The first symbolic batch of Armenian apricots arrived in the European Union. Kos

The first symbolic batch of Armenian apricots has arrived in the European Union, EU Enlargement Commissioner Martha Kos wrote on her X page after the meeting with RA Minister of ICT, Davit Khudatyan.


“Thanks to Davit Khudatyan, RA Minister of Education and Culture, for the gift and very good discussion. We met ahead of tomorrow’s launch of the Connectivity Agenda, where we will advance our work to better connect Armenia with its neighbors and Europe. This will help Armenian producers to diversify their exports and bring more of their high-quality products to new markets,” said Kos.

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The serviceman who was injured during the training exercise in Pambak was wounded

A serviceman was injured during training exercises in the training military unit of Pambak. Spokesman of the Ministry of Defense Aram Torosyan told Panorama.am that the serviceman underwent an operation.


“The soldier underwent an operation, is under the supervision of doctors, his life is not in danger.


We cannot disclose health and other personal data of the serviceman, because the relevant laws (on personal data and medical secrecy) do not allow it,” said Torosyan.

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Yerevan-Gyumri passenger train was canceled due to the accident

Due to the accident that occurred on July 23, the intercity traffic schedule of the “South Caucasian Railway” company was violated, as a result of which the Yerevan-Gyumri electric train number 686 (14:25) was canceled. We ask for the forgiveness of the citizens.


Today, around noon, a truck hit a freight train passing by Dalarik station, causing considerable damage to the company. The rolling stock and power poles were damaged.

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False accusations about “hate speech in Armenian schools”

In the picture, an Azerbaijani girl axes an Armenian soldier

In the picture, it is from the materials of the 4th grade Azerbaijani reading textbook, where the girl hits the Armenian soldier with an ax.


The “Geghard” scientific-analytical foundation strongly condemns the anti-Armenian and anti-Armenian propaganda of Azerbaijani statesmen, MPs and Azerbaijani “experts”, packed with expressions of racism, and also calls to boycott and ignore the manifestations of Azerbaijani propaganda on all possible platforms.


At the state level, Baku is again trying to mislead the international audience that there is hate speech and anti-Azerbaijani propaganda in the Armenian educational system.


The next event was held in Baku. The presentation of the report “Hate speech and falsification of historical facts in Armenian secondary schools” was presented in Azerbaijani and English. The head of the project is the vice-president of the Center for Strategic Communications, Ali Abdullaev, who stated that the “study” they did was based on the materials found in educational institutions of Karabakh. Abdullaev, who exposes Armenian “historical falsifications”, was “surprised” that “Nakhijevan is represented on Armenian maps as a historical Armenian territory”, and thus during the analysis of more than 1000 materials, about 3000 cases of falsification were allegedly “discovered”.


Famous forger A. Abdullaev makes baseless accusations against Armenians and Armenia, “forgetting” that, since the Soviet years, Baku has been engaged in the policy of systematic destruction of Armenian spiritual, cultural and historical traces in Nakhichevan. The clear evidence of this is the destruction of the Jugha Armenian cemetery, khachkars and hundreds of other cases that have been reported.


According to Abdulaev, “the studied textbooks and ideological literature were published in Yerevan by state bodies”, allegedly containing “hateful speech directed not only against Azerbaijanis, but also against the minorities living in Azerbaijan”.


Jabi Bahramov, head of the “History of Western Azerbaijan” department of the Institute of History and Ethnography of the National Academy of Sciences of Azerbaijan, in his turn stated that “the Armenian side falsified the history of Azerbaijan both during the Soviet period and after the collapse of the USSR.”


The fact that the head of the “History of Western Azerbaijan” department talks about the falsification of history is funny, when “Western Azerbaijan” itself is a fake and a politicized fiction.


Deputy of the Parliament of Azerbaijan Rizvan Nabiev also made accusations against Armenia. “In Armenia, the administrative resources of the state were used at different stages and in different ways to strengthen the hatred towards Azerbaijan.” According to one of the MP’s untrue claims, people in Armenia are drawn into “ideological wars” from childhood.


Nabiyev clearly characterizes what is happening not in Armenia, but in Azerbaijan.


In Azerbaijan, hatred towards ethnic Armenians is instilled from kindergarten and school. There are many videos on the Internet of events with anti-Armenian content in Azerbaijani schools and kindergartens. Azerbaijani journalist Javid Ahmedov also published similar footage.


“Look at this madness in the Azerbaijani school. This is how young people are brainwashed. The school has become a place of propaganda, not of education. In a role play, the students present how they catch an Armenian and force him to say: “Karabakh is Azerbaijan.” What a shame…” he said.


There are materials with anti-Armenian content in the textbooks of almost all subjects of Azerbaijani schools. Information about Armenia and Armenians is distorted. The “Geghard” scientific-analytical foundation had discussed in detail the anti-Armenian propaganda in the Azerbaijani textbooks earlier. These evidences were documented and submitted by Armenia to the International Court of Justice of the United Nations within the framework of the lawsuit against Azerbaijan.


“For decades, the Azerbaijani government has cultivated racist hatred towards ethnic Armenians. Azerbaijani children are taught to hate and kill Armenians in school textbooks. The state media spreads hate speech. State officials are calling for the complete elimination of Armenians,” said Yeghishe Kirakosyan, RA representative for international legal affairs, on April 16, 2024, during the hearings of the lawsuits “Armenia vs. Azerbaijan and Azerbaijan vs. Armenia” at the International Court of Justice of the United Nations. Yerevan filed a lawsuit against Baku in September 2021 for violating the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination.


Such events have a political goal to create a certain distorted image of Armenia in the eyes of the international community.


What happened proves once again that Baku continues its anti-Armenian activities in various directions, and the accusations of “hate speech” and “falsification of history” in Armenian schools are also a part of anti-Armenian propaganda, in contrast to the arguments presented by Armenia.

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A process of redistributing the pie begins within the government

As far as I understand, the process of “handing over” Tigran Avinyan has been gently started. A few days ago, I referred to a statement made by Avinyan after the election. You can read it at the link above attached to this post.


The result of the parliamentary election brought Tigran Avinyan out of the dangerous status of the so-called “monopoly owner of illegitimacy” within the ruling system. If after 2023, Tigran Avinyan had a vestige of electoral legitimacy, then after the 2026 election, essentially, the entire ruling force lost its electoral legitimacy.


It significantly eased Tigran Avinyan’s situation in the leadership, and that’s why he was essentially not interested in whether PAP will enter the parliament or not.


Against this background, another hot scandal at the session of the Yerevan City Council of Elders, which unfolded largely at the instigation of the ruling power and its coalition partners, is notable. And the whole point is that in any arrangement, the “barrel” of public indignation inevitably rolls in the direction of Avinyan, for completely understandable and objective reasons.


The whole point is that the process of redistributing the pie is starting within the government. Here, an extra “eating mouth” is naturally not desirable. But this is not even the main problem within the government. Everyone can imagine at what cost Nikol Pashinyan declared an absolute victory, the expressions on his face standing in the background at midnight on June 7 are a witness. And this means that the risk of “sacrifices” by non-governmental organizations will be extremely high.


In that sense, it is obvious that Tigran Avinyan is considered a “realization zone” at a high level.


Political analyst Hakob Badalyan




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One of the most beautiful streets in Sofia will be called “Hayastani Chemoghi”

One of the most beautiful streets in the heart of Sofia, in the Peyo Yavorov district, will be officially named “Armenia Alley” from now on.


 The RA Embassy in Bulgaria informs that the decision was adopted by the Sofia City Council unanimously with 33 votes in favor, 0 against and 0 abstentions.


“This unanimous support is an important manifestation of friendship and mutual respect, which reflects the centuries-old ties and strong friendship between the Armenian and Bulgarian peoples. We express our sincere gratitude to the Sofia City Council and the Sredets District Administration for their dedication and consistent efforts that have made this initiative a lasting symbol of Armenian-Bulgarian historical friendship, as well as an expression of appreciation for the Armenian presence in Bulgaria and the contribution of the Armenian community.


Soon we will have an opportunity to celebrate this important event together. We will inform you further about the official opening,” the embassy informs.

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Verelq: The CC has charged Ishkhan Saghatelyan

The Investigative Committee of the Republic of Armenia has indicted Ishkhan Saghatelyan, deputy of the “Hayastan” faction, whose apartment was searched this morning.


“According to the report received from the enforcement service in the RA investigative committee, the execution warrant issued by the RA anti-corruption court on January 5, 2026 prohibited I.S. and his wife from taking any action related to the management of their properties. In addition, according to the court’s decision, an injunction in the amount of 258 million 146 thousand 843 AMD should be imposed on I.S. and on properties owned by L.Kh.


During the enforcement proceedings, on February 2, 2026, IS refused to submit a “Declaration on the composition, amount and location of property, income and property rights, including claim rights”.


On April 28, 2026, I.S. submitted a declaration, in which, among other things, he mentioned property that is subject to compulsory confiscation. A foreclosure has been placed on this property.


On the basis of the received report, a criminal proceeding was initiated under Article 509, Part 1, Clause 2 of the Criminal Code (illegal act against property under embargo).


In addition, on the basis of the report submitted by the investigator during the preliminary investigation of the criminal proceedings, another criminal proceeding was initiated under the features of Article 510, Part 1 of the Criminal Code (avoidance by the debtor of submitting a declaration on the composition, quantity and location of the property and property rights owned by him). The mentioned criminal proceedings have been joined.


On June 23, 2026, at the place of residence of I.S., two vehicles owned by his wife were searched, during which cash in the form of foreign currency and gold jewelry were found.


The investigation is ongoing.”

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Asbarez: EU’s von der Leyen to Visit Baku then Yerevan Next Week

President of the European Commission Ursula von der Leyen at a summit in Samarkand, Uzbekistan on Apr. 4, 2025


European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen will visit Baku on July 1 then Yerevan from July 2 to 3, an EU source told Azatutyun.am on Tuesday.

This revelation comes after Politico.eu, citing unnamed diplomatic sources, reported that von der Leyen was preparing to travel to Armenia, along with EU’s Enlargement Commissioner Marta Kos to provide high-profile support for Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan.

The EU sources told Politico that the message would be, “Europe is here for you.”

“We have seen the country under intense and consistent pressure from Russia; a visit would send a strong signal of support, following on from the concrete support already delivered,” said one EU official working on the prospective trip, whom Politico granted anonymity to speak frankly, as were the other people with knowledge of the planned trip.

The high-level EU delegation’s visit comes as Moscow has amped up its pressure on Yerevan to decide whether it wants to remain in the Russia-led Eurasian Economic Union or pursue a membership in the EU.

This will be von der Leyen’s second visit to Armenia in two months. She was in Yerevan in May to attend the European Political Community summit hosted by Armenia.

Brussels has stepped up political and financial support for Armenia as relations with the Kremlin have deteriorated.

Last week, the EU confirmed it would provide €34 million to help offset the impact of new Russian restrictions on Armenian exports and support efforts to diversify trade toward European markets.

Kos, the EU’s Enlargement Commissioner, held a photo-op with Armenia’s Territorial Administration Minister Davit Khudatyan holding up a small box of Armenian apricots to announce their arrival to the EU after the bloc offered assistance to Armenia in the wake of Russian restrictions imposed on Armenia’s agriculture exports.

“Thank you to Armenia’s Minister of Territorial Administration and Infrastructures, Davit Khudatyan, for the gift and for a very good discussion,” Kos wrote on a post on X. “We met ahead of tomorrow’s launch of the Connectivity Agenda Platform, where we will take forward our work to better connect Armenia with its neighbors and Europe.”

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Armenia: Political Pluralism, Democratic Governance, and the Challenges of the

A new briefing note released by the Armenian Revolutionary Federation’s International Secretariat examines political developments in Armenia following the country’s June 7 parliamentary elections.

The report argues that the post-election environment has been marked by increasing political polarization, escalating rhetoric directed at opposition figures, legal disputes surrounding the election results, and growing concerns regarding democratic governance, political pluralism, and the equal application of the law.

According to the briefing, a series of criminal investigations, administrative measures, travel restrictions, and public statements by senior officials have raised questions among critics regarding the treatment of opposition parties and the role of state institutions in the political process.

The report also examines broader debates surrounding Armenia’s ongoing negotiations with Azerbaijan, constitutional reform, the future of Artsakh-related advocacy, and the relationship between domestic political developments and regional security concerns.

The briefing further analyzes the legal challenges currently before Armenia’s Constitutional Court, the conduct of election-related investigations, allegations of selective law enforcement, and the increasingly polarized political climate identified by both domestic observers and international monitoring organizations.

Executive Summary
The period surrounding Armenia’s June 7, 2026, parliamentary elections has been marked by an unprecedented escalation in official rhetoric targeting opposition leaders, opposition voters, civil society critics, and political opponents. At the same time, a series of law-enforcement actions, criminal proceedings, travel restrictions, and controversial administrative decisions have raised serious concerns regarding equality before the law, the presumption of innocence, political pluralism, and the independence of state institutions.

While Armenian authorities have justified many of these measures as part of efforts to combat electoral corruption and protect national security, critics argue that the cumulative pattern demonstrates the selective application of legal mechanisms against opposition actors while allegations involving ruling-party representatives receive limited scrutiny or enforcement.

Concern has arisen from the increasing securitization of political discourse following the elections. Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan publicly argued that the more than 500,000 votes cast for the leading three opposition parties did not reflect genuine support for their political positions and warned that creating such an impression could endanger the peace process. Critics argue that this approach increasingly portrays certain forms of political dissent— including opposition parties, Artsakh (Nagorno-Karabakh)-related activism, criticism of the government’s Azerbaijan policy, and other influential public voices—as potential threats to national security and regional stability.

International election observers assessed Election Day positively overall and stated that voters were presented with a genuine choice among political alternatives. At the same time, ODIHR and OSCE observers reported a highly polarized political environment, allegations of pressure on public employees, concerns regarding the use of administrative advantages by incumbent authorities, arrests of opposition supporters during the campaign, and rhetoric portraying political opponents as threats to peace and security. These observations provide important context for understanding the legal disputes, political tensions, and allegations of selective enforcement that continued after the elections.

The authorities’ extensive election-crime enforcement campaign became one of the most controversial features of the 2026 parliamentary elections. Official figures indicate that at least 125 criminal proceedings were initiated and 248 individuals prosecuted in election-related cases, with more than 220 detentions and over 100 custodial or house-arrest measures imposed.

While presented as an anti-corruption effort, the overwhelming concentration of investigations against opposition actors, combined with repeated public assertions by senior government officials that opposition support was largely the product of vote-buying, led critics to argue that criminal law was being used not only as a law-enforcement tool but also as a means of shaping the political environment and delegitimizing opposition participation.

Critics have also pointed to tax audits, regulatory actions, proposed state interventions affecting opposition-linked enterprises, employment-related pressure, and other administrative measures as evidence that economic and administrative instruments are increasingly being employed alongside criminal proceedings. These developments have unfolded against the backdrop of ongoing negotiations with Azerbaijan, including disputes over constitutional reform, the status of forcefully displaced Armenians from Nagorno-Karabakh (Artsakh), regional connectivity arrangements, and other unresolved issues related to the Armenia-Azerbaijan peace process.

Particular controversy arose after Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan linked the electoral performance of opposition forces to heightened security risks and publicly stated that a June 2026 meeting between senior Armenian and Azerbaijani officials was necessary to “manage” threats allegedly created by the election results. Critics interpreted these statements as evidence that domestic political developments are increasingly being viewed through the prism of Azerbaijani expectations and demands, and that pressure on opposition figures, veterans, and advocates of the Artsakh (Nagorno-Karabakh) cause is being justified on national-security grounds.

Similar concerns have been raised regarding the increasingly confrontational relationship between the government and the Armenian Apostolic Church, which critics view as part of a broader effort to marginalize influential institutions and public voices opposing aspects of the government’s policy toward Azerbaijan and the future of Artsakh.

The post-election crisis has also acquired significant legal and geopolitical dimensions. Seven political forces have challenged the official election results before the Constitutional Court, alleging irregularities that may have affected the composition of the National Assembly and contesting decisions of the Central Electoral Commission, including the invalidation of results in three polling stations and the refusal to conduct repeat voting.

The Constitutional Court has accepted all seven applications, consolidated them into a single proceeding, and scheduled oral hearings for 26 June 2026. At the same time, Armenia has become the focus of increasing geopolitical competition, with the European Union and the United States reinforcing support for Armenia’s current political trajectory while relations with Russia continue to deteriorate amid expanding trade restrictions and growing political tensions.

Critics argue that these external dynamics have become increasingly intertwined with domestic political developments, debates regarding Armenia’s future security orientation, and the government’s approach to negotiations with Azerbaijan.

The developments described below do not concern isolated incidents. Rather, they reveal an increasingly consistent pattern in which political disagreement is framed as criminality, opposition support is portrayed as illegitimate, and domestic dissent is increasingly treated as a potential threat to Armenia’s security and peace agenda.

Critics argue that state institutions are being used not only to advance partisan political objectives but also to marginalize political, religious, social, and intellectual actors whose views are perceived as complicating the government’s approach to relations with Azerbaijan, the peace process, and the future of the Artsakh issue.

Click to read the entire briefing note.

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Asbarez: UCLA Promise Armenian Institute Announces 2026-27 Grant and Fellowshi

LOS ANGELES — The UCLA Promise Armenian Institute announced the selection of the following individuals to receive research support during 2026-2027. PAI grants and fellowships are designed to support research across all academic fields, with an emphasis on or connection to Armenia or Armenians.

PAI Postdoctoral Fellowships
Kristine Aleksanyan (Ph.D., Yerevan State University 2022) will pursue a research project entitled “Automated Administrative Decision-Making in Public Administration: Accountability, Judicial Review and Fundamental Rights Protection.”

Under the mentorship of Professor Stephen Gardbaum, holder of the Stephen Yeazell Endowed Chair at the UCLA School of Law, Dr. Aleksanyan’s research will focus on how automated administrative decision-making, such as that associated with Artificial Intelligence tools, challenges traditional principles of administrative and constitutional law, particularly accountability, judicial review, and the protection of fundamental rights. 
 
Astghik Soghoyan (Ph.D., Yerevan State University, 2021) will pursue a research project entitled “Mythopoetics of the Armenian Romantic Novel (1850–1900): Narrative Form, National Imagination, and Cultural Memory.”

Under the mentorship of Professor Peter Cowe, holder of the UCLA Nareketsi Endowed Chair in Armenian Studies, Dr. Soghoyan’s research will examine the mythopoetics of the Armenian Romantic novel in the last half of the nineteenth century, approaching myth as a structuring principle of narrative form rather than as inherited content. 
  
Post-Candidacy Ph.D. Fellowships  
Nora Bairamian (Ph.D. student, UCLA Department of Near Eastern Languages and Cultures) will pursue her doctoral research entitled “Readings Between the Lines: Ottoman-Armenian Literature of the Periphery.” (partial fellowship)

Under the mentorship of her advisor, Professor Peter Cowe, holder of the UCLA Nareketsi Professor in Armenian Studies, Bairamian’s dissertation examines the experience of the Ottoman-Armenians of the eastern provinces as narrated through the writings of provincial authors Mgrdich Khrimian, Karekin Srvandztiants, Melkon Giurdjian, Tlgadintsi, and Rupen Zartarian. 
 
Faculty Research Grants 
Prof. Movses Pogossian (Distinguished Professor of Violin; Founder and Advisor, Armenian Music Program, UCLA) will pursue a project entitled, “Music of Soviet Resistance: Tigran Mansurian and his Musical Friends.”

This is a recording project devoted to composers who defied the cultural mandates of the Soviet regime following the Stalin era. Focusing on works by composers such as Tigran Mansurian, who challenged official prescriptions of Socialist Realism by pursuing bold, experimental directions in sound and structure, this musical project seeks to bring this repertoire to wider audiences through a high-quality commercial recording and public release on the respected New Focus Recordings label.
 
 
Faculty/Scholar Travel Grants  
Prof. Artur Davoyan (Associate Professor, Mechanical and Aerospace Engineering) will pursue a travel project titled “Strengthening ties between UCLA and Armenian physics and engineering communities.”  

This endeavor seeks to connect UCLA with six institutions in the Republic of Armenia to identify talent, inform them of UCLA’s research capabilities, and explore collaborative opportunities across fields ranging from space engineering to quantum physics, with the aim of establishing long-term partnerships in the form of joint proposals, visiting graduate student recruitment, and sharing research infrastructure, where applicable.
 
Dr. Kristine Martirosyan-Olshansky (Director, Research Program in Armenian Archaeology and Ethnography, UCLA Cotsen Institute of Archaeology) will pursue a travel project titled “Archaeological Investigations at Masis Blur: Advancing Research on the Neolithic Southern Caucasus in Near Eastern Perspective.” 

This project aims to continue archaeological excavations at Masis Blur (Armenia)—an 8000-year-old settlement—which have been ongoing since 2012 and have produced major discoveries bearing on early village life in the Armenian Highlands. 

Student Research or Travel Grants
Emma Bertoutian (Undergraduate Student, UCLA Department of Anthropology) will receive a travel research grant to participate in the Masis Blur Archaeological Project in Armenia, under the supervision of Dr. Kristine Martirosyan-Olshansky. 

This project aims to provide archaeological experience through participation in the Masis Blur (Armenia) archaeological project, thereby enhancing knowledge of domestic architecture in the Neolithic agricultural communities of the Armenian Highlands.

Sofia Gevorgian (Undergraduate Student, UCLA Political Science/Middle Eastern Studies) will receive a travel research grant to present her research project entitled, “Lost in Translation: Linguistic Barriers to Nagorno-Karabakh’s Lasting Ceasefire,” at the National Conference on Undergraduate Research in Richmond, VA. 

This study explores the role of translation in the stability of interstate treaties, specifically examining how discrepancies between state-sanctioned and independent translations of the 2023 Nagorno-Karabakh ceasefire declaration challenge its interpretation and, by extension, its implementation.

Julian Kaptanian (Ph.D. Student, UCLA Department of History) will receive a travel research grant to pursue a project entitled, “Mother Armenia: Reproductive Politics Across Armenia’s Three Republics from 1918 to 2018.”

This project explores how women and motherhood in Armenia have long existed at the crossroads of empires. By tracing how global assistance influenced obstetric care and medical attitudes over time, the study shows how reproductive politics has become entangled with broader imperial, neoliberal, and Diasporic priorities.

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