Month: October 2005

TO RETAIN CURRENT PACE OF GROWTH ARMENIA HAS TO MAKE EFFORTS FOR FORMING JUSTICE SYSTEM

ARKA News Agency, Armenia
Oct 10 2005

YEREVAN, October 10. /ARKA/. To retain current pace of growth Armenia
has to make considerable efforts for forming justice system and making
it an additional impetus for its development, Armenian Justice Minister
David Harutyunyan said Monday at the Armenian Judges Union’s General
Assembly opening ceremony. In his words, a new judicial system is
operating in Armenia for 7 years and many problems have been solved
for that period. “The step was very important, but nobody can be
satisfied with the current situation and it is natural that we have
new goals”, Harutyunyan said. In his opinion, approaches to judicial
institutions’ independence need revision. In this connection, the
minister attached great importance to constitutional amendments,
which, he said, solve new problems, especially considering judicial
institutions independence aspect.

At the same time, he noted that the new package of constitutional
amendments give no answers to some questions, but said the Constitution
shows the directions, in which justice system should move. That’s why
the next step after constitutional reforms project approval will be
a new judicial code for regulating all the matters related to courts
and judges, including judges’ education, skill upgrading training,
the nomination of judges and courts financing.

Besides, Harutyunyan said, under the new code, General Assembly of the
Union of Judges of Armenia would become the supreme body implementing
judicial power self-governing and solving all important problems. In
his words, time came for developing the General Assembly from mere
NGO into a state body.

Today General Assembly of the Union of Judges of Armenia gave its
approval to the package of constitutional amendments and Judge Conduct
Code.

From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

SYRIAN ARMENIANS: ARMENIAN WRITERS IN ARABIC FROM ALEPPO

Azad Hye, United Arab Emirates
Oct 8 2005

AZAD-HYE (Dubai): From the 9th century up to this date some 400
personalities of Armenian origin from Aleppo have contributed to
the Arab culture. Within this group you can find poets, novelists,
short story writers, philologists, journalists, correspondents,
editors, publishers, translators, linguists, etc. Almost all aspects
of literature are covered by them.

It is obvious that not all these figures have achieved the same
quality of writing. Some have not risen beyond the level of being
simple reporters, but others have been known in all the Arab World
such as Rizqallah Hassoun.

A great number of them have kept their relationship with their original
identity, but there are some who have adopted Arabic as their sole
language of communication and expression.

Mihran Minassian is a Syrian Armenian scholar (born in Aleppo,
1959), has researched the history behind these writers and published
an article in the 6th issue of “Keghart” Aleppo Armenian Yearbook
(2000), under the title: “Armenian Writers in Arabic from Aleppo
along the Centuries”.

See the Armenian text at the following link provided by the “Research
Center on the Armenian Diaspora”, Paris (since 1976).

Mihran Minassian

Translator (Armenian/Arabic) and scholar of Armenian subjects related
to the Arab World.

Born in Aleppo, 1959

Completed studies in Haigazian Elementary School and Karen Jeppe
Armenian High School (Jemaran) in Aleppo.

His first translations from Armenian to Arabic (poems by Kevork Emin)
appeared in the student magazine of Karen Jeppe Jemaran (“Dziler”).

Poems of Barouyr Sevag (“Let There Be Light … And Other Poems”)
and Nahabed Kouchak (“Pomegranate Seed … And One Hundred Armenian
Love Verses”) appeared in separate publications in Arabic language in
1995, 1999 respectively (published in Lattakia, Syria). The poems of
Barouyr Sevag were previously published in the “Foreign Literatures”
prestigious periodical publication of the Arab Writers’ Union in
Damascus.

During his active membership in the Publication Committee of
“Hamazkayin” (Aleppo branch), Minassian supervised and edited
the publishing of more than 30 books in Arabic language (history,
literature, Armenian cause, memories, Genocide, etc.) and managed to
send all these publications in a systematic way to prominent Syrian
and Arab intellectuals and media establishments.

He has published articles in Cilicia’s Catholicosate “Hasg”, Haigazian
Armenological Review and in other reputable publications in Armenia
and Diaspora.

He has managed to record and preserve many important testimonies from
survivors of the Genocide. He has also saved popular songs, stories,
traditions, etc. and is trying now to allocate funds to publish them.

He has also a large collection of Armenian old books, silverware,
photos, materials of historical values, etc.

He deeply believes that time has come to tell the Arab reader that
the Armenians are not just successful craftsmen, but also they have
rich cultural heritage.

Nowadays he is busy in researching old Armenian manuscripts in the
Aleppo Prelacy. He earns his living as self-employed trader.

Note: Upper-Left Photo: Front cover of Mihran Minassian’s translation
into Arabic of Nahabed Kouchak’s (Medieval Armenian poet) verses,
published in Lattakia, Syria, 1999.

SONGS OF MOURNING AND CELEBRATION

The Australian, Australia
Oct 11 2005

Martin Ball
October 11, 2005

Diamanda Galas: Defixiones
Hamer Hall. October 7.

Jon Rose: Pannikin
Fairfax Studio. October 8.

Victoria Hanna: Ancient Hebrew Rap
Spiegeltent. October 9.

DIAMANDA Galas is a serious performer and she sings about serious
subjects, typically pain, suffering and death. Mostly she sings about
victims: victims of AIDS, of torture, of depression, of injustice.

In Defixiones: Orders from the Dead, Galas sings about the victims
of genocide, specifically the massacres of Armenians, Assyrians and
Greeks in the early 20th century. Her texts are poems and laments

in various languages, and she draws on musical forms from the cultures
of victims and perpetrators.

The title Defixiones refers to the engraved “curse tablets”
laid on graves throughout the eastern Mediterranean to discourage
desecration. So, in telling these stories, Galas is in a sense voicing
the victims’ curses on their murderers, much like the Erinyes of Greek
mythology, who harried criminals with the memory of their crimes. At
this level, Defixiones is a pointedly historical and political work,
determined not to forget the victims of the massacres or their
perpetrators, the nationalist Turks.

The accompanying booklet thoughtfully prints the texts in original
and translation but, with the auditorium in complete darkness,
it is impossible to follow and the songs all blend into one long,
wailing lament.

Galas pursues an intense and uncompromising aesthetic, but the lack of
irony in her performance inevitably exposes her to the possibility of
postmodern parody. So the gothic stage setting with opulent candelabra
and burning incense seems like the backdrop to a Hammer horror film.

More disturbingly, Galas’s flowing robes and electronically distorted
voice suggest an incarnation of Darth Vader.

These unintentional connections are unfortunate because the subject
matter is so important. But when art takes itself too seriously,
it risks becoming caricature.

ISRAELI singer Victoria Hanna treats language and symbols in an
entirely different way. She combines ancient Hebrew texts with
a thoroughly modern musical aesthetic, and is not scared to draw
attention to the possibility of parody.

Backed by a band of guitar, viola, drums and sampler, her show is
part rap and groove, part performance poetry, and a big dose of
mystical indulgence.

Hanna draws extensively from the Song of Songs, and from the
Kabbalistic text The Book of Creation. She explores the symbology of
letters and numbers, and the sounds of the Hebrew letters.

But just when this is becoming way too esoteric, Hanna remembers to
entertain the audience in other ways. She takes on an archetypal Eve
role with a bowl of apples, stuffing them down her dress and munching
them into the microphone. She morphs out of her blue cape into a red
cocktail dress.

It’s a bit all over the shop but, unlike Galas, whose monolithic work
admits only a single interpretation, Hanna’s trippy poetics let you
take what you want, even if it may be nothing at all.

BY way of contrast to these two singers with their foreign languages
and obscure texts, Jon Rose’s Pannikin project offered a much more
naturalistic representation of sound and meaning in the everyday world.

Pannikin is a collection of the sort of grassroots music-making that
doesn’t usually make it into mainstream artistic consciousness. There
is Auntie Roseina Boston playing the gum leaf, Leslie Clark making
tunes by clicking his fingers, and Michael Greene, who can whistle
and hum two tunes at the same time.

Then there are the sounds of country life, with auctioneer John
Traeger going 90 to the dozen, Ashley Brophy cracking whips and a
whole orchestra of chainsaws ripping up the atmosphere. It’s a great
reminder that, at the end of the day, music is really just sound and
rhythm, the rest is merely art.

ALL CALM ON THE HORIZON
Comment By Sergei Markedonov
Special to Russia Profile

Russia Profile, Russia
Oct 10 2005

Armenia and Azerbaijan Not Worried About Revolutions

The countries of the south Caucasus could be in for a hot autumn this
year. Georgia, for example, will mark the second anniversary of the
“Rose Revolution” that brought Mikheil Saakashvili to power, but it
is doubtful that the date will take place in a festive atmosphere.

Much discussion about the successes and failures of Georgia’s
revolution still lies ahead, as many of the goals that were set out
by its leaders have yet to be reached. No serious progress has been
made in re-establishing the country’s territorial integrity and a
number of social and economic problems still weigh heavy. What’s
more, many in Georgia accuse Saakahsvili and his team of ruling
with an authoritarian hand, not following democratic principles and
institutionalizing a one-man regime in Georgian politics.

Nevertheless, Georgia remains a sort of beacon for the other countries
in the region, as every election campaign, whether presidential or
parliamentary, held in neighboring states since 2003, have had a whiff
of approaching revolution. This also goes for election campaigns in
entities not recognized by the international community. Abkhazia lived
through a “velvet revolution” of its own almost a year ago, and there
was the approach of revolution in the air in Nagorny Karabakh in June.

Armenia and Azerbaijan are no exceptions in this respect and both
have to face the test of how ripe they are for revolution. Armenia
will soon be holding a referendum on proposed amendments to its
constitution and Azerbaijan will hold parliamentary elections on Nov.

6. In both cases the votes are expected to be more open than
was the case with the presidential election in Azerbaijan and the
presidential and parliamentary elections in Armenia in 2003. This may
be an indicator that the CIS has entered a new, post-revolutionary
phase. The main sign of this new situation is the presence of
election observers from the United States, Europe and international
organizations, whose work is to ensure that voting measures up to
democratic standards. Emissaries from Washington and Brussels are
already busy announcing the conditions for the upcoming elections
in the southern Caucasus, and a certain division of labor can be
seen here. The European organizations are paying closer attention to
democracy in Azerbaijan, while those from the United States are keeping
a watchful eye on Armenia – not surprising, given that Armenia’s
traditional geopolitical position of close relations with Russia and a
firm anti-Turkish line is not entirely to the taste of U.S. diplomats.

In a message addressed to Azerbaijani officials at the end of August,
Rene van der Linden, president of the Council of Europe Parliamentary
Assembly, said, “You must show that you want to and can fulfill the
commitments you made to the Council of Europe and the international
community.”

U.S. Ambassador to Armenia John Evans, for his part, said recently that
the adoption of the proposed amendments to the Armenian constitution
in a national referendum would open up broad new opportunities for
the republic. In Evans’ words, “failure of the referendum would slow
down the democratic processes in Armenia,” and falsification of its
results would set off mass popular protests.

But the presidents of the two countries, Ilham Aliyev in
Azerbaijan and Robert Kocharian in Armenia, have both said on a
number of occasions that they see no revolutions on the horizon
in their countries. Analysts note, however, that there is serious
dissatisfaction among some of the elites both in Armenia and in
Azerbaijan. Both countries face social and economic problems and
the longstanding, unresolved problem of Nagorny Karabakh (which
still pits the two countries against each other). Additionally,
clan dominance – the Nakhichevan-Yerazovsky clan holds power in
Baku, while people from Karabakh run the scene in Yerevan – works
against Aliyev and Kocharian. At various round tables and forums on
the Caucasus in the United States and Europe, the view can be heard
that a democratic revolution in Armenia and Azerbaijan would put an
end to the long-running Karabakh conflict. But are there any real
signs that these two countries could follow Georgia’s path this fall?

It would seem to be too soon to predict the triumph of democratic
revolutionaries in Yerevan and Baku. The current leadership in both
countries enjoys a solid position. Neither country has a fragmented
elite, as was the case in Ukraine, or faces the total privatization
of power, as was the case during Eduard Shevardnadze’s final years in
Georgia. What’s more, in Armenia, Kocharian and his entourage have
attempted to take the lead on revolutionary rhetoric themselves,
embracing democratic slogans and talking of moving closer to Europe.

It was Kocharian’s team that proposed the package of amendments to the
country’s constitution, under question at the referendum, to bring it
into line with European standards. The changes include broadening the
prime minister’s powers (making the post more political, as opposed
to its purely technocratic character at present) and granting the
parliament broader powers. The draft amendments have already passed
through the parliament, with the referendum due to take place on
Nov. 20. The U.S. administration has also expressed its support for
the idea of a referendum.

Kocharian has also stepped up his personal contacts with Saakashvili,
the region’s chief revolutionary. Given that Armenia has a powerful
resource in the Armenian diaspora to support it in its undertakings,
Kocharian and his team have a decent chance of repeating the Moldovan
experience and heading the revolution themselves.

Azerbaijan’s Aliyev is not behind any serious democratic projects of
this type, but he has another card up his sleeve – geopolitics. U.S.

President George W. Bush has spoken on a number of occasions of the
need to deal with Iran. Given the complicated situation in Iraq and
Turkey’s cooling relations with the United States, Azerbaijan could
hypothetically become an important base for a future operation against
Iran. Washington, therefore, has an interest in seeing a strong and
stable state in Azerbaijan, a state that is under control.

An Azerbaijan that is seized and destabilized by internal disputes is
not in the interests of the United States. In this respect, a recent
statement by U.S. Senator Richard Lugar was not a coincidence. “No
orange revolution is expected in Azerbaijan,” the senator said,
adding that the image of Azerbaijan as a country ripe for revolution
was not an accurate one.

But the opposition in both countries has serious plans and is not
willing to make concessions either to a “democratizing,” Kocharian,
or to Aliyev and his geopolitical approach. “Armenia is entering a
new political stage, where we either express our lack of confidence
in the current regime or the regime continues paving the road to its
own reproduction,” Aram Sarkisian, leader of the opposition Democratic
Party of Armenia, said at an extraordinary session of the country’s
parliament on Sept. 1. Isa Gambar, leader of Musavat, the chief
opposition party in Azerbaijan, said that the “world’s attention is
focused on holding transparent elections. If there is any attempt to
break the rules in these elections, the world will see our strength”.

In other words, the elections in Azerbaijan and the referendum in
Armenia promise to be exciting. But an analysis of the people and
potential in the opposition camps in both countries does not bode well
for their chances. The revolutions in Georgia and Ukraine were led by
people who had already held high state office, had broken with the
current regime, and had staked their reputation on something more
than simply being a part of the government. They already had real
experience of state management. Saakashvili was justice minister and
had made a name for himself in the government while Shevardnadze
was still in power. The speaker of the Georgian parliament, Nino
Burdzhanadze, already held the post before the revolution. In Ukraine,
Viktor Yushchenko had earlier served as prime minister and was very
popular with a significant part of the public, while Yulia Tymoshenko
had already served as deputy prime minister. Neither the Azerbaijani
or Armenian opposition can boast figures of this stature or experience.

But the situation could still change before the end of October. If
either of the two governments slips up strategically, for example by
bringing too much pressure to bear on the opposition, this would play
into the hands of would-be revolutionaries and provide an incentive
for their consolidation. Paradoxical though it may sound, it would
be in the best interests of the authorities in both Baku and Yerevan
not to allow any falsification in the votes, all the more so as,
unlike Shevardnadze in Georgia, they do still enjoy a certain level
of the public’s confidence in their countries.

The Karabakh issue is a major trump card for both Baku and Yerevan.

The problem is that the oppositions in both countries, while democratic
on some points, are not so democratic when it comes to Karabakh, and
opposition members on both sides are ready to take an even firmer line
against their opponents than is the case with the current regimes. This
means that a potential revolution in either country is no guarantee at
all of a breakthrough in the Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict. This is
also a serious issue in internal political battles and in the battle
for the backing of the United States and Europe.

Whatever the case, the fall will bring an interesting political season
for the south Caucasus, but whether revolution will be on the menu
depends on the authorities’ actions and the opposition’s ability to
consolidate its forces.

Sergei Markedonov is head of the department for problems of
international relations at the Institute of Political and Military
Analysis.

TRANSCAUCASIAN ANOMALY AND THE JAVAKH ISSUE: MINI-EMPIRES IN THE NEW REALITY

Regnum, Russia
Oct 10 2005

Recent developments in Akhalkalaki, a town in Georgia mostly populated
by Armenians, are just a single unit in the chain of controversies
surrounding Samtskhe-Javakheti Territory for 15 years of independent
development of the Georgian state. During this period the regional
media have repeatedly paid attention to the situation in the region:
contrary to all the official statements made by Tbilisi the situation
in the region remains constantly tense. Periods of growing tension
alternate with , but on the whole Samtskhe-Javakheti is situated in
a zone highly attractive for many various interests.

“Integration, not assimilation” initiative group by claiming to
grant autonomy to Armenian-populated districts put forward an idea
of establishing a new member of the Georgian federation.

“There will be only three autonomies in Georgia – Abkhazia,
Adzharia and Tskhinvali,” Georgian Prime Minister Zurab Nogaideli
declared unambiguously six days after the claim was declared at the
Conference “Javakh status in Georgia’s state system” that took place
in Akhalkalaki on September 23-24.

However, the reality is that residents of Samtskhe-Javakheti Territory
has continued to claim for autonomy. It is impossible to connive at
the fact, neither it is appropriate to explain the existing tensions
with only poor social and economical conditions.

Exactly by the same way the situation in Nagorno Karabakh got out
of hand.

However, the reality is that residents of Samtskhe-Javakheti Territory
has continued to claim for autonomy. It is impossible to connive at
the fact, neither it is appropriate to explain the existing tensions
with only poor social and economical conditions.

Exactly by the same way the situation in Nagorno Karabakh got out
of hand.

Positions of Javakh Armenians could be denounced in some points, but
to do this a serious dialogue between Georgia and Armenia is needed.

There is no such dialogue now. Top officials of both countries prefer
not to touch the painful issues and tend to treat frequent appeals of
Armenians organizations to grant autonomy to Javakh as an initiative
of “hotheads” who do not reflect the public opinion. The danger of
the situation rests upon the fact that in terms of lack of an adequate
reaction to the existing tension in the region and absence of effort to
transmit the tension into the way of a constructive and controllable
dialogue the tension could be used by third parties, because nature
adhors a vacuum, especially in politics and moreover, in a key region
of South Caucasus, which is no doubt Samtskhe-Javakheti.

From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

JEWS AND ARABS FIND SUCCESS IN BRAZIL
By John Fitzpatrick

Gringoes.com, Brazil
Oct 10 2005

Jews have been coming to Brazil since the country was first discovered
by the Portuguese in 1500. One of Pedro Alvares Cabral´s crew was a
New Christian, as Jews who had been forcibly converted to Catholicism
were known. Fernando de Noronha, who gave his name to the archipelago
off the Northeastern coast, was another New Christian and arrived in
1503. These New Christians were subsequently banned from entering the
country in 1567 but many continued to enter clandestinely. They were
active in the sugar trade in Pernambuco and owned around 200 sugar
cane plantations by the end of the 16th century.

The Dutch invasion of the Northeast in the mid 17th century brought
hundreds of Jews from Holland. The Dutch were tolerant and allowed the
Jews to practice their faiths and the New Christians to return to their
old beliefs. The oldest synagogue in the Americas was built in Recife
in 1637. Although most of these Jews were originally of Portuguese or
Spanish descent they repaid their Dutch hosts by supporting them during
the rebellions by the Portuguese and Brazilians against Dutch rule
in 1645-54. More than 200 years later, Jews were among the millions
who arrived in Brazil during the period of mass immigration at the
end of the 19th century and the start of the 20th century. Most were
Ashkenazi Jews who came mainly from eastern Europe and Russia. Others
arrived in the 30s to escape from the growing Nazi threat.

It is difficult to know how many Jews there are in Brazil and
estimates range from around 87,000 to 150,000. The higher figure is
probably more accurate but, in any case, Jews represent a miniscule
fraction of the entire population of over 180 million. Argentina
has a larger Jewish population, put at around 250,000. Brazil´s Jews
have flourished in a number of areas, including business, finance,
the media and the arts. Large Jewish-owned concerns include the
Klabin pulp and paper company, the Bloch publishing house and the
Safra financial group. Unlike Brazil´s Arabs, they have generally
steered clear of politics. Prominent Jews include Silvio Santos,
owner of the SBT television channel and other media outlets, Celso
Lafer, the former foreign minister in the Fernando Henrique Cardoso
government, Roberto Justus, an advertising executive who recently
launched a local equivalent of the Donald Trump television show “The
Apprentice”, actress Deborah Bloch, and the chief rabbi, Henry Sobel.

The Arabs, or Moors as they were known, had occupied much of the
Iberian peninsula for hundred of years before being expelled.

Although Moors, as such, may not have been among the first visitors,
many of the Portuguese arrivals must have been of Moorish descent.

Arabs did not begin arriving en masse until the late 19th and early
20th century. They were mainly Christian Lebanese and Syrians fleeing
the Moslem Ottoman Empire. Unlike many other immigrants who received
subsidies from their home governments, these Arabs paid their own
passage. To make things worse, they arrived with passports issued by
their hated Turkish overlords and were immediately labelled “Turks”
by the Brazilians, who (as any resident foreigner knows) have never
been very good at discerning one nationality from another.

While some Arabs traveled around the country as peddlers others
formed large communities in places like Rio and São Paulo. They
crowded into areas like Rua 22 de Marco in downtown São Paulo and
were active in the textiles and clothing trade. (Jews, meanwhile,
were plying a similar trade in the Bom Retiro district only a few
blocks away.) If you visit Rua 22 de Marco today you will see that
most of the shops and warehouse still bear Arab names. There was a
further influx of Lebanese during the civil war which affected the
country in the 70s and 80s. Many of these were Moslems. There are also
smaller numbers of Palestinians. It has been estimated that around
7% of Brazil´s population is of Arab descent. Personally, I find
this hard to believe but there are certainly hundreds of thousands
of Brazilians bearing Arab names and millions more with some Arab
(and Jewish) blood, whether they know it or not.

The Arabs have done well in a number of areas including trade,
agriculture, finance, industry and politics. A look at the names of
the members of Brazil´s Congress attests to the Lebanese and Syrian
ancestry of a large number of elected representatives. The most famous
politician of Arab descent is Paulo Maluf, the former São Paulo mayor
and state governor, currently in prison under suspicion of massive
fraud during his time as mayor. Despite their political success,
Brazil´s Arabs have not matched their counterparts in places like
Argentina or Ecuador where presidents of Arab descent have assumed
office. Other prominent Brazilians of Arab descent are Adib Jatene,
health minister under Fernando Henrique Cardoso, and Paulo Skaf,
president of the São Paulo trade federation FIESP. I cannot think of
any footballer of Arab descent but have noticed that a surprisingly
large number of directors of the Corinthians football team have
Arab names.

Religious Freedom The discrimination the Jews suffered is a thing of
the past and the community is free to practice its religion and run
its own places of worship and schools. The Moslems do likewise and
have built the largest mosque in South America in the Foz de Iguacu
region where the frontiers of Brazil, Argentina and Paraguay meet. São
Paulo has a hospital founded by the Arab community (Sirio-Libanese)
and another by the Jewish community (Einstein) although you don´t
have to be of either origin to be treated. There are a number of
clubs, including Hebraica for the Jews and Monte Libano and Homs
for the Arabs. The Jews have their own cemetery in Morumbi. There
are dozens of Arab restaurants in the city and snacks like kibes and
esfihas are eaten by everyone. The Brazilians have even taken Arab
bread and turned it into a sandwich know locally as a beiruti after
the Lebanese capital, Beirut.

This ability to take a foreign ingredient and make it Brazilian is
one of Brazil´s strengths. In fact, I am being a bit inaccurate in
calling these people Arabs because I bet every single “Arab” born here
(and even some born abroad) would describe himself or herself as a
Brazilian. Few of them speak Arabic, as a visiting Lebanese president
learned to his annoyance a few years ago when he tried to give a speech
in Arabic and discovered that almost no-one could understand him.

Boy Meets Girl – Nacib and Gabriela The Arabs have mixed well and
are popular. A heartthrob charmer like Omar Sharif is more the
Brazilian idea of an Arab than a murdering terrorist like Osama bin
Laden. Remember the start of Jorge Amado´s wonderful novel “Gabriela
– Clove and Cinnamon”: “In that year of 1925, when the idyll of the
mulatto girl Gabriela and Nacib the Arab began, the rains continued
long beyond the proper and necessary season”. Amado gave the novel
an alternative title “A Brazilian from the Arabies” and described
it as the “Adventures and Misadventures of a Good Brazilian (Born
in Syria)”. The book describes the goings on in the town of Ilheus
in Bahia during the cacao boom when fortunes were won and lost
and murder and conspiracy were rampant. Nacib, a fat cafe owner,
hires Gabriela as a cook to cover in an emergency and her cooking
proves to be so good that clients start flocking in and his business
takes off. He falls in love with her and she treats him like a god,
calling him her “beautiful man”. She loves when he talks Arabic in
bed and gives her an Arabic name. The “idyll” of Nacib and Gabriela
is a delightful counterbalance to the conspiracy and calumny of the
rest of the book. (Incidentally, this gender reversal is interesting
because Portuguese travelers had always admired the beauty of Moorish
women and were attracted to them. Even today the word “morena”,
used to describe a woman with dark hair and eyes, has a more sensual
connotation than the dull English equivalent “brunette”.)

There is no hostility between the Jewish and Arab communities despite
the problems of the Middle East. I know people from both communities
and have never heard a disparaging remark from either side about the
other. Since most Arabs were Christians, it was easier to integrate
with the Catholic Brazilians than it was for orthodox Jews and the
more recently arrived Moslem Arabs. This intermarriage over a century
has led to many Paulistanos having an ethnic lineage which combines
Italian, Portuguese, Spanish and Lebanese/Syrian blood. The more
liberal Jews have also intermarried with Christians but there are
several orthodox communities which dress in traditional style and
keep to themselves. On Friday evenings the streets of districts like
Higienopolis and Cerqueira Cesar are filled with groups of Jews heading
for the synagogues. In fact, I was driven to write this article as
I sat in a padaria one Friday evening watching these groups coming
and going.

Terrorist Threat Despite this lack of tension, São Paulo´s Jews are on
the alert. They recall the murderous attacks a decade ago on Jewish
targets in Buenos Aires which killed over 100 people. The authors of
these attacks have never been discovered although suspicion has fallen
on Iranian diplomats acting in tandem with members of the Argentinean
intelligence forces. Anti-Semitism has never been official policy
in modern times although the government of Getulio Vargas secretly
issued an instruction in 1937 preventing entry visas being issued
for Jews. After the Second World War, thousands of Nazis escaped to
Latin America and many of them settled in Argentina and Brazil. When
Israeli commandos kidnapped Adolf Eichmann in 1962 and took him to
Jerusalem, where he was executed, many Argentinean and Brazilian Jews
were afraid that it would lead to reprisals against them. Nowadays,
Moslem extremists rather than Nazis are the more likely threat these
days. Schools, synagogues, clubs and buildings housing wealthy
businessmen are heavily fortified with security guards, concrete
barriers and steel doors. One prominent family is reported to be
guarded round the clock by former members of the Israeli armed forces.

The Arab community is not under the same threat of attack although
there have been some bloody internal spillovers from the Lebanese
conflict. The administration of George W. Bush has claimed that
terrorists have sought refuge in the Foz de Iguacu area and accused
Arab businessmen there of raising funds for terrorist groups. There
may be some truth to this but so far no hard evidence has been
presented. Moslem groups in the Foz area say they have raised funds for
humanitarian purposes in to help Lebanese and Palestinian refugees. The
Jewish community, in turn, makes hefty donations to Israel. For the
moment, both communities seem prepared to maintain a low-profile
approach and keep the conflict far from Brazil.

Finally, it is worth mentioning another persecuted ethnic group which
fled the religious oppression of the Ottomans and has flourished here –
the Armenians. The massacres the Christian Armenian people suffered
at the hands of the Turks were truly horrific but, thankfully, some
of the survivors found safety and a better life in Brazil, a country
which always extends a welcome to foreigners.

Note: The main sources for this article were Historia do Brasil by
Jorge Caldeira, Historia Concisa do Brasil by Boris Fausto, Brasil
2005 – Almanaque Abril, The Dutch Seaborne Empire 1600-1800 by Charles
Boxer, Brasil A/Z -Larousse, Nossa Historia – October 2005 issue,
Gabriela Clove and Cinnamon. For anyone interested in the story of
the Armenians I recommend The Rage of the Vulture, a novel by Barry
Unsworth.

© John Fitzpatrick 2005

John Fitzpatrick is a Scottish writer and consultant with long
experience of Brazil. He is based in São Paulo and runs his own
company Celtic Comunicacões. He can be contacted at [email protected].

–Boundary_(ID_wNh4WQT8h/v7fkJ7q8TDcA)–

ARMENIAN-GREEK COOPERATION ENHANCED

A1+
| 14:22:50 | 10-10-2005 | Official |

Today the newly appointed Greek Ambassador extraordinary and
plenipotentiary to Armenia Mrs. Panayota Mavromikhali has handed her
credentials to the RA President Robert Kocharyan.

Congratulating the Ambassador on being appointed Robert Kocharyan
mentioned the importance of the development of the two-party relations
between the countries, as well as to the cooperation in the margins
of NATO and EU.

PRESENT MAYORS RE-ELECTED

A1+
| 14:14:23 | 10-10-2005 | Politics |

Main struggle was for the posts of aldermen

The elections of the Abovyan mayor were held peacefully and without
any violations, as the only candidate was the present mayor Karapet
Israyelyan.

As for the villages, there too the only candidates for the posts of
mayors were the present officials.

The main struggle in Abovyan was among the 39 candidates for the posts
of aldermen. Although there were no grave violations recorded by the
Central Electoral Committee, there were some slight violations.

13 578 of the 39 567 electors have participated in the elections. By
preliminary data, Karapet Israyelyan has been re-elected with 12
518 votes.

In Ptgni Araqel Virabyan has been elected with 587 votes, and in
Balahovit – Kamo Grigoryan with 1 467 votes.

In Verin Ptgni Gevorg Pogosyan has been elected with 406 votes,
in Arinj – Gagik Sargsyan with 2 844 votes, in Dzoraghbyur – Arayik
Muqayelyan with 1020 votes, and in Mayakovski – Vahagn Barsegyan with
all the 1050 votes.

BRONZE SCULPTURE INSTEAD OF COPPER

A1+
| 18:03:21 | 10-10-2005 | Culture |

Sculptor David Yerevantsi who has been living in France for the last
33 years opened his first work in Yerevan today. To be more exact,
he re-opened his work created 38 years ago. {BR}

In 1967 David Yerevantsi who was a student of the third year placed
his first sculpture in the crossroad of Nalbandyan and Toumanyan
streets, “The great Armenian composer Alexander Spendiarian lived in
this house”. The copper sculpture has been washed away by years, and
David Yerevantsi has decided to make a new one, this time of bronze,
at his own expense.

The works of David Yerevantsi can be found almost everywhere in the
world, “I visit many countries, and sometimes I get surprised at how
I find time to visit Yerevan. I love Yerevan as I was born here”,
the artist says.

David Yerevantsi will return to France in a week, and it is not known
when he will visit Yerevan again. But 250 of his 450 works will be
transported and shown in Yerevan on the initiative of the Kentron
community head.

As for today, artists, intellectuals, the Kentron community head,
as well as the Defense Minister Serge Sargsyan participated in the
ceremony. By the way, the head of the house-museum of Alexander
Spendiarian thanked the latter for visiting them for the first time.

STRASBOURG CALLS TO ADOPT THE CONSTITUTIONAL REFORMS

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| 15:47:27 | 10-10-2005 | Official |

Today in Strasbourg Diogo Freitas do Amaral, Minister for Foreign
Affairs of Portugal and Chairman of the Council of Europe Committee
of Ministers, made the following statement:

“After several months of intense debate, Armenia’s National Assembly
has just adopted a number of constitutional amendments, in line
with the country’s commitment undertaken when joining the Council of
Europe. The referendum to be held on 27 November on this reform will
be vital for Armenia. By turning out to vote during the referendum,
the people of Armenia will indeed be deciding on changes of fundamental
importance for their future.

The expertise of the constitutional amendments by the Council of
Europe’s Venice Commission has shown that the reform will allow the
alignment of the Constitution with European standards by enhancing the
independence of the judiciary, providing a more balanced distribution
of power between the executive and the legislative branches, as well
as promoting local democracy and freedom of the media.

I appeal to the sense of responsibility and concern for the common
good of Armenia’s political parties, beyond their differences, in
order to support this reform, which is essential to the country’s
future as a democracy. By participating in the referendum and showing
their attachment to the values of freedom and democracy, the people
of Armenia will show their desire to see Armenia fully assume its
part in the European construction.”

From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress