Khaleej Times, United Arab Emirates
Aug 19 2004

Mousa and Hassan lead UAE charge
By A Correspondent

19 August 2004

ABU DHABI – Grandmaster Taleb Mousa and International Master Abdullah
Hassan were on top among the UAE contingent to attain hard fought
wins on the fourth day of the 14th Abu Dhabi chess festival.

Taleb Moussa outplayed Aarthie Ramaswamy in a keenly contested match
in the endging in 42 moves while Abdullah got the better of Illijin
Nebosia of Romania in 54 moves. Both Taleb and Abdullah came back
into reckoning for title Norms and Elo rating points.

The top board ended as it began as a grandmaster draw with the seeded
grandmasters opting for consolidation rather than risk the points
early at the initial phase. Kobalia was persistent and his deft
defense enabled him to attain a crucial win against Dzhumaev in a
pirc defense.

The players castled on opposite sides and went for all out attack.
Kobalia struck first and his threats gave him material advantage. He
survived a vicious attack against his king and he had to march his
king to fifth rank and clinch victory by a whisker.

Anastasian Ashot of Armenia, Kobalia Mikhail and Gleizerov Evgeny of
Russia shared the lead with 3.5 points in masters section at the end
of the fourth round of the Abu Dhabi Chess Festival held at Cultural
Foundation, Abu Dhabi. Vladimirov Evgeny, Bocharov Dmitry, Kotsur
Pavel, Minasian Artashes, Ghaem Maghami Ehsan and Chernyshov
Konstantin are close on the heels of the leader half a point behind.

Kobalia Mikhail defeated Dzhumaev Marat of Uzbekistan in 33 moves
from a Modern defence. Players castled on opposite sides and Kobalia
was an exchange up. Kobalia had a superior position and he nursed his
advantage to victory. Most of the top board matches ended in a draw.

Top seed Vladimirov Evgeny of Kazakhstan defeated Bistric Faruk of
Bahrain in 37 moves. Vladimirov won a pawn and in a queen and bishop
ending, Vladimirov trapped his opponent’s king and Bistric resigned
on the 37th move when he couldn’t parry the threat for checkmate.

Among UAE players, Taleb Moussa defeated Aarthie Ramaswamy of India
while Hassan Abdullah defeated Illijin Neboisa of Romania. Jasim A.R.
Saleh and Nabil Saleh drew their games against Neelotpal Das of India
and Mohamed Hossein respectively.

In Children section, Azemati Amir and Bajarani Ulvi are at the top of
the table with 4 points. UAE’s Zayed Ali, Mohamed Mubarak and
Abdulaziz Ibrahim are in the second spot with 3.5 points.

The National Review
Aug 18 2004

Avoiding Genocide
The right to bear arms could have saved Sudan.

By Dave Kopel, Paul Gallant, & Joanne Eisen

[T]he sovereign territorial state claims, as an integral part of its
sovereignty, the right to commit genocide, or engage in genocidal
massacres, against peoples under its rule, and…the United Nations,
for all practical purposes, defends this right. To be sure, no state
explicitly claims the right to commit genocide – this would not be
morally acceptable even in international circles – but the right is
exercised under other more acceptable rubrics…. – Leo Kuper,
Genocide: Its Political Use in the Twentieth Century
On July 22, 2004, both houses of Congress upped the ante in Darfur,
Sudan, by calling the situation there genocide instead of “ethnic
cleansing.” That legal change in terminology was inspired by the 1948
U.N. Convention on Genocide, in which all the signatories promise to
prevent and punish the crime of genocide.

The definition of “genocide” was very tightly written. According to
Matthew Lippman (“A Road Map to the 1948 Convention on the Prevention
and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide,” Journal of Genocide
Research, 2002), “measures directed towards forcing members of a
group to abandon their homes in order to escape ill-treatment” – what
we now know as ethnic cleansing – is not considered genocide
according to the U.N. definition.

For months, the world has bickered over what to call the situation in
Darfur. According to Article 8 of the U.N. Convention: “Any
Contracting Party may call upon the competent organs of the United
Nations to take such action under the Charter of the United nations
as they consider appropriate for the prevention and suppression of
acts of genocide…” The U.S., which signed and ratified the Genocide
Convention, is a “Contracting Party,” and has forced the world to
accept the fact that another genocide is taking place.

If the U.N. follows its own laws, it must now intervene on the side
of the victims. But the world’s governments cannot agree on an
effective remedy. At the heart of the U.N.’s failure is a grave
misunderstanding of national sovereignty: the notion that
“sovereignty” belongs to the government, not the people. And this
mistaken notion of sovereignty precludes consideration of one of most
effective ways to prevent genocide: arming the victims.

TOO LATE – AGAIN
As the U.N. Security Council tried to craft language every government
could support, the threat of sanctions against Sudan was dropped. The
final resolution that passed the Security Council on July 30, 2004,
included an arms embargo. Notwithstanding the practical difficulties
of imposing a successful embargo, such a policy is too late.

As many as 50,000 people have been killed, and more will probably
starve to death. Livestock and food have been destroyed; the dead
animals have been used to poison the wells, and trees have been
uprooted. Rape is used as an instrument of warfare, and, because of
the Islamic culture of Darfur, it has irrevocably destroyed many
families. Fifteen-year-old Aziza recalled: “Five of them raped me
twice…they were armed…I am still in pain.” The situation
continues to deteriorate.

Even if all hostilities ceased at this very moment, if all weapons
were destroyed, if all aid groups could bring all the necessary food,
water, and medical supplies into the refugee camps – even if it were
safe for the refugees to return home – during the months that the
world diddled, the culture of Darfur has been demolished. There is no
going back.

Despite all the platitudes about “never again,” the world did let it
happen – again.

ARMED RESISTANCE
Sudan is the largest country in Africa, over four times the size of
Alaska. Its capital is Khartoum, and it shares its northern border
and the Nile River with Egypt. Sudan became independent from the U.K.
in 1956. Darfur, about the size of France, is situated in the western
part and shares a border with Chad. Islamist Arabs run Sudan;
Sudanese Arab nomads have been persecuting the black Muslims of
Darfur, who are mostly farmers.

Because of the scarcity of natural resources, and desertification in
the area caused by two decades of drought and poor land management,
the Arab tribesmen have, in the last few years, invaded the farming
communities. Two self-defense forces arose among the black
population: the SLA (Sudan Liberation Army) and the JEM (Justice and
Equality Movement). Although it is very difficult for ordinary
citizens to obtain firearms legally, the black self-defense groups
were able to procure black-market arms, and therefore were able to
protect the farming communities.

In mid-2003, the Sudanese government began to arm the Arab Janjaweed
militias. Although the government claims to deplore the Arabs’ war on
the blacks, the government has assisted the Arabs by bombing black
villages and by allowing the Janjaweed to attack the blacks at will.
Approximately 100,000 refugees have been forced into Chad, and it is
estimated that about one million people have been displaced
internally.

The destruction of black society in Darfur has made it difficult for
the populace to protect and provision the self-defense groups. So the
refugee camps are vulnerable and unarmed, and cannot fill basic human
needs, including food and water. And the camps are guarded by the
Arab Janjaweed, the very people who caused the refugee crisis in the
first place.

The pattern of arming Khartoum’s allies began decades ago when,
during the civil war against blacks in southern Sudan, the Khartoum
government gave arms to the Arab militias and attempted to disarm the
Christians and Animists. According to Douglas H. Johnson, the central
government waged war through surrogates, so as to maintain plausible
deniability. The policy continues today in Darfur.

INTERNATIONAL IMPOTENCE
The rainy season now makes roads nearly impassable, so supplies must
be airlifted in. A lack of sufficient sanitation is expected to make
the refugee camps breeding grounds for cholera, malaria, and
dysentery. With the refugees already weakened from their ordeals,
their resistance to potentially fatal diseases will be low. And while
genocide includes outright murder by machete, gas, or bullet, it also
includes techniques such as those used by the Turks against the
Armenians, and those Pol Pot used against the Cambodians: forced
migration without supplies. Genocide can be accomplished by ensuring
debilitation, starvation, and disease – as it is now in Sudan. And as
it denies complicity in this genocide-in-progress, the government in
Khartoum continues its delaying tactics and has threatened the
nations attempting to save lives.

For example, the BBC News reported that Sudan’s military called the
U.N. resolution “a declaration of war.” The BBC also observed a
placard at a public demonstration that stated, “Darfur will be a
foreign graveyard.”

According to the July 9, 2004, New York Times, Sudan’s Foreign
Minister Mustafa Osman Ismail warned: “The American and British
voices that call for the imposition of sanctions on Sudan are those
that dragged the world into the Iraq problem…. I hope that they
will not drag the world into a new problem from which it will be
difficult to extricate itself and that is the problem of Darfur.”

Recently, the Arab League passed a resolution declaring its support
for Khartoum, apparently under the principle that the mass murder of
Muslims is not a problem when an Arab tyranny is doing the killing.
Sudan’s junior foreign minister, Najuid al-Khair Abdul Wahab,
explained: “We regard this…[as] a violation of our country’s
national sovereignty.”

For years, the U.N. has been attempting to promote the notion of a
rapid-reaction constabulary force responsible only to itself – which
would be triggered by warnings from genocide scholars, who are
presently studying the early warning signs of impending genocide.

But genocide scholar Donald Krumm described “the paralysis induced by
sovereignty…. This is the fundamental difficulty to be overcome.
Actions based on early warning generally would require interventions
inside another nation-state, which the United Nations and its member
states are loath to do.” As late as June 30, 2004, the BBC News
reported that “U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan refused to use the
term genocide, which would carry a legal obligation to act.”

Krumm’s prediction was correct. The international threats, warnings,
and admonitions have accomplished almost nothing. Furthermore, Sudan
has rejected proposals for 2,000 soldiers to be supplied by the
African Union. U.S. Secretary of State Colin Powell has talked tough,
but there is no force to back up his words. According to the BBC
News, “Analysts say that 15-20,000 troops would be needed to secure
Darfur and no one is talking about sending anything like that
number.”

The U.N. remains impotent against genocide.

DISARMED, THEN ABANDONED
If genocide is to be averted, it is essential to understand that once
a victim population has been disarmed, those victims require
protectors. If the protectors are absent or refuse to act, then the
killing continues – as when the French garrison abandoned 20,000
Armenians in February 1920, and when U.N. forces stood idle in
Srebrenica and Rwanda.

In Rwanda, U.N. personnel knew that the victim group had been
previously disarmed by laws enacted in 1964 and 1979. Early in the
genocide, thousands of Rwandan civilians gathered in places where
U.N. troops were stationed. The Rwandans believed the U.N.’s promise
that its troops would protect them. If Rwandans had known that the
U.N. troops would withdraw, the Rwandans would have fled, and some
might have survived. According to the Report of the Independent
Inquiry into the Actions of the United Nations During the 1994
Genocide in Rwanda: “The manner in which troops left, including
attempts to pretend to the refugees that they were not, in fact,
leaving, was disgraceful.” The victims were slaughtered.

Sometimes genocide against disarmed victims ends when another nation
invades, for the invader’s own interests, as when the Allies invaded
Germany, when Vietnam invaded Cambodia, or when Tanzania – defending
itself against incursions by Uganda’s military – invaded Uganda and
overthrew Idi Amin.

Unlike Hitler, Pol Pot, and Idi Amin, however, the genocidal regime
in Sudan has been careful not to violate any other nation’s
sovereignty. Accordingly, the international community is, in
practice, respecting the “sovereign” power of Sudan’s dictatorship to
perpetrate domestic genocide.

According to provision (1) of Article 25 of the U.N. Declaration of
Human Rights, adopted on December 10, 1948: “Everyone has the right
to a standard of living adequate for the health and well-being of
himself and of his family, including food, clothing, housing, and
medical care.” But in Darfur, the government has been complicit in
depriving its citizens of these basic necessities.

THE FIFTH AUXILIARY RIGHT
The Darfur genocide is more proof that the human rights ostensibly
guaranteed by U.N. documents often disappear when the people are
disarmed, and are thereby unable to prevent a tyranny from usurping
their sovereignty. As the American Founders recognized, political
power often does grow out of the barrel of a gun. If you are
disarmed, you are at the mercy of an armed government.

In Sudan, it is virtually impossible for an average citizen to
lawfully acquire and possess the means for self-defense. According to
gun-control statutes, a gun licensee must be over 30 years of age,
must have a specified social and economic status, and must be
examined physically by a doctor. Females have even more difficulty
meeting these requirements because of social and occupational
limitations.

When these restrictions are finally overcome, there are additional
restrictions on the amount of ammunition one may possess, making it
nearly impossible for a law-abiding gun owner to achieve proficiency
with firearms. A handgun owner, for example, can only purchase 15
rounds of ammunition a year. The penalties for violation of Sudan’s
firearms laws are severe, and can include capital punishment.

International gun-control groups complain that Sudan’s gun laws are
not strict enough – but the real problem with the laws is that they
can be enforced arbitrarily. The government can refuse gun permits to
the victims in Darfur and execute anyone who obtains a self-defense
gun. Meanwhile, the Arab militias can obtain guns with government
approval, or the government can simply ignore illegal gun possession
by Arabs.

The blacks in Sudan therefore face a situation somewhat like that of
blacks in the 19th-century American south. There, ostensibly neutral
gun-control laws were enforced vigorously against blacks, amounting
to de facto prohibition. Meanwhile, the governments of the
post-bellum south allowed the terrorist KKK to arm with impunity, and
the Sudanese government does the same for Arab terrorist militias.
The result: second-class citizenship for American blacks, and
genocide for Sudanese blacks.

The solution to the worldwide violation of the Universal Declaration
of Human Rights is the worldwide recognition of one more human right.
As the great English jurist William Blackstone explained, core human
rights would be “the dead letter of the laws” if not guarded by
“auxiliary rights.” So the law “has therefore established certain
other auxiliary subordinate rights of the subject, which serve
principally as barriers to protect and maintain inviolate the three
great and primary rights, of personal security, personal liberty, and
private property.”

Thus, “The fifth and last auxiliary right of the subject…is that of
having arms for their defence, suitable to their condition and
degree, and such as are allowed by law. Which is also declared by the
same statute …and is indeed a public allowance, under due
restrictions, of the natural right of resistance and
self-preservation, when the sanctions of society and laws are found
insufficient to restrain the violence of oppression.”

The Darfur genocide – like the genocides in Rwanda, Srebrenica,
Cambodia, and so many other nations in the last century – was made
possible only by the prior destruction of that fifth auxiliary right.

It is long past time for the United Nations and the rest of the
international community to do more than bemoan genocide after the
fact. It is time for formal international law to recognize the
natural right of self-defense, and to acknowledge the universal human
right of “having arms for their defense” so that, as a last resort,
victims can “restrain the violence of oppression.” As history has
shown, as long as dictatorships exist, the only way to ensure the
primary right to life is to guarantee the auxiliary right to arms.

– Dave Kopel is research director, and Paul Gallant and Joanne Eisen
are senior fellows, at the Independence Institute. Their most recent
academic publication is “Firearms Possession by Non-State Actors: The
Question of Sovereignty.”

Baku Today
Aug 17 2004

South Korean Ambassador To Azerbaijan Completes Mission

On Monday, Foreign Minister Elmar Mammadyarov received Kim Song Kwan,
the South Korean Ambassador to Azerbaijan, on the completion of his
diplomatic mission.

Mammadyarov said that Azerbaijan attached particular importance to
the development of multi-faceted cooperation with South Korea.

Underlining the necessity of developing bilateral economic relations,
Mammadyarov stressed that it was necessary to take the territorial
integrity, sovereignty of state and inviolability of borders as a
priority during the discussions on the Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict
over Upper Garabagh held within the framework of international
organizations.

The South Korean ambassador, in turn, expressed his gratitude to
Azerbaijan for supporting his country within international
organizations.

From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

Xinhua General News Service
August 17, 2004 Tuesday 3:00 PM EST

Results of men’s 62kg weightlifting at Athens Olympics

ATHENS

Following are the results of men’s 62kg category weightlifting at the
28th Olympic Games Monday evening:

1. Shi Zhiyong, China, 325kg (152.5/172.5)

2. Le Maosheng, China, 312.5 (140/172.5)

3. Leonidas Sampanis, Greece, 312.5 (145/167.5)

4. Israel Jose Rubio, Venezuela, 295 (132.5/162.5)

5. Armen Ghazaryan, Armenia, 295 (135/160)

6. Gustar Junianto, Indonesia, 292.5 (132.5/160)

7. Samson Ndicka, France, 287.5 (127.5/160)

8. Umurbek Bazarbayev, Turkmenistan, 287.5 (130/157.5)

Agency WPS
What the Papers Say. Part B (Russia)
August 16, 2004, Monday

THE BLUFF IN THE CAUCASUS

SOURCE: Nezavisimoe Voennoe Obozrenie, No. 30, August 2004, p. 3

by Alexander Khramchikhin, chief analyst at the Political and
Military Analysis Institute

The sudden escalation of the war of nerves first around South Ossetia
and then Abkhazia leaves the impression that a full-scale war (or
rather, wars) could be possible between Georgia and these
unrecognized republics in the near future. Under the circumstances,
it is necessary to asses the military resources of both sides.

Like the national armies of other CIS countries, the Armed Forces of
Georgia are part of the remnants of the Soviet Armed Forces. Ukraine
and Belarus, for example, took possession of whatever was on their
territory at the moment that the USSR disintegrated (numerous and
well-equipped second-echelon troops), but Georgia found itself with
only a part of the much weaker Caucasus Military District. It didn’t
even inherit everything stationed or located on its territory: only
what Russia agreed to part with. It should likewise be admitted that
that skills of Georgian officers and soldiers cannot match those of
Slavs, or the nearby Armenians, for example.

The weakness of the Georgian military was one of the major reasons
for its defeat in the wars with Abkhazia and South Ossetia in the
early 1990s. At the same time (the second important reason), these
rebel republics had help. On the one hand, they were assisted by
Russia’s federal government; on the other, by the Russian regions in
the Caucasus – above all, by the then-independent Chechnya. In fact,
in the Georgian-Abkhazian war Russia managed to help both sides at
once. In any case, Georgia lost both wars and found itself deprived
of a great deal of military hardware – most of it seized by the
Abkhazians and South Ossetians as trophies of war.

These days, the Georgian Ground Forces number almost 25,000 men, or
six brigades and two battalions. One of these battalions has been
trained by American instructors according to American curricula. They
have 80 tanks, but only thirty T-72 tanks may be regarded as more or
less modern (the rest are hopelessly outdated T-55s). There are also
80 battle infantry vehicles, 110 armored personnel carriers, over 100
artillery pieces, 18 BM-21 Grad multiple rocket launchers, and about
200 portable SAM launchers.

The Georgian Air Force includes five to ten SU-25 ground-strafers
(seven more were shot down in the war with Abkhazia). In theory, all
these aircraft were assembled in Tbilisi, but the factory there
depended entirely on spare parts and components sent from Russia.
Israel equipped one of the ground-strafers with its own avionics.
This aircraft was named the Scorpio. Georgia takes a great deal pride
in it.

As for the Georgian Navy, it has up to 20 vessels – made in the
Soviet Union, America, Germany, Romania, Greece, and Turkey.

Information about the armed forces of Abkhazia and South Ossetia is
much sparser. Most of their military hardware was seized from the
Georgians 10 or 12 years ago. It is reasonable to assume that some
light weapons (perhaps plenty of them – including anti-tank and air
defense weapons) were received from Russia after the wars. According
to some estimates, Abkhazia has up to 50 tanks, 80 battle infantry
vehicles and armored personnel carriers, and 80 artillery pieces.
There may even be some MI-8 helicopters (in fact, the Abkhazians even
used gliders in the war), and there is one SU-25 fighter. The
Abkhazian Navy is mostly made up of converted civilian barges and
boats. The South Ossetian “military” is even weaker.

On paper, the Georgian Armed Forces are stronger than the forces of
both unrecognized republics combined – but not by much. In fact,
however, this is a textbook case of a strategic stand-off: neither
side can hope to win a war of conquest, but can and will succeed in
defending itself. It is likewise clear that neither the Abkhazians
nor the South Ossetians need to mount a war of conquest.

Just like in the first wars, the psychological advantage (should a
new war take place) will be on the side of Abkhazians and South
Ossetians. Their eagerness to defend their ancestral lands is much
stronger than the Georgians’ desire to restore territorial integrity.
Terrain will also play into the hands of the Abkhazians and South
Ossetians – defense in the mountains and cities is much easier than
offensive action. If the Georgian troops overrun some part of the
territory of an unrecognized republic, they will encounter guerrilla
resistance – much worse than what the Russian military is
encountering in Chechnya. Moreover, personnel and weapons would start
entering Abkhazia and South Ossetia unchecked from Russia. Abkhazian
and South Ossetian detachments will be able to retreat to the
territory of Russia to rest and regroup. Moreover, Abkhazian and
South Ossetian forces may use the territory of Russia for
maneuvering, where they will be completely safe from the Georgian
regular army.

Even Georgia’s advantage in aerial and naval warfare won’t help. The
Georgian Air Force is too small to have any substantial effect on the
situation, particularly since their opponents undoubtedly have
portable SAM launchers. The Georgian Navy could lay siege to the
Abkhazian coast, but the rebel republic would have its supply lines
on land. The Georgian Navy cannot be relied upon to mount any
substantial frontal operation.

There is no point in even discussing the idea that America might
enter the war on Georgia’s side. The United States has never been
prepared to fight for anyone else’s interests at the cost of a direct
confrontation with Russia. Now that it is helplessly losing the
campaign in Iraq, this option is clearly out of the question.

President Mikhail Saakashvili of Georgia understands all this. He
doesn’t intend to go to war either. He has been bluffing since the
very first day of his presidency. It’s hard to blame Saakashvili for
doing so, since it’s really his only option.

Saakashvili inherited a country in such a pitiful condition that he
could either finish stealing whatever hadn’t already been stolen, or
take advantage of the enthusiasm of the public and his own mandate.
Being an honorable man, the president of Georgia chose the latter
option. He scored a brilliant victory in Adzharia, which he literally
bluffed into submission. So Saakashvili decided to build on his
success, but… The problem is that Adzharia never fought Georgia or
declared its independence from Tbilisi. Abkhazia and South Ossetia
did do so – and became sovereign states, de facto. That is why taking
them back by bluff alone will be much more difficult than it was to
take Adzharia. Actually, it is only possible if the restive republics
are crushed economically and Russia is outmaneuvered and outbluffed.

It isn’t hard to see that Abkhazian and South Ossetian sovereignty
are entirely based on Russia. If stripped of Moscow’s support, their
regimes would collapse instantly – just like Aslan Abashidze’s regime
in Adzharia. As for Russia itself, it is in an extremely sensitive
position. It is difficult to support separatists elsewhere while
fighting them on one’s own territory (in the same general region).
Doing so while formally recognizing Georgia’s territorial integrity
is even more difficult. Neither is the task made any easier by the
fact that Russia doesn’t really know what it wants, while Saakashvili
knows exactly what he is after.

Needless to say, Russia would prefer to maintain the status quo – but
that’s impossible. Moreover, the existence of Abkhazia and South
Ossetia as unrecognized states may benefit their local elites, but it
doesn’t benefit their citizens. South Ossetia, and particularly
Abkhazia, are “dirt-poor millionaires” that have considerable mineral
resources but are forced to survive by smuggling because of their
uncertain status. This state of affairs cannot satisfy the
impoverished population. The elites have enough – that much is clear;
and they cannot go back. The point of no return was passed long ago
as far as they are concerned. As for the people, they close ranks
around the elites merely because they fear another war.

Russia probably could have absorbed Abkhazia and South Ossetia in the
early 1990s. Owing his presidency entirely to Russia, Eduard
Shevardnadze was too weak to put up a fight then, and post-Soviet
territory (the Baltic states and probably Ukraine being the only
exceptions) was as much Russia’s back yard then as Latin America was
and remains Washington’s back yard. Unfortunately, at the time Russia
was content to annex the Georgian autonomies de facto, and the legal
status of the matter was ignored. (Boris Yeltsin was notoriously
incapable of taking advantage of the fruits of his own victories.)
The situation is different now. Tbilisi will never consider the idea
of giving up Abkhazia and South Ossetia, while any unilateral action
by Moscow aimed at absorbing them would be viewed negatively by the
West.

If the authorities are off limits from the legal point of view, why
maintain the status quo? Russia’s positions are much weaker than
Georgia’s, and it is bound to continue backing off in the face of
Saakashvili’s bluffing, supported by Washington. If the autonomies
find themselves under an economic siege (and this would further
exacerbate the already-bad economic situation there), they may find
themselves in trouble. Without a war as such to fight, the people
will inevitably turn their wrath against their rulers sooner or
later. It is with economic isolation in mind that Saakashvili is
declaring Abkhazia a war zone and promising to open fire on tourist
vessels. The Georgians will not actually do it. They only want to
ruin tourism, the foundation of Abkhazia’s economy.

On the other hand, Saakashvili is treading on thin ice. He could
miscalculate at any moment and find himself with a war on his hands –
and a war would only benefit the authorities of the rebel autonomies.
Their people would rally around the separatist regimes, and Georgia
doesn’t stand a chance in an all-out war. It will be either defeated
or find itself fighting a guerrilla war. Either option would mean a
debacle for Saakashvili – but not, unfortunately, a victory for
Russia. Russia would only get another war in the Caucasus, even worse
and more hopeless than the war in Chechnya.

Translated by A. Ignatkin

Associated Press Online
August 16, 2004 Monday

U.S. Boxer Vanes Martirosyan Advances

by GREG BEACHAM; AP Sports Writer

ATHENS, Greece

They began the year as teammates and competitors for the same spot on
the U.S. team. After a string of calamities that seems possible only
in the wild world of amateur boxing, they went to Athens as friendly
rivals hoping to fight each other for a medal. Of course, amateur
boxing got the last laugh.

U.S. welterweight Vanes Martirosyan got off to a promising start with
a first-round 45-20 victory over Algeria’s Benamar Meskine on Sunday.

But Andre Berto won’t join him. Berto, a Floridian fighting for his
parents’ native Haiti after being disqualified during the U.S. team
trials, lost a contentious 36-34 decision to former French world
champion Xavier Noel.

“We were hoping we could meet up at the end of the road, but I guess
it’s not happening,” Berto said.

American lightweight Vicente Escobedo joined Martirosyan and
middleweight Andre Dirrell in the second round Monday with an easy
30-10 win over Colombia’s Jose David Mosquera, keeping the U.S. squad
unbeaten. Light heavyweight Andre Ward and light welterweight Rock
Allen also drew byes into the second round.

Martirosyan, an 18-year-old from Glendale, Calif., was the
14th-ranked U.S. welterweight seven months ago, but rose to the
division’s upper echelon in the weeks before the team trials in
Tunica, Miss., last February.

That’s when Berto and Juan McPherson, the top two American prospects,
both were disqualified – Berto for misconduct after allegedly
throwing McPherson to the ground during their fight, and McPherson
because of his injured neck.

While Berto engaged in a protracted appeals process to clear his
name, Martirosyan filled the void with a series of victories and even
more wins in the qualifying events leading up to the Olympics.

When Berto’s appeals failed, the Miami-born fighter became Haiti’s
one-man boxing team, coached by American Tony Morgan and encouraged
by his former teammates – including Martirosyan, who was thinking
about Berto moments after he pulverized Meskine.

“I feel like there’s a reason I’m on one side (of the draw) and
Berto’s on the other,” Martirosyan said. “I just feel like in the
finals, we’re going to be together.”

But amateur boxing has little to do with emotion and power – both
strong suits for most American fighters. Since the rule changes
adopted in the wake of judging scandals and an increasing aversion to
violence, Olympic boxing is a technical sport of flurries and
defense.

While the taller Noel fought a prototypical amateur fight, Berto
wanted a brawl. Though he nearly rallied from a nine-point deficit in
the fourth round with a strong charge, Noel hung on for a decision
that was loudly jeered by fans.

“I thought I pulled it out, but I guess not,” Berto said. “I went
through a lot to get here, so I still think that’s a big
accomplishment. I fought my heart out. … I got here, man. I’m just
glad I got to participate in the opening ceremony. It’s a
once-in-a-lifetime type of thing.”

Martirosyan extended his Olympic hopes at least to Thursday, when
he’ll fight two-time world champion Lorenzo Aragon of Cuba.

The Armenian-born fighter showed the power and flair of a contender
in his opener, dictating the fight’s pace with a stiff jab and
opportunistic combinations. He also counterpunched effectively while
landing more shots to the head than almost any competitor so far at
the busy Peristeri Olympic Boxing Hall, which hosts more than 20
fights every day of the preliminaries.

While Berto’s exuberance hurt him against a skilled technical
fighter, Martirosyan battered Meskine with a series of early shots
before essentially finishing the fight with a devastating left to the
Algerian’s head early in the third round.

“We’re Armenian. We have this thing where we get a little bit out of
control in the ring,” Martirosyan said. “I love this sport so much.
The coaches have told me to calm down, just think about points
instead of trying to get the guy out of there.”

Two Americans received first-round byes, and five more will fight in
the next three days before the second round begins Wednesday. Tougher
fights still loom for a team that’s thought to be among the weakest
in the United States’ superb Olympic boxing history, but the boxers
believe they can improve on their four-medal haul four years ago in
Sydney.

“We’re a great team, we’re in great shape – and we’re going to bring
a lot of medals home,” Martirosyan said.

Olympic Shooting Results

.c The Associated Press

ATHENS, Greece (AP) – Results Tuesday from the Olympic shooting
competition:

Men

50m Pistol

Qualification

1. Jin Jong-oh, South Korea, 567 (Q).

2. Mikhail Nestruev, Russia, 565 (Q).

3. Kim Jong Su, North Korea, 564 (Q).

4. Norayr Bakhtamyan, Armenia, 564 (Q).

5. Isidro Lorenzo, Spain, 562 (Q).

6. Tanyu Kiriakov, Bulgaria, 562 (Q).

7. Vladimir Issachenko, Kazakhstan, 561 (Q).

8. Boris Kokorev, Russia, 560 (Q).

9. Martin Tenk, Czech Republic, 559.

10. Victor Makarov, Ukraine, 558.

10. Tan Zongliang, China, 558.

12. Francesco Bruno, Italy, 556.

12. Joao Costa, Portugal, 556.

12. Vigilio Fait, Italy, 556.

15. Igor Basinski, Belarus, 554.

15. Alexander Danilov, Israel, 554.

15. Daryl Szarenski, United States, 554.

18. Sorin Babii, Romania, 553.

18. Kim Hyon Ung, North Korea, 553.

18. Frank Seeger, Germany, 553.

18. Jason Turner, United States, 553.

18. Xu Dan, China, 553.

23. Daniel Repacholi, Australia, 551.

24. Franck Dumoulin, France, 550.

24. Lee Sang-do, South Korea, 550.

24. David Moore, Australia, 550.

24. Abdulla Ustaoglu, Germany, 550.

28. Dionissios Georgakopoulos, Greece, 549.

28. Jakkrit Panichpatikum, Thailand, 549.

30. Yi Ning Chang, Taiwan, 548.

30. Maximo Tomas Modesti, Argentina, 548.

32. Andrija Zlatic, Serbia-Montenegro, 546.

33. Roger Daniel, Trinidad and Tobago, 545.

34. Norbelis Barzaga, Cuba, 542.

34. Jose Antonio Colado, Spain, 542.

36. Attila Simon, Hungary, 541.

37. Kanstantsin Lukashyk, Belarus, 539.

38. Masaru Nakashige, Japan, 537.

39. Wojciech Knapik, Poland, 536.

40. Arseny Borrero, Cuba, 535.

41. Chris Rice, U.S. Virgin Islands, 529.

41. Friedhelm Sack, Namibia, 529

08/17/04 04:07 EDT

PRESS RELEASE
Catholicosate of Cilicia
Communication and Information Department
Tel: (04) 410001, 410003
Fax: (04) 419724
E- mail: [email protected]
Web:

PO Box 70 317
Antelias-Lebanon

ASSUMPTION OF THE MOTHER OF GOD; THE BLESSING OF THE GRAPES

Antelias, Lebanon – On August 15 all the Armenian Churches in the world
celebrate the Assumption of the Holy Mother of God (Verapokhoum). Although
in modern Armenian Verapokhoum means change again, in Classical Armenian it
means transport up. For fifteen years after the Crucifixion Mary remained in
Jerusalem under the watchful eyes of the apostles, especially John to whom
she had been entrusted. When she died all of the apostles were present at
her burial, except Bartholomew. When he returned to Jerusalem he went to her
grave to pay his respects. The apostles gathered in the cemetery, but when
the gravestone was lifted, they were surprised to find that her body was not
there, instead there was an exceeding sweet fragrance. It was believed that
Mary was physically taken into heaven. Based on this the church fathers
established the Feast of the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin Mary.

The Blessing of the Grapes, although not connected with the Assumption, is
generally commemorated on the same day. First the special hymn of the day is
sung, then passages from the Gospel are read, after which the prayer
pertaining to the blessing of grapes, which was composed by Catholicos
Nerses is read. In this prayer it is mentioned that on the third day of
Creation, God created the fruit-yielding trees and vegetation on earth. The
prayer seeks the blessing of God to be bestowed on those who give the first
yield of their vineyards as gifts to the church, and asks the Lord to
protect the crops and gardens from harm. After the prayers, the grapes are
blessed and distributed to the congregation.

On Saturday 14 August 2004, The Armenian Catholicosate of Cilicia celebrated
the feast of the Holy Virgin Mary’s Assumption. The Catholicosate also
celebrated the pilgrimage day of St. Mary’s Armenian Monastery in Bikfaya,
Lebanon, site of the summer residence of the Catholicos, and also site of
the Seminary. A celebration dating from 1952, when the Chapel was
consecrated in the name of St. Mary.

Since the first year of his Pontificate (1995), His Holiness Aram I has
emphasized the importance of the feast as a special day of spiritual
renewal, and especially the pilgrimage day as the day of the youth. This
year, along with thousands of faithful, youths from many of the Armenian
youth organizations walked from Antelias to Bikfaya as pilgrims of St.
Mary’s Monastery, where they joined His Holiness Aram I, Catholicos of
Cilicia, who presided over the ceremony.

Thousands of people attended the Divine Liturgy which was celebrated in the
courtyard of the monastery. His Holiness delivered his pontifical message to
the faithful. This year His Holiness focused his message on the importance
of family. “Family is the basis of society. I cannot imagine, spiritually
and morally healthy society, without the family. I cannot imagine an
organized and credible society without the family. Indeed the family remains
an important point of reference, in any society. That is why we as
Catholicos declared this year as the Year of Family. We consider the family,
in a sense, the extension of the church, of the school, of our homeland. It
is in and through the family that the foundation of Christian formation and
Armenian education is laid down. Therefore a crucial role is given to the
Armenian family. It is called to preserve and promote our Armenian Christian
values and tradition in the context of a world which constantly question the
credibility and relevance of spiritual and moral values. We must, therefore,
preserve the integrity; the credibility of the Armenian Family” said His
Holiness.

Following the Divine Liturgy, the ceremony of blessing of grapes and Madagh
took place headed by His Holiness Aram I.

##

View printable pictures here:
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***********

The Armenian Catholicosate of Cilicia is one of the two Catholicosates of
the Armenian Orthodox Church. For detailed information about the history and
the mission of the Cilician Catholicosate, you may refer to the web page of
the Catholicosate, The Cilician Catholicosate, the
administrative center of the church is located in Antelias, Lebanon.

Oregonian, OR
Aug 17 2004

In baseball, Greeks enjoy what they don’t understand

ATHENS – In the first inning of an Olympic baseball game between Cuba
and Greece on Monday, some poor Greek fan, one who probably just
wanted to sit in his seat down the first base line and watch a live
baseball game in peace, had the misfortune of catching a foul ball.

So, he looked around for a few seconds.

Everyone looked back at him.

Then he reared back and threw the ball back onto the field, where it
rolled to the pitcher’s mound.

“I thought they needed the ball,” he said.

Otherwise, this was a normal game.

Cuba won 5-4. They served hot dogs at the stadium. One fan even
brought a glove.

Oh sure, some of the 6,700 Greeks here kept calling the bat a “club.”
And others asked why the three white “pillows” on the field were
shaped differently than the one on the ground near the catcher. And,
also, some enthusiastic guy wearing a giant blue and white Greek flag
like a super-Greek cape around his neck led the entire stadium in a
traditional soccer song.

They sang:

Sikose to,

To Timimeno,

Then boro,

Then boro,

Na perimeno!

Hey, can we work in a “Take two and hit to right?” Still, they sang.
They politely clapped whenever Cuba scored a run. And they danced to
music from the organ. And also, they chanted traditional Greek soccer
cheers that called for them to: “Raise the cup, raise the cup.”

Nobody minded that during the seventh-inning stretch only a handful
people knew to stand and stretch while they played “Take Me Out to
the Ballgame” on the public-address system. Maybe because nobody in
the place knew the words.

Otherwise, this game was as American as, say, apple pie.

“They are very enthusiastic,” said stadium usher Ariana Chris of
Toronto, “but also very uninformed.”

And why not?

Until recently there were two baseball diamonds in Greece. They were
located on an old U.S. Air Force base in Athens. Now, Greece has this
perfect baseball complex, with two perfect baseball fields featuring
perfect green grass and bright blue outfield fences, and concrete
everywhere.

“You’re from the States?” everyone wanted to know. “Is this what
Yankee Stadium is like?”

Yes, I told them.

Exactly.

Down the left field line, in seats that sold for 10 euros (about
$12.25 U.S.), here was 47-year-old Costas Platis, with his
13-year-old son and 19-year-old daughter, Daphne. They rode two buses
and a train to get here from their home in Ionnina in northern
Greece, near the Albanian border.

Said Daphne: “I’m Greek. So all I know about baseball is they go
around in a circle.”

See, just like Yankee Stadium.

And down the right field line was Dimitrios Georgitsas, a 28-year-old
police lieutenant. He is one of the few fans here who actually played
baseball. Well, OK, technically, he never really played. But, as a
teenager, he and his friends watched “The Natural” and then raced out
into the street with a wooden broom stick and an old tennis ball and
took turns pitching to each other.

“We would have played a game, but nobody knew the rules,” he said.

And here is Greece’s third baseman, Clay Bellinger, who played for
the Yankees in the 2000 and 2001 World Series. In fact, Bellinger
played every position except pitcher while in pinstripes. So, since
he’s had a good look around both places, Clay, what do you think? Is
this the House that Ruth Built 2 or what?

Clay?

Clay?

“Did you hear them singing those crazy soccer songs?” he asked.

Also, you should know this: On Sunday night in Greece’s opening game,
an 11-0 loss to the Netherlands, the entire stadium jumped to its
feet and cheered wildly after Greek pitcher Clinton Zavaras’ first
pitch was a called strike.

“I mean, they went nuts,” Bellinger said.

Then, Zavaras’ second pitch was called a ball.

“So, they all jumped up and went nuts again,” Bellinger said. “And
Clint steps off the mound and looks over at me and then around the
infield and we all started laughing. I think it’s great.”

Now, understand, there’s a little uneasiness with the players on this
team. But, really, isn’t that just like Yankee Stadium? Only two of
the 23 on the current roster were born in Greece. The rest were part
of the host country’s plan, with help from the International Olympic
Committee, to field a competitive team in every sport.

Greece wanted baseball. So it needed Greeks who could play baseball.
And since nobody here owns a broken-in baseball glove, it looked for
second- and third-generation Greeks from the United States and
elsewhere.

“I don’t see the big deal,” Bellinger said.

It’s really not any different than what Armenia did in the 2002
Winter Olympics in Salt Lake City, when it put together a team of
Armenian Americans in an attempt to jump-start the bobsled as a
sport.

But here, Team Greece baseball players and coaches say they’re
treated differently now by their Olympic committee. For example,
after their opener against the Netherlands, nobody bothered to wash
their uniforms. Stuff like that.

“Also, most of the other Greek athletes in the Olympic Village will
not talk to us,” coach Ioannis Kazanas said.

Strange, but true. Especially considering what the Greeks went
through to get this far.

Remember Daphne, Costis Platis’ teenage daughter?

“Four years ago, the Greek (Olympic Committee) came to my high school
and invited everyone to participate in as many sports as they could,”
she said. “They offered baseball, softball, badminton and encouraged
everyone to participate because we had no national teams in those
sports.”

Now they do.

Team Greece ended up with two Greek-born baseball players on the
team. And a stadium filled with excited people, one of them wearing a
Jason Giambi Yankees replica jersey. Of course, the fans kept
explaining that their only brush with baseball was seeing a game in
an American movie and wanting to know more about it.

“We’re so ready for this,” Costis Platis said. “Greece is so ready.”

Ready, but is it just like Yankee Stadium?

Sure it is.

Maybe except for the message that flashed on the scoreboard after
that first inning.

It read: “You may keep foul balls.”

Expatica, Netherlands
Aug 17 2004

European footbal teams begin journey to Germany

16 August 2004

HAMBURG – While most countries throughout the world have long ago
begun their qualifying campaign for the 2006 World Cup in Germany,
the journey for European countries starts only on Wednesday.

Four qualifiers will be played.

In Group 1, Macedonia and Armenia clash in Skopje, with the home side
being the favourites. Not only is Macedonia ranked 92 in the world –
compared to 116 for Armenia, but coach Dragan Kanatlarovski can call
on several players playing throughout Europe.

Midfielder Vanco Trajanov, for instance, has just joined German
Bundesliga club Arminia Bielefeld, while Artim Sakiri plays his club
football for West Bromwich Albion in the Premier League.

The pick of the matches on Wednesday takes place in Bucharest, where
Romania take on Finland in another Group 1 match. With the Czech
Republic, the Netherlands and Andorra also in the group, the two
teams will know that they can ill-afford to drop points at this early
stage.

The home side suffered a setback ahead of the game, when captain
Christian Chivu broke a bone in his foot during beach football whilst
on holiday. Although the foot was put in plaster, it did not heal
sufficiently and requires corrective surgery ruling him out for the
next four international matches.

They still have a host of exciting players to call on, with Chelsea’s
striker Adrian Mutu being one of them.

Finland coach Antti Muurinen had to replace Anderlecht defender Teemu
Tainio and Auxerre midfielder Hannu Tihinen after they both were
ruled out through injury.

In Group Three, two of the weakest teams in European football play
their first games. Luxembourg, who are ranked 157th in the world and
second-last in Europe, seem to have an impossible task away to
Slovakia, who are ranked 86 places above them.

Luxembourg’s record in World Cup qualifiers is – nor surprisingly –
very bad and they have won only two (1961 4-2 against Portugal and
1972 2-0 against Turkey) out of 91 games. They have finished last in
their group every time they have played in the qualifiers.

Luxembourg will, however, fancy their chances to avoid that this time
around as also in their group is Liechtenstein, who are ranked just
three positions above them in the rankings.

Liechtenstein are at home in Vaduz against Estonia on Wednesday.
Although several of their players are part-timers, Liechtenstein
coach Martin Andermatt can call on several players who play for Swiss
clubs.

Andermatt, who took over the side in March, will be looking to
improve on the Liechtenstein record from their last qualifying
campaign, when they were last in their group without a point or a
goal.

The other three teams in Group Three are: Portugal, Russia and
Latvia.

The next qualifiers will be played on September 4, when the majority
of other teams enter the competition.