having "publicly denigrated Turkish
identity". He became the subject of a hate campaign and his books were
burned. Around that time he wrote that he lived in a country that
"honours its pashas, saints, and policemen at every opportunity but
refuses to honour its writers until they have spent years in courts
and in prisons".

His own trial and likely prison sentence were probably only averted
due to his international profile and Turkey’s aspirations for entry
into the European Union. Pamuk himself has been an ardent advocate
for accession, arguing that the survival of modern Turkey and its
more democratic elements depends on inclusion in the European fold.

In his novels Pamuk has reflected the contradictions of modern Turkey,
showing himself to be a writer of immense insight into the complexity
of those contradictions.

The significance and prestige of the Nobel Prize stands greatly
enhanced by the decision to make Pamuk this year’s recipient,
particularly as he follows Harold Pinter in receiving the honour,
another writer equally vociferous and vigorous in his criticism of
human rights abuses and equally committed to speaking out on matters
of principle when it comes to political and moral issues.

In a week in which a Russian journalist was murdered for her pursuit
of the truth in Chechnya, it is indeed fitting that the Nobel Prize
goes to a writer who sees it as his duty to light the way in the cause
of freedom of speech and in the names of those with no one else to
speak on their behalf.

From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

EU Criticizes French Bill On Mass Killings

EU CRITICIZES FRENCH BILL ON MASS KILLINGS

Chinadaily.com.cn
October 14, 2006 Saturday

The European Union on Friday condemned a French bill that would make
it a crime to deny that the World War I-era killings of Armenians in
Turkey were genocide, describing it as counterproductive at a critical
stage in Turkey’s EU entry talks.

"We don’t think that this decision at this moment is helpful
in the context of the European Union’s relations with Turkey,"
European Commission President Jose Manuel Barroso said. "This is not
the best way to contribute to something we think is important." On
Thursday, French lawmakers in a 106-19 vote approved a bill that would
criminalize denying that the mass killings of Armenians amounted to
genocide. Turkey denounced the French lawmakers’ decision, saying it
would harm bilateral relations.

EU Enlargement Commissioner Olli Rehn said the bill, "instead
of opening up the debate, would rather close it down, and thus
have a negative impact." "We don’t achieve real dialogue and real
reconciliation by ultimatums, but by dialogue. Therefore, this law
is counterproductive," Rehn told reporters.

Rehn said it came at a bad time as the 25-member bloc was trying to
avoid "a train crash" in negotiations with the predominantly Muslim
nation.

"The real issue now is to avoid a train crash because of a slowing
down of the reform process (in Turkey) and because of Turkey not yet
meeting its obligations" in EU entry requirements, Rehn said.

Barroso said "the very sensitive issue" of Armenia should be made by
"Turkish society itself." "Frankly, we don’t think it is helpful that
another parliament outside takes a legislative action on a matter of
historical interpretation and analysis," he said.

The Armenia genocide issue has become intertwined with ongoing debate
in France and across Europe about whether to admit Turkey into the
EU. France is home to hundreds of thousands of people whose families
came from Armenia.

France has already recognized the 1915-19 killings of up to 1.5
million Armenians as genocide. Under Thursday’s bill, those who
contest it was genocide would risk up to a year in prison and fines
of up to US$56,000.

Rehn appealed to Greek and Turkish Cypriots to help smooth Turkey’s
talks.

"I trust that both communities on the island, all the parties and
especially all the EU member states will fully support (efforts)
to unblock the current stalemate on Cyprus," Rehn said.

Triumphant Twist For Turkish Author

TRIUMPHANT TWIST FOR TURKISH AUTHOR

Canberra Times, Australia
October 14, 2006 Saturday

J UST NINE months ago Orhan Pamuk stood in the dock of an Istanbul
court accused of insulting "Turkishness" by speaking openly about
the suffering of Armenians at the hands of the Turks during World
War I. But on Thursday, Turkey’s leading writer and searing social
commentator, whose refusal to shy away from controversial aspects of
his country’s past has enraged conservatives at home, confounded his
critics when he was awarded the 2006 Nobel Prize for Literature.

Pamuk, the author of a string of critically acclaimed novels,
faced jail earlier this year for referring to the suffering of
Turkey’s Armenian population. His choice as winner of the world’s
most prestigious literary prize – he is the first Turk to claim it –
is widely seen as motivated by achievements in the political sphere
as well as by his literary output.

The charges against him were eventually dropped on a technicality after
pressure mounted from Brussels and the wider international community
to resist acting on the law which makes it a crime to denigrate the
national character. But the furore surrounding the case cemented
Pamuk’s image as a vigorous critic of the state.

In another ironic twist, the Nobel prize announcement in Stockholm
came within hours of a vote in the French National Assembly to approve
a Bill making it a crime to deny that the mass killings of Armenians
in Turkey amounted to genocide.

The move infuriated Turkey, with the Government warning of imminent
"retaliation", possibly in the form of a trade boycott.

Soon after he was told of his success from the Nobel academy’s
headquarters in Stockholm, Pamuk, 54, said, "I am very happy and
honoured. I am very satisfied. I will try to recover from this
shock." Pamuk, whose novels have gained plaudits worldwide for their
skilful intertwining of Eastern and Western cultures, has long been
praised for his courageous tackling of modern Turkey’s demons through
his writing, both fiction and journalistic. He has gained a reputation
as a leading defender of freedom of speech in Turkey, a country with
European Union aspirations but a dubious track record of silencing
those who dare to confront certain long-held national taboos.

Pamuk went on trial for telling a Swiss newspaper in February 2005 that
Turkey was unwilling to deal with two of the most painful episodes in
recent Turkish history: the massacre of Armenians during World War I,
which Turkey insists was not a planned genocide, and recent guerrilla
fighting in Turkey’s overwhelmingly Kurdish south-east. "Thirty
thousand Kurds and one million Armenians were killed in these lands,
and nobody but me dares to talk about it," he said in the interview.

The Pamuk trial was a big embarrassment for Turkey’s pro-Western
Government.

After his win, luminaries worldwide were lining up to congratulate
Pamuk, whose discovery of "new symbols for the clash and interlacing
of cultures" was lauded by the academy. Horace Engdahl, the head of the
Swedish academy, said Pamuk had "enlarged the roots of the contemporary
novel" through his links to Western and Eastern culture. "His roots
in two cultures … [allow] him to take our own image and reflect it
in a partially unknown and partially recognisable image, and it is
incredibly fascinating." Pamuk published his first novel, The White
Castle, in 1991 and since then he has found increasing critical
and commercial success with works such as The Black Book and, most
recently, his memoir Istanbul.

The majority of reaction, however, centered on his politics.

Harold Pinter, the equally incendiary recipient of last year’s Nobel
Prize, said he "couldn’t be more delighted". Activists and campaigners
for social change all over Europe expressed their delight.

But the news that one of the most tenacious critics of modern Turkey
has been catapulted into international literary stardom was unwelcome
for many.

Pamuk, through his outspoken comments on matters ranging from women
wearing the veil to the Armenian question, is seen as a traitor by
Turkey’s conservatives.

Kemal Kerincsiz, head of a group of ultra-nationalist lawyers which
helped bring the charges against Pamuk in January, said he was ashamed
the author had been honoured with a Nobel Prize. "I don’t believe
this prize was given for his books or for his literary identity,"
Kerincsiz said. "It was given because he belittled our national values,
for his recognition of the genocide." The issue of the mass killings
of its Armenian population during and after World War I remains the
ultimate taboo in modern Turkey and few dare to discuss it.

From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

Paper Critical Of Georgia’s Election Tactics In Armenian-Populated R

PAPER CRITICAL OF GEORGIA’S ELECTION TACTICS IN ARMENIAN-POPULATED REGION
by Vrezh Aharonyan

Source: Ayots Ashkar, Yerevan, in Armenian 10 Oct 06, p 4
Hayots Ashkharh
Oct 10 2006

"They are trying to drive a wedge in the movement for autonomy"

Text of report by Vrezh Agaronyan in Armenian newspaper Ayots Ashkar
on 10 October headlined

What has been taking place in Javakhk [Georgia’s Armenian-populated
Samtskhe-Javakheti region] following the local election on 5 October?

Some members of the United Javakhk movement who took part in the
local election as candidates of the Industrialists today said that
the election were rigged.

They said that first they had come forward as the governing party’s
candidates, but because the governing party had required getting six
seats out of 10 to be contested, the whole pre-election process had
gone a bit bizarre, and they decided to join another party.

Then there was an incident in which the police chief was beaten.

Reportedly, some young male members of the United Javakhk were being
secretly recruited by Georgian security agents prior to the election.

Reportedly, these young men had been promised by Georgian security
some material support in setting up their own businesses. By doing
this Georgian government was probably trying to undermine the movement
for autonomy. This also could explain the fact of a large group of
young men occupying a polling station without difficulty.

Nonetheless some worthy candidates were still elected to regional
councils, and the election results are generally considered
satisfactory. But although no irregularities were registered, it was
too evident that driving a wedge between Armenians had been designed.

We are sorry that the Georgian authorities had chosen such tactics.

They would be doing the right thing if they chose to solve social
problems of the population instead.

Today Armenia is investing heavily in this region to ease social
tensions, while Georgia should stand by its promises.

Breakaway Karabakh Accuses Azerbaijan Of Setting Fire On Front Line

BREAKAWAY KARABAKH ACCUSES AZERBAIJAN OF SETTING FIRE ON FRONT LINE

Regnum, Russia
Oct 13 2006

The Nagornyy Karabakh emergencies directorate has accused Azerbaijan
of setting fire on the area adjacent to the contact line between
the Armenian and Azerbaijani military forces, Regnum news agency
has reported.

Mostly 2,064 hectares of cereal crops suffered on the border with
Azerbaijan, the agency quoted the directorate as saying.

The directorate considered the situation unprecedented as less than
50 hectares of lands were burnt down last year, Regnum said.