A process of redistributing the pie begins within the government

As far as I understand, the process of “handing over” Tigran Avinyan has been gently started. A few days ago, I referred to a statement made by Avinyan after the election. You can read it at the link above attached to this post.


The result of the parliamentary election brought Tigran Avinyan out of the dangerous status of the so-called “monopoly owner of illegitimacy” within the ruling system. If after 2023, Tigran Avinyan had a vestige of electoral legitimacy, then after the 2026 election, essentially, the entire ruling force lost its electoral legitimacy.


It significantly eased Tigran Avinyan’s situation in the leadership, and that’s why he was essentially not interested in whether PAP will enter the parliament or not.


Against this background, another hot scandal at the session of the Yerevan City Council of Elders, which unfolded largely at the instigation of the ruling power and its coalition partners, is notable. And the whole point is that in any arrangement, the “barrel” of public indignation inevitably rolls in the direction of Avinyan, for completely understandable and objective reasons.


The whole point is that the process of redistributing the pie is starting within the government. Here, an extra “eating mouth” is naturally not desirable. But this is not even the main problem within the government. Everyone can imagine at what cost Nikol Pashinyan declared an absolute victory, the expressions on his face standing in the background at midnight on June 7 are a witness. And this means that the risk of “sacrifices” by non-governmental organizations will be extremely high.


In that sense, it is obvious that Tigran Avinyan is considered a “realization zone” at a high level.


Political analyst Hakob Badalyan




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One of the most beautiful streets in Sofia will be called “Hayastani Chemoghi”

One of the most beautiful streets in the heart of Sofia, in the Peyo Yavorov district, will be officially named “Armenia Alley” from now on.


 The RA Embassy in Bulgaria informs that the decision was adopted by the Sofia City Council unanimously with 33 votes in favor, 0 against and 0 abstentions.


“This unanimous support is an important manifestation of friendship and mutual respect, which reflects the centuries-old ties and strong friendship between the Armenian and Bulgarian peoples. We express our sincere gratitude to the Sofia City Council and the Sredets District Administration for their dedication and consistent efforts that have made this initiative a lasting symbol of Armenian-Bulgarian historical friendship, as well as an expression of appreciation for the Armenian presence in Bulgaria and the contribution of the Armenian community.


Soon we will have an opportunity to celebrate this important event together. We will inform you further about the official opening,” the embassy informs.

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Verelq: The CC has charged Ishkhan Saghatelyan

The Investigative Committee of the Republic of Armenia has indicted Ishkhan Saghatelyan, deputy of the “Hayastan” faction, whose apartment was searched this morning.


“According to the report received from the enforcement service in the RA investigative committee, the execution warrant issued by the RA anti-corruption court on January 5, 2026 prohibited I.S. and his wife from taking any action related to the management of their properties. In addition, according to the court’s decision, an injunction in the amount of 258 million 146 thousand 843 AMD should be imposed on I.S. and on properties owned by L.Kh.


During the enforcement proceedings, on February 2, 2026, IS refused to submit a “Declaration on the composition, amount and location of property, income and property rights, including claim rights”.


On April 28, 2026, I.S. submitted a declaration, in which, among other things, he mentioned property that is subject to compulsory confiscation. A foreclosure has been placed on this property.


On the basis of the received report, a criminal proceeding was initiated under Article 509, Part 1, Clause 2 of the Criminal Code (illegal act against property under embargo).


In addition, on the basis of the report submitted by the investigator during the preliminary investigation of the criminal proceedings, another criminal proceeding was initiated under the features of Article 510, Part 1 of the Criminal Code (avoidance by the debtor of submitting a declaration on the composition, quantity and location of the property and property rights owned by him). The mentioned criminal proceedings have been joined.


On June 23, 2026, at the place of residence of I.S., two vehicles owned by his wife were searched, during which cash in the form of foreign currency and gold jewelry were found.


The investigation is ongoing.”

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Asbarez: EU’s von der Leyen to Visit Baku then Yerevan Next Week

President of the European Commission Ursula von der Leyen at a summit in Samarkand, Uzbekistan on Apr. 4, 2025


European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen will visit Baku on July 1 then Yerevan from July 2 to 3, an EU source told Azatutyun.am on Tuesday.

This revelation comes after Politico.eu, citing unnamed diplomatic sources, reported that von der Leyen was preparing to travel to Armenia, along with EU’s Enlargement Commissioner Marta Kos to provide high-profile support for Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan.

The EU sources told Politico that the message would be, “Europe is here for you.”

“We have seen the country under intense and consistent pressure from Russia; a visit would send a strong signal of support, following on from the concrete support already delivered,” said one EU official working on the prospective trip, whom Politico granted anonymity to speak frankly, as were the other people with knowledge of the planned trip.

The high-level EU delegation’s visit comes as Moscow has amped up its pressure on Yerevan to decide whether it wants to remain in the Russia-led Eurasian Economic Union or pursue a membership in the EU.

This will be von der Leyen’s second visit to Armenia in two months. She was in Yerevan in May to attend the European Political Community summit hosted by Armenia.

Brussels has stepped up political and financial support for Armenia as relations with the Kremlin have deteriorated.

Last week, the EU confirmed it would provide €34 million to help offset the impact of new Russian restrictions on Armenian exports and support efforts to diversify trade toward European markets.

Kos, the EU’s Enlargement Commissioner, held a photo-op with Armenia’s Territorial Administration Minister Davit Khudatyan holding up a small box of Armenian apricots to announce their arrival to the EU after the bloc offered assistance to Armenia in the wake of Russian restrictions imposed on Armenia’s agriculture exports.

“Thank you to Armenia’s Minister of Territorial Administration and Infrastructures, Davit Khudatyan, for the gift and for a very good discussion,” Kos wrote on a post on X. “We met ahead of tomorrow’s launch of the Connectivity Agenda Platform, where we will take forward our work to better connect Armenia with its neighbors and Europe.”

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Armenia: Political Pluralism, Democratic Governance, and the Challenges of the

A new briefing note released by the Armenian Revolutionary Federation’s International Secretariat examines political developments in Armenia following the country’s June 7 parliamentary elections.

The report argues that the post-election environment has been marked by increasing political polarization, escalating rhetoric directed at opposition figures, legal disputes surrounding the election results, and growing concerns regarding democratic governance, political pluralism, and the equal application of the law.

According to the briefing, a series of criminal investigations, administrative measures, travel restrictions, and public statements by senior officials have raised questions among critics regarding the treatment of opposition parties and the role of state institutions in the political process.

The report also examines broader debates surrounding Armenia’s ongoing negotiations with Azerbaijan, constitutional reform, the future of Artsakh-related advocacy, and the relationship between domestic political developments and regional security concerns.

The briefing further analyzes the legal challenges currently before Armenia’s Constitutional Court, the conduct of election-related investigations, allegations of selective law enforcement, and the increasingly polarized political climate identified by both domestic observers and international monitoring organizations.

Executive Summary
The period surrounding Armenia’s June 7, 2026, parliamentary elections has been marked by an unprecedented escalation in official rhetoric targeting opposition leaders, opposition voters, civil society critics, and political opponents. At the same time, a series of law-enforcement actions, criminal proceedings, travel restrictions, and controversial administrative decisions have raised serious concerns regarding equality before the law, the presumption of innocence, political pluralism, and the independence of state institutions.

While Armenian authorities have justified many of these measures as part of efforts to combat electoral corruption and protect national security, critics argue that the cumulative pattern demonstrates the selective application of legal mechanisms against opposition actors while allegations involving ruling-party representatives receive limited scrutiny or enforcement.

Concern has arisen from the increasing securitization of political discourse following the elections. Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan publicly argued that the more than 500,000 votes cast for the leading three opposition parties did not reflect genuine support for their political positions and warned that creating such an impression could endanger the peace process. Critics argue that this approach increasingly portrays certain forms of political dissent— including opposition parties, Artsakh (Nagorno-Karabakh)-related activism, criticism of the government’s Azerbaijan policy, and other influential public voices—as potential threats to national security and regional stability.

International election observers assessed Election Day positively overall and stated that voters were presented with a genuine choice among political alternatives. At the same time, ODIHR and OSCE observers reported a highly polarized political environment, allegations of pressure on public employees, concerns regarding the use of administrative advantages by incumbent authorities, arrests of opposition supporters during the campaign, and rhetoric portraying political opponents as threats to peace and security. These observations provide important context for understanding the legal disputes, political tensions, and allegations of selective enforcement that continued after the elections.

The authorities’ extensive election-crime enforcement campaign became one of the most controversial features of the 2026 parliamentary elections. Official figures indicate that at least 125 criminal proceedings were initiated and 248 individuals prosecuted in election-related cases, with more than 220 detentions and over 100 custodial or house-arrest measures imposed.

While presented as an anti-corruption effort, the overwhelming concentration of investigations against opposition actors, combined with repeated public assertions by senior government officials that opposition support was largely the product of vote-buying, led critics to argue that criminal law was being used not only as a law-enforcement tool but also as a means of shaping the political environment and delegitimizing opposition participation.

Critics have also pointed to tax audits, regulatory actions, proposed state interventions affecting opposition-linked enterprises, employment-related pressure, and other administrative measures as evidence that economic and administrative instruments are increasingly being employed alongside criminal proceedings. These developments have unfolded against the backdrop of ongoing negotiations with Azerbaijan, including disputes over constitutional reform, the status of forcefully displaced Armenians from Nagorno-Karabakh (Artsakh), regional connectivity arrangements, and other unresolved issues related to the Armenia-Azerbaijan peace process.

Particular controversy arose after Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan linked the electoral performance of opposition forces to heightened security risks and publicly stated that a June 2026 meeting between senior Armenian and Azerbaijani officials was necessary to “manage” threats allegedly created by the election results. Critics interpreted these statements as evidence that domestic political developments are increasingly being viewed through the prism of Azerbaijani expectations and demands, and that pressure on opposition figures, veterans, and advocates of the Artsakh (Nagorno-Karabakh) cause is being justified on national-security grounds.

Similar concerns have been raised regarding the increasingly confrontational relationship between the government and the Armenian Apostolic Church, which critics view as part of a broader effort to marginalize influential institutions and public voices opposing aspects of the government’s policy toward Azerbaijan and the future of Artsakh.

The post-election crisis has also acquired significant legal and geopolitical dimensions. Seven political forces have challenged the official election results before the Constitutional Court, alleging irregularities that may have affected the composition of the National Assembly and contesting decisions of the Central Electoral Commission, including the invalidation of results in three polling stations and the refusal to conduct repeat voting.

The Constitutional Court has accepted all seven applications, consolidated them into a single proceeding, and scheduled oral hearings for 26 June 2026. At the same time, Armenia has become the focus of increasing geopolitical competition, with the European Union and the United States reinforcing support for Armenia’s current political trajectory while relations with Russia continue to deteriorate amid expanding trade restrictions and growing political tensions.

Critics argue that these external dynamics have become increasingly intertwined with domestic political developments, debates regarding Armenia’s future security orientation, and the government’s approach to negotiations with Azerbaijan.

The developments described below do not concern isolated incidents. Rather, they reveal an increasingly consistent pattern in which political disagreement is framed as criminality, opposition support is portrayed as illegitimate, and domestic dissent is increasingly treated as a potential threat to Armenia’s security and peace agenda.

Critics argue that state institutions are being used not only to advance partisan political objectives but also to marginalize political, religious, social, and intellectual actors whose views are perceived as complicating the government’s approach to relations with Azerbaijan, the peace process, and the future of the Artsakh issue.

Click to read the entire briefing note.

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Asbarez: UCLA Promise Armenian Institute Announces 2026-27 Grant and Fellowshi

LOS ANGELES — The UCLA Promise Armenian Institute announced the selection of the following individuals to receive research support during 2026-2027. PAI grants and fellowships are designed to support research across all academic fields, with an emphasis on or connection to Armenia or Armenians.

PAI Postdoctoral Fellowships
Kristine Aleksanyan (Ph.D., Yerevan State University 2022) will pursue a research project entitled “Automated Administrative Decision-Making in Public Administration: Accountability, Judicial Review and Fundamental Rights Protection.”

Under the mentorship of Professor Stephen Gardbaum, holder of the Stephen Yeazell Endowed Chair at the UCLA School of Law, Dr. Aleksanyan’s research will focus on how automated administrative decision-making, such as that associated with Artificial Intelligence tools, challenges traditional principles of administrative and constitutional law, particularly accountability, judicial review, and the protection of fundamental rights. 
 
Astghik Soghoyan (Ph.D., Yerevan State University, 2021) will pursue a research project entitled “Mythopoetics of the Armenian Romantic Novel (1850–1900): Narrative Form, National Imagination, and Cultural Memory.”

Under the mentorship of Professor Peter Cowe, holder of the UCLA Nareketsi Endowed Chair in Armenian Studies, Dr. Soghoyan’s research will examine the mythopoetics of the Armenian Romantic novel in the last half of the nineteenth century, approaching myth as a structuring principle of narrative form rather than as inherited content. 
  
Post-Candidacy Ph.D. Fellowships  
Nora Bairamian (Ph.D. student, UCLA Department of Near Eastern Languages and Cultures) will pursue her doctoral research entitled “Readings Between the Lines: Ottoman-Armenian Literature of the Periphery.” (partial fellowship)

Under the mentorship of her advisor, Professor Peter Cowe, holder of the UCLA Nareketsi Professor in Armenian Studies, Bairamian’s dissertation examines the experience of the Ottoman-Armenians of the eastern provinces as narrated through the writings of provincial authors Mgrdich Khrimian, Karekin Srvandztiants, Melkon Giurdjian, Tlgadintsi, and Rupen Zartarian. 
 
Faculty Research Grants 
Prof. Movses Pogossian (Distinguished Professor of Violin; Founder and Advisor, Armenian Music Program, UCLA) will pursue a project entitled, “Music of Soviet Resistance: Tigran Mansurian and his Musical Friends.”

This is a recording project devoted to composers who defied the cultural mandates of the Soviet regime following the Stalin era. Focusing on works by composers such as Tigran Mansurian, who challenged official prescriptions of Socialist Realism by pursuing bold, experimental directions in sound and structure, this musical project seeks to bring this repertoire to wider audiences through a high-quality commercial recording and public release on the respected New Focus Recordings label.
 
 
Faculty/Scholar Travel Grants  
Prof. Artur Davoyan (Associate Professor, Mechanical and Aerospace Engineering) will pursue a travel project titled “Strengthening ties between UCLA and Armenian physics and engineering communities.”  

This endeavor seeks to connect UCLA with six institutions in the Republic of Armenia to identify talent, inform them of UCLA’s research capabilities, and explore collaborative opportunities across fields ranging from space engineering to quantum physics, with the aim of establishing long-term partnerships in the form of joint proposals, visiting graduate student recruitment, and sharing research infrastructure, where applicable.
 
Dr. Kristine Martirosyan-Olshansky (Director, Research Program in Armenian Archaeology and Ethnography, UCLA Cotsen Institute of Archaeology) will pursue a travel project titled “Archaeological Investigations at Masis Blur: Advancing Research on the Neolithic Southern Caucasus in Near Eastern Perspective.” 

This project aims to continue archaeological excavations at Masis Blur (Armenia)—an 8000-year-old settlement—which have been ongoing since 2012 and have produced major discoveries bearing on early village life in the Armenian Highlands. 

Student Research or Travel Grants
Emma Bertoutian (Undergraduate Student, UCLA Department of Anthropology) will receive a travel research grant to participate in the Masis Blur Archaeological Project in Armenia, under the supervision of Dr. Kristine Martirosyan-Olshansky. 

This project aims to provide archaeological experience through participation in the Masis Blur (Armenia) archaeological project, thereby enhancing knowledge of domestic architecture in the Neolithic agricultural communities of the Armenian Highlands.

Sofia Gevorgian (Undergraduate Student, UCLA Political Science/Middle Eastern Studies) will receive a travel research grant to present her research project entitled, “Lost in Translation: Linguistic Barriers to Nagorno-Karabakh’s Lasting Ceasefire,” at the National Conference on Undergraduate Research in Richmond, VA. 

This study explores the role of translation in the stability of interstate treaties, specifically examining how discrepancies between state-sanctioned and independent translations of the 2023 Nagorno-Karabakh ceasefire declaration challenge its interpretation and, by extension, its implementation.

Julian Kaptanian (Ph.D. Student, UCLA Department of History) will receive a travel research grant to pursue a project entitled, “Mother Armenia: Reproductive Politics Across Armenia’s Three Republics from 1918 to 2018.”

This project explores how women and motherhood in Armenia have long existed at the crossroads of empires. By tracing how global assistance influenced obstetric care and medical attitudes over time, the study shows how reproductive politics has become entangled with broader imperial, neoliberal, and Diasporic priorities.

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168: Who said that after the elections I will go and solve all the issues on the spot?

June: 23, 2026

Before the elections, the authorities gave hope to the peasants and producers of agricultural products that they would not only pay for the non-exportable pepper and flowers, but also that after the elections they would quickly resolve the strained relations with Russia and reopen the Russian market for Armenian products.

“I have enough leverage that if I win your trust after the elections, I will go and solve the issues on the spot,” said Nikol Pashinyan.

The elections are over, but the Russian market remains closed. Neither Nikol Pashinyan went and solved the issues of export of Armenian agricultural products on the spot, nor anyone else.

The Minister of Economy, who coordinates the agricultural sector and is one of the main people responsible for the violation of phytosanitary norms and other reasons, the Armenian agricultural products faced the barrier of export to the Russian market, announces that he plans to make 1-2 visits to Russia in June-July to participate in various events. Within the framework of these events, he expects to discuss the issues related to the export of Armenian products on the Russian market “hand in hand”.

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  • He has always hated Artsakh. There is no flag in the square of France… my struggle is not over. From Davit Sahakyan

It seems that the authorities have washed their hands. Hopes have been dashed that the Russian market will soon be opened for Armenian products. And while it remains closed, Armenia’s economy and agricultural producers suffer. The prospects of entering other markets are not encouraging, no matter how much the government promises money to the exporters.

The producers-exporters of agricultural products were confronted with the truth and now they are going to cover the damages caused by them at the expense of the state. They give money from the budget.

The price of subsidy for the export of greenhouse tomatoes, pepper, strawberries and flowers was estimated at 1.9 billion drams. The price of subsidizing the export of apricots, cherries, plums, wine, brandy and mineral waters was estimated at 3.9 billion drams. In total, 5.8 billion drams or more than 15 million dollars.

This is the loss that the state may suffer because of the authorities to subsidize the export of the mentioned goods in 1 month.

They will give that money neither from their own house nor from their own pockets, they will give it from the taxes paid by taxpayers and citizens. If they had not created this situation, the problem of paying those amounts and giving compensation would not have arisen, as it did not arise before.

This is a consequence of the authorities’ “brilliant” management, the burden of which will be borne by the state budget. That money could have been used for other programs, including social programs, as well as programs aimed at developing agriculture, but they are going to spend it on something that they could not spend it on if they were a little more accountable for their actions.

The adventure of power can cost the state tens of millions of dollars per month. But even this does not guarantee that Armenian agricultural products will be exported and will be able to be placed in the markets of other countries. Until now, some symbolic exports have been made to individual countries with or without support programs, but they are not enough to establish themselves in these markets and occupy a long-term place.

The volume of supplies that existed in the Russian market does not occur in any other market, even after the government decided to provide subsidies, sometimes even for quite a large amount.

They think that all problems will be solved only with subsidies. The fact shows that it is not so. Even if all other problems are left aside, there is a significant obstacle: Armenian agricultural products are not recognizable in those markets. And it is impossible to achieve it in 1 day, 1 month, even 1 year. No European official can solve this problem in a short time. The assurances that we will help, support and facilitate Armenia’s trade with its neighbors and Europe are mere formalities.

Until now, we have seen how they supported and helped. For years, the same European officials have been selling the same package of financial aid to Armenian citizens in different ways. The so-called help is mostly loans, sometimes expensive commercial loans. But even those amounts do not arrive on time. 2021 they promised a five-year investment program within the framework of 2.6 billion euros, until now they have made several hundreds of millions of projects, that too with loans. They provided some gratuitous assistance, but mostly for political purposes.

As much as these previously planned programs have been implemented and are being implemented, they will now help to sell Armenian agricultural products in neighboring countries and European markets.

Before the elections, when it became known that the Russian market for Armenian agricultural products was closed, in order to support their protégés in the government, they hastened to announce that they were providing 50 million euros of assistance.

It did not become known, did that assistance arrive, or is it still on the way like the previous ones?

With such “aids”, Armenian agricultural products will never find a place in the European markets. Do you remember how Nikol Pashinyan was going to fill the gaps in the global market with Armenian products during the Covid pandemic? As they filled those gaps with Armenian products, so now they will conquer European and other markets with Armenian agricultural products.

HAKOB KOCHARYAN




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The subject of the so-called “return of Azerbaijanis” reaches the US Congress. Washing

June: 23, 2026

On June 24, in Washington, in the building of the US Congress, an international conference will be held: “The right of return and self-determination. “double standards and selective approaches” organized by the “Baku initiative group”. The international forum is dedicated to the alleged ethnic cleansing of Azerbaijanis by Armenia. APA agency reports about this.

“This will be remembered as the first such event held in the US Congress, which refers to the ethnic cleansing of Azerbaijanis by Armenia. It was noted that the conference will bring together experts specializing in the protection of the rights of refugees and national minorities, human rights defenders, specialists in international law, representatives of diaspora organizations whose members have been subjected to violence, discrimination and persecution on ethnic grounds, representatives of civil society institutions and members of affected communities.

The participants of the conference will discuss the issue of recognition of fundamental rights, keeping in the center of attention of international organizations the right to return to their historical lands in a safe, voluntary and dignified manner, giving as an example hundreds and thousands of Azerbaijanis who were forcibly deported from their historical lands in Armenia as a result of the policy of ethnic cleansing,” says the APA publication. Especially in recent weeks, Azerbaijan has activated this topic.

Recently, the 3rd festival-conference “Return to Western Azerbaijan” was held in Ordubad, Nakhichevan. Addressing the participants of the “Return to Western Azerbaijan” festival-conference started in Ordubad, Minister of Education and Science of Azerbaijan Emin Amrulayev said that “the subject of Western Azerbaijan is of strategic importance.” “The return to Karabakh and Eastern Zangezur testified that historical justice inevitably wins, even after some time. Today’s return of Azerbaijani citizens is proof of the clear reality that any problem can be solved with purposeful and consistent activity,” the Azerbaijani minister noted. According to Amrulayev, “the topic of Western Azerbaijan plays a key role in the formation of the national identity of Azerbaijanis.”

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Although the Armenian authorities continuously claim that there is no such issue on their negotiation agenda, Azerbaijan consistently promotes the so-called “Western Azerbaijan” topic on various international platforms. Baku uses all possible diplomatic and propaganda levers to bring this issue to the agenda of the international community.

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“Any opposing force cannot achieve its goal without unity. arrived

June: 23, 2026

“We have already spoken about the elections and said that recognizing the results of such elections means confirming the system that operates in our country. Now there is no limit at all that would restrain this or that appetite: the government has become a complete dictator.” of 168.am said in a conversation with Chairman of the Democratic Party of Armenia Aram Sargsyan: speaking about the results of the national elections held in Armenia on June 7 and the future actions of the collective opposition.

He mentioned that he repeats the evaluations given before the results of the elections, reminding that they offered to sign a 3-point memorandum to the opposition forces that would participate in the elections, especially the leading forces.

“That’s why we didn’t go to the elections, so that we don’t really pollute certain votes. Those points were very clear and simple points, we said: if you go to the parliament, commit to form a coalition and promise that you will not go to the side of the Communist Party and form your own government.

Second, we will control the course of the elections, together we will carry out the post-election struggle, cooperating with each other.

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We presented this proposal 2 months ago and sent it to everyone, unfortunately, there was no response. Even now we see that there are calls for such unity, but there are no actual actions. That’s why we remind you again that without unity, no opposition force can achieve its goal,” added Aram Sargsyan.

Regarding the realities that have formed in Armenia under the current authorities, Aram Sargsyan said that under the current authorities, Armenia will be brought to a disastrous state with its foreign and domestic policies, he sees all of that every day.

“Today we saw what happened in the Yerevan Municipality, what kind of “kuch fight” we got, and what jargon they used. In other words, we are now dealing with such a government, which, in its view, has made peace a complete assessment and is ready for any humiliation, just to preserve its power and this situation,” emphasized the chairman of the Democratic Party.

According to Aram Sargsyan, society has a lot to do in the current situation.

“The healthy part of the society should come together and change the situation, I say so, because there is a part of the society that does not have a national mentality,” emphasized Aram Sargsyan.

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“The new border division of interests and spheres of influence will show the South

June: 23, 2026

Before and after the June 7 elections in Armenia, the entire CP elite talked about a “hybrid war against Armenia from the North”, mostly accusing the Armenian opposition of collaborating with Russia against Armenia.

This conversation continues even after the June 7 elections, although Nikol Pashinyan declares that he has friendly relations with the Russian president, has met with him many times and had phone conversations. And recently he announced that on August 15 he will participate in the session of the EAEU intergovernmental council. However, he does not say why, for example, he does not ask the Russian President why he is “waging a hybrid war against Armenia”.

After the elections in Armenia, what will be the direction of the foreign political vector of Armenia, is it possible that Russia will be pushed out of the region in general?

Head of YSU Political Institutes and Processes Chair, Doctor of Political Sciences, Professor Garik Keryan speaking about this issue, he said: he sees such a tendency, but he cannot say that this tendency has gained such dominance that it will be so.

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  • Who said that after the elections I will go and solve all the issues on the spot? well go

“What is related to Armenia and the South Caucasus depends on the end of the Iranian and Ukrainian wars.

Second, the end of these two wars will lead to the formation of a new world order, in which the United States, China, and Russia will be key actors, of course, in different positions: Russia with a weaker role, the United States and China with a greater role. I have no doubt that such a three-centered world order will bring new agreements in terms of the division of spheres of influence and interests.

The new border division of interests and spheres of influence will also bring the answer to the question of which sphere of influence the South Caucasian countries remain in.” 168.am-Garik Keryan said in a conversation with

According to the political scientist, if Armenia is left out of the zone of Russian influence, then the Russian presence here will be reduced to a minimum. If the division of the world turned out in such a way that only Armenia remained in the zone of Russian influence, then Armenia’s clear participation in Eurasian Russia-centric structures, especially EAEU and CSTO, will be restored.

“We will not have a clear answer to this question until, as I already said, until those two wars are over, the formation of a new world order depends on the results of those wars. Do we know how the Ukrainian crisis will end? For example, we also don’t know the role of Iran in the region, now there are many experts who say that Iran is becoming the number one superpower in the Middle East, based on the fact that it will dominate all its neighbors if the United States fulfills its commitment and leaves. After this, can Turkey, which is the strongest country in the southern wing of NATO, dare to act like Iran? Maybe 1 year is still necessary for us to see the end of the Iranian and Ukrainian crises,” emphasized our interlocutor.

Garik Keryan also does not rule out the influence of the EU in the region in cooperation with the United States, nor is it ruled out that in a certain geopolitical situation Turkey, as a NATO ally, can gain supremacy in the South Caucasus.

“Of course, a question may arise, what will happen to the EU, Brazil, India, and the others? These will also maintain their role, but not on the front line, as, for example, the United States and China are, but in the tripartite system there will be sub-systems, allies, or regional independent or independent units,” emphasized Garik Keryan.

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