Glendale: Trends emerging in election results

Glendale News Press
LATimes.com
September 17 2004

Trends emerging in election results

Two days after residential and retail project is approved, voting
patterns start to develop.

By Robert Chacon, News-Press

GLENDALE — Both sides in the campaign to bring the $264.2-million
Americana at Brand project to Glendale are still analyzing the
numbers, but at least one councilman thinks it came down to
homeowners versus renters.

What is certain is that during Tuesday’s election for measures A, B
and C, about 29,500 city residents showed up at the polls, which,
according to Councilman Dave Weaver, is roughly 36% of the city’s
registered voters. That’s the highest turnout Weaver can remember.

A vast majority of people in southern Glendale, below Colorado Street
— an area with the densest population of renters — voted against the
project. When you start to look at single-family homes and the north
area of the city you’ll see that a majority of them supported the
Americana at Brand, Weaver said.

“I think that after the numbers are counted, it will become obvious
that the campaign was renters versus homeowners,” Weaver said.

Voters in precincts closest to the project’s location across from the
Glendale Galleria opposed it. Concerns about parking and traffic
around the outdoor mall once it is built were raised throughout the
intense campaign waged by developer Rick Caruso and General Growth,
owners of the Glendale Galleria.

A majority of voters in 22 precincts favored the project, and a
majority of voters in 18 precincts opposed it. Most precincts showed
close races, but some had lopsided margins. In those precincts where
voters overwhelmingly supported the project, those margins were much
higher than the ones in precincts where a high majority of voters
opposed the Americana.

Overall, the three measures that reinforced the project won approval
from the residents with an rate hovering near 51%.

Linda Berman, vice president of corporate communications and brand
strategy for Caruso, said that she would not comment on the results
of the election until a more detailed analysis is completed, which
could come in the next two weeks.

“We will want to know where we were strong and where we weren’t. We
know that we had a majority of the support but we want to know where
it came from and who got out and voted,” she said.

General Growth officials did not return phone calls seeking comment.

Poll numbers also revealed that the city’s Armenian-American
population voted in favor of the project, Mayor Bob Yousefian said.

“Based on the numbers we have so far, on election day about 60% of
the Armenian population voted for the project,” he said.
From: Baghdasarian

TBILISI: NATO training dropped after Baku refuses Armenianparticipat

NATO training dropped after Baku refuses Armenian participation

messenger.com.ge, Georgia
September 17 2004

Azeri newspapers this week reported NATO’s decision to cancel the
“Cooperative Best Effort-2004” training, which was planned to be
held from September 13 to 26 in Baku. This followed the refusal of
the Azerbaijani authorities to allow Armenian soldiers to enter the
country to participate in the training.

Azerbaijani newspaper Ekho reported that, according to the Azeri
Minister of Foreign Affairs Mamediarov, Baku had been conducting
negotiations with Brussels in order not to allow the participation
of Armenian soldiers in the NATO training. In response, according to
Azerbaijani newspaper Express, Deputy Commander of American Armed
Forces in Europe General Charles Wald had visited Baku three times
in five months, in order to assure the authorities of Azerbaijan
of the importance of the participation of Armenian soldiers in the
training; although the Armenian newspaper AZG Armenian Daily stated
that this was a secondary reason for his frequent visits, his main
goal being to negotiate the establishment of American military bases
on Azerbaijani territory.

Ekho reported that starting from September 11, activists of
“Organization for the Release of Karabakh” (ORK), together with
influential political forces of the country and public organizations,
were planning to start mass demonstrations against the arrival of
Armenian officers in Baku. Deputy Chair of ORK Shamil Mekhti told the
newspaper that he had not been informed where the Armenian officers
were going to spend the night.

Zerkalo, Baku reported that NATO was unhappy with the Azeri
authorities’ stance. The training was to take place within the
framework of the ‘Partnership in the name of peace’ program, which
is based on the principle of parity.

“We regret very much regarding the fact that the principle of parity
has been violated at this time and has become the reason of the
annulment of the training,” the official NATO web site notes. The
newspaper quoted Head of the Armenian Ministry of Defense’s department
of external relations and international cooperation Mikael Melkonian
as saying that, particularly after training had already been held
in Georgia and Armenia, the Azeri authorities’ hindrance should be
taken into consideration by NATO.

A Position John Kerry Has Held for 20 Years

Canada Free Press, Canada
September 17 2004

Exclusive

A Position John Kerry Has Held for 20 Years

by Marinka Peschmann, Special to Canada Free Press

What do Canada, France, the Vatican and Presidential hopeful John
Kerry have in common? Armenian Genocide. “Between 1915-1923 the
rulers of the old Ottoman Empire killed or deported over 1.5 million
Armenian men, women and children in a systematic policy of ethnic
extermination.” John Kerry — April 22, 2004. In August 2004, Kerry
pledged, “as President, I will continue to fight against the denial
of the Armenian Genocide.” But under both Democratic and Republic
administrations, President Reagan, President Bush, Sr., and President
Clinton, the Armenian Genocide resolution didn’t pass both houses.

Canada’s Armenian Genocide resolution passed on April 21, 2004, “and
condemn this act as a crime against humanity.” Prime Minister Paul
Martin and Foreign Affairs Minister Bill Graham stated that the
resolution does not represent the Canadian government’s position. On
January 29, 2001, “France publicly recognizes the Armenian Genocide
of 1915.” Pope John Paul II’s September 27, 2001, declaration read in
part, “The extermination of a million and a half Armenian Christians,
in what is generally referred to as the first genocide of the
twentieth century…” And accused flip-flopper, Senator Kerry, is
cosponsoring the latest Genocide Resolution, S.Res.164″ and has been
“resolute” and “steadfast for 20 years” on this issue.

In 1990, Kerry voted in favor of Republican Senator Bob Dole’s
Genocide Resolution. Democratic Senator Robert Byrd gave notice that
he would filibuster and succeeded in stopping its passage. Kerry
cosponsored legislation, “S.1557, granting Armenia permanent normal
trade relations status” and champions initiatives to “lift the
Turkish and Azerbaijani blockades,” including last January, when he
called on President Bush to press Turkey’s Prime Minister “to lift
his nation’s illegal blockade of Armenia.” , a position that
President Bush already held and enforced early on in his
administration. Bush, like Clinton, commemorates April 24th, Armenian
Remembrance day. Armenia shares borders with Turkey and Iran. “There
are individuals on both sides who are obstacles and supporters,” says
Aram Sarafian of The National Organization of Republican Armenians,
“in time – it will pass. It’s an eventuality. Every year it gets
closer.”

This highly charged “moral” issue within the Armenian community has
been a global hot button issue for decades. Do the ramifications of
acknowledging “genocide” and passing a U.S. “genocide resolution”
reach wider on the World stage, affecting U.S. National Security
interests and stability in the region? Some argue “no,” suggesting
that claim is overblown, “Turkey needs the U.S. more than the U.S.
needs Turkey.” Others claim “it’s purely lobbying.” The
American-Armenian groups first gathered politically in the 1970s and
have grown more powerful and effective during the 1990s.

Turkey, a member of NATO, rebuffs Armenia’s genocide allegations,
claiming the death toll is lower and both the Turks and Armenians
suffered causalities when the Ottoman Empire collapsed before
Modern-day Turkey was created in 1923. Currently seeking European
Union (EU) membership Turkey must first implement human rights
reforms and halt the “Continued torture and maltreatment of
prisoners… widespread abuse of women, and restrictions on free
expression.” Belgium is calling for an Armenia Genocide inclusion.
Britain, the USA and Germany support Turkey’s EU bid. This December,
a date is to be scheduled for Turkey’s EU application.

On October 19, 2000, Republican House Speaker Dennis Haster pulled
the latest Genocide resolution, citing a letter written by President
Clinton, who wrote, “We have significant interests in this troubled
region of the world:” Violence between Israelis and Palestinians had
escalated, the bombing of the USS Cole sharpened conflict in the
Middle East and the continuation of U.S. forces using South Turkey’s
Incirlik air base to maintain Saddam Hussein’s containment was in
jeopardy. “Consideration of the resolution at this sensitive time
will negatively affect those interests and could undermine efforts to
encourage improved relations between Armenia and Turkey.”

On January 28, 2004, New York Life Insurance Co., reached a $20
million class action settlement negotiated in part on behalf of the
Armenian-American plaintiff’s by, double-murder accused Scott
Peterson’s, famed attorney, Mark Geragos. New York Life will pay “to
resolve more than 2,000 insurance policies issued to Armenians in the
Turkish Ottoman Empire prior to 1915… and contribute at least $3
million to Armenian civic organizations.”

In Los Angeles on August 31, 2004, a class action lawsuit was filed
on behalf of Armenians against two German banks, Deutsche Bank and
Dresdner Bank who: “1) made deposits, 2) were killed in the Armenian
Genocide and 3) whose heirs were not repaid deposits on their
accounts.

Anthony Barsamiain, Chairman of the Armenian Assembly of America is
committed to seeing the resolution passed. “There will be a date soon
when the President and the Congress regardless of party reaffirms the
Armenian Genocide,” said Barsamiaian, “and in turn will bring to
light the truth of the American response.”

If elected would Kerry honor his pledge or repeat history? “I think
he”s gone so far,” says Barsamian, “and has such a record that I
don’t think he could.” A high level Kerry official confirmed that
Kerry is “solid” on passing the Armenia Genocide resolution. When
pressed on specifics the official acknowledged, “That’s a tough one”.

BAKU: Aliyev received EC delegation headed by Romano Prodi

Azer Tag, Azerbaijan State Info Agency
Sept 17 2004

PRESIDENT OF AZERBAIJAN ILHAM ALIYEV RECEIVED EC DELEGATION HEADED BY
ROMANO PRODI
[September 17, 2004, 18:54:16]

President of the Azerbaijan Republic Ilham Aliyev received at the
President Palace the delegation led by President of the European
Commission Romano Prodi, on September 17.

Greeting the guest, head of Azerbaijan state recalled his meeting
with Mr. Romano Prodi in Belgium telling it was very useful. The
Azerbaijan-European Union relations develop successfully, President
of Azerbaijan underlined. “Our country attaches great importance to
development of these relations”, he said. President Ilham Aliyev state
that the relations with the European Union are one of the priorities
of our state policy and we reach new accomplishments in this field,
he added.

Noting that the “New Policy of Neighborhood” is very important,
President Ilham Aliyev underlined that this policy is one of the
priorities in the relations of Azerbaijan and European Union. Head of
Azerbaijan stated that appointment of the European Union representative
on South Caucasus serves development of these relations.

Stating that cooperation in political, economic, cultural and other
fields between Azerbaijan and European Union develops successfully,
president Ilham Aliyev expressed confidence for strengthening of
these ties. Azerbaijan is an integral part of Europe and integration
to European structures is priority of our foreign policy, head of
Azerbaijan state emphasized.

Noting that there is successful cooperation between Azerbaijan and
European Union in the field of economy, in particular, in the power
field, President Ilham Aliyev said that there is a high level dialogue
in the political field.

Head of Azerbaijani state expressed confidence that the visit of Mr.
Romano Prodi to Azerbaijan would greatly promote the development and
strengthening of the bilateral relations.

Expressing gratitude to President Ilham Aliyev for warm reception,
Mr. Prodi said that he was pleased with the visit. Noting that
cooperation in the political, economic and other fields is integral
part of the new policy of neighborhood he noted that realization
of this policy is of great significance from the viewpoint of
strengthening of cooperation and solution of the facing problems.
“There are important tasks before the European Union for implementation
of this policy and the EU holds fair position in regard with the
policy of neighborhood”, he said.

Mr. Romano Prodi said that quick resolution of the Armenia-Azerbaijan,
Nagorny Karabakh conflict is necessary for successful realization
of the New Policy of Neighborhood. “The European Union with its 500
million population pays great importance on expansion of cooperation
between the EU and Azerbaijan that plays is significant role in the
region”, he stressed. He expressed confidence that these relations
would develop further.

Head of the PA foreign relations department Novruz Mammadov and the
representative of Azerbaijan in European Union Arif Mammadov took
part at the reception.

Book describes media laws, press freedom violations in the Caucasus

Book describes media laws, press freedom violations in the Caucasus

International Journalist’s Network
Sept 17 2004

A group of press freedom advocates has released a new book on media
legislation and journalists’ rights in Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia,
the Yerevan Press Club reported.

“Harmonization of Media Legislation of South Caucasus Countries
with European Standards” includes reports, comparative analyses and
recommendations about media legislation in the region. It is available
in English and Russia.

The book also documents press freedom violations against journalists
between 2001 and 2003. The largest number of violations in each country
happened in 2003 – the year of elections in Armenia and Azerbaijan,
and “the rose revolution” in Georgia.

The book is the result of a regional project implemented by the
Committee to Protect Freedom of Expression of Armenia, the Baku
Press Club of Azerbaijan and the Association of Young Lawyers of
Georgia with support from the South Caucasus Cooperation Program of
the Eurasia Foundation.

From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

Ray of light in family’s black life

BBC News, UK
Sept 17 2004

Ray of light in family’s black life

By Ruben Mangasarian
For BBCRussian.com

I received many e-mails at my photo agency after my photo story
“Black Life” was published on the Karabakh Page of BBCRussian.com and
then on BBC News Online.

Ruben says baby Maria is the happiest in the family – because she
doesn’t understand anything

The photos related the story of an Armenian refugee family from
Azerbaijan living in desperate poverty in Bagratashen, near the
Armenian capital, Yerevan.

The conflict over the disputed territory of Nagorno-Karabakh – in
Azerbaijan but claimed by Armenians – displaced thousands of people
in 1988-1994.

“I don’t think in my life photos have ever moved me more,” wrote
Heidi Wallace from Los Angeles in California.

“The depth of this poor family’s plight is almost more than I can
bear.”

“I would go through the ends of the world to send them a care
package,” added Christina Flanary, also from the US.

I will never forget those overwhelming feelings. Thinking about
taking those pictures, I realised what was hitting so hard.

The mother Lida’s “black life” was like a real hell on Earth – not
the one for evil sinners.

Tough lives

The family was covered by a pall of smoke and soot from burning
plastic bags in their kitchen stove – they couldn’t afford normal
fuel.

Black life – one refugee family’s struggle against poverty

In pictures

Everything was black: the walls, curtains, clothes, the faces of
Lida’s children.

It seemed they had given up knowing any other life and kept only
their love for each other.

It was different in the summer. As the weather was warm the stove was
taken outside.

But life was, and is, still tough. They have almost no furniture –
just two beds, several chairs and a bench.

All the clothing is kept in big sacks.

The only electrical appliance in the house is a bulb. No fridge, no
radio, no TV and, what shocked me most, no toilet.

I didn’t have the courage to ask them how they survived without one.

New clothes

Jay, a BBC News Online reader from Britain, sent some money, so I
paid local authorities to build a toilet cabin for Lida’s family.

Lida cooks an omelette – she will not eat herself, but give it to the
children
Then I needed to get them into new clothes. I wanted them to wear
fresh shirts sent from Tokyo on their clean washed bodies.

I asked the children – have they ever had a bath or taken a shower?
They didn’t know what they were.

So I arranged for them to visit local communal baths. It was the
first time they had washed in something other than a small tub with
lukewarm water.

Lida is the only person who knows the outside world – she goes out to
earn some money.

The rest of the family don’t leave the house much – only to get water
from a tap nearby.

The children don’t know what friendship is, they still don’t go to
school, they cannot read or write.

Readers’ help

Yolande McLean, born in Canada, currently designs publications in
Tokyo, Japan. She wrote:

The family in their new clothes….
“When I saw Ruben Mangasarian’s photos of Lida and her family, I was
struck by the compassion behind them. I knew the family must have
endured circumstances as harsh as any I’d come across.

“And then I thought, in spite of the soot and smoke, what beautiful
kids! Armen had a shy, self-conscious smile; Mariam seemed pensive.

I showed the story to Jay in England and said ‘let’s do something.’ I
think he said, ‘Sure! Cool!'”

“Ruben asked me why we wanted to help a family living in an
unfamiliar country so far away. The simplest answer is, why not?” she
went on.

“The fact is, though, Armenia really doesn’t seem so far or so
strange. After you’ve travelled a while, borders, distances, and
differences are not formidable obstacles.”

Yolande said she felt Lida could use a friend. “I’m no refugee, but I
understood what it was like to be a stranger,” she said.

“I’m delighted to see Asya smiling and wearing her new cardigan, and
is that my velvet baseball cap on Armen?”

Colour in their lives

Jay Dykes, 38, from the UK, wrote:

“My friend in Tokyo, Yolande, alerted me to your haunting images that
depict the life of Lida and her children.

… kindly sent by readers Yolande [left] and Jay
“Words fail me… when I viewed your photos I was immediately moved
by them.

“I feel it was the strength of the pictures, the strength of my
friend’s words, and the strength that I could see in the eyes of the
whole family peering out of the darkness that made me want to do
something, anything, to try and help,” he added.

Yolande has sent from Tokyo two boxes with clothes and shoes, the
third one is on its way.

Jay sent some money. They were the first to spring into action to
help Lida’s family.

But the family still need help to bring some colour into their “black
life”.

http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/3665688.stm

Addis Ababa: Cosmetic Change

Addis Tribune, Ethiopia
Sept 17 2004

Cosmetic Change

OPINION

The spectre of a permanence of impermanence has been haunting our
land for generations on end. It is thus only true to say that
cosmetic – and not meaningful – change in the economic destiny of the
Ethiopian people has been an ineluctable fact of life in this country
since the death of Menelik in 1913. Even today – in the third
millennium – we continue to witness change in its most chimerical
form.

Only last week, for instance, the government was telling the
Ethiopian people through its mass media that a new passport was
coming into existence as of September 11. Passports – like other
documents – have been, of course, changing form much like the amoeba
in Ethiopia since 1974. Even during the 13-year-long life of the
incumbent government, we must have had no less than two versions of
passports.

Since 1889 – when Menelik was crowned Emperor of Ethiopia – four
flags have been flying in this country, one of them Italian between
1936 and 1941, not counting, of course, the Union Jack during the
brief war of liberation. The Ethiopian tricolour was superseded in
1974 by a flag with a de-crowned Ethiopian lion – and in 1991 by a
tricolour with an emblem on it very much reminiscent of the Star of
David.

A plethora of notes and coins had come and gone since the days of
Menelik. Many of us are still alive who are fortunate enough to
remember Menelik’s Maria Theresa silver thaler and copper and nickel
coins like the beza and temun, Haile-Selassie’s pre-1936 alad( a
fifty-cent nickel coin) and the notes and coins that were replaced by
ones that had carried images of peasants and workers by the beginning
of 1977.

This is to say nothing of the three national anthems that were being
sung in this country since the time of the regency of Emperor
Haile-Selassie – the first of them composed as a rousing military
march by Ethiopians of Armenian origin. It is, indeed, a pity that
impermanence has been becoming an inevitable feature of the national
life of the Ethiopian people for over one hundred years now. n

Cost of Living

There were days in the not-too-distant past when the pressure of the
cost of living was not being felt to be an insufferable burden even
on a poor people like Ethiopians. Before the fuel crisis of 1973, all
commodities were very cheap here. One kilogram of meat was worth one
birr; one chicken could be bought for less than two birr; a big
ceremonial ram had cost no more than sixty birr; and a litre of
petrol had sold for only 45 cents.

Those were, of course, in the good old days when Ethiopians of
middle-income were collecting between 300 and 700 birr a month. No
useful purpose could be, certainly, served by crying over spilt milk,
as the old English saying goes. However, to adapt a Shakespearean
saying, the fault, dear Brutus, lies not in our stars but in the
interminable wars that were being conducted by Bush père and Bush
fils in Iraq since 1991.

Ethiopian governments are absolutely blameless for periodically
raising the prices of petrol. In fact, these governments have been
subsidizing the prices of petroleum products in order to make life
more tolerable for the generality of the Ethiopian people. Ethiopians
are now finding the cost of living – or even dying – to be very high.

Let us only hope and pray that a congenital warmonger in the US would
lose the November election for alleviating our seemingly perpetual
misery.

Appreciating Palestine after 50 years of exile

The Daily Star, Lebanon
Sept 17 2004

Appreciating Palestine after 50 years of exile

Yousri Nasrallah’s ‘Bab al-Shams’ popularizes Elias Khoury’s novel of
dispossession

By Jim Quilty
Daily Star staff

BEIRUT: It is 1994. Three figures – a repatriated Lebanese who lived
the civil war in Paris, his French girlfriend and their local fixer –
have asked Khalil, the central character of “Bab al-Shams,” to give
them a tour of the Sabra-Shatilla refugee camp. The couple will
produce a Jean Genet piece on the Sabra-Shatilla massacre and want to
capture the local flavor.

During the obligatory interview in the office of the camp’s PLO
official, Khalil translates the commandant’s oft-rehearsed speech
about the Palestinian’s dispossession and ultimate return into two
concise remarks: “The Palestinian people have suffered a great deal,”
and “The Palestinian people will suffer a great deal more.”

The scene nicely reiterates the wry humor of Lebanese writer Elias
Khoury’s 1998 novel “Bab al-Shams.” Though it uses memories and
impressions of Palestinian experience from the nakba to the Oslo
Accords, the novel does so without making a single narrative. Rather,
it creates a nonchronological composite of stories that at times
contradict and at times refine one another, transforming recollection
into fiction on the strength of the sheer multitude and variety of
voices.

Egyptian director Yousri Nasrallah has adapted Khoury’s novel into a
diptych, “Al-Rahil” (The Departure) and “Al-Awda” (The Return). With
a total budget of between $3 and $4 million, these works are
important both as political and aesthetic objects, and it is in these
terms that they must be assessed. The movies’ politics is very close
to that of the novel but the aesthetic is entirely different.

As “Al-Rahil” opens, Shams (Hala Omran), a young Palestinian
guerrilla leader, murders a neighbor of her lover Khalil (Bassel
Khayyat) and disappears. Later she’s gunned down by the murdered
man’s relatives. Shortly after the first murder, Khalil’s friend
Younes (Orwa Nyrabia), an old fighter from the days of the 1948
expulsion, has a stroke and is lying comatose in the camp hospital.
As Khalil is a doctor, and as PLO authorities will surely implicate
him in Shams’ crime, watching over Younes is a good way to hide.

For most of the first film, Khalil recounts his version of Younes’
story, specifically that of his long love affair with his wife Nahila
(Rim Turkhi) who, as we come to see, is a metaphor for Palestine.
After some preliminary scenes sketching Younes and Nahila’s teenage
wedding and the idyllic life of the pre-1948 Palestinian village, the
film moves onto its real interest – the dispossession.

Driven from their village, pursued by a ruthless Zionist army and
feebly defended by local gunmen and an Arab army never ordered to
engage the enemy, the population of Younes and Nahila’s village find
their way Lebanon. Younes is determined to carry on the fight from
Lebanon but Nahila remains in Palestine with Younes’ father and
mother. They carry on their relationship intermittently from
different sides of the border – thus establishing the film’s unifying
irony: The Palestinian never appreciated Palestine until he was
forced to leave it.

With Nahila safely dead and Younes in coma throughout, we never hear
a first-person account of this story. What we do get is Umm Hasan’s
counterpoint to Khalil’s story. Another nakba-generation refugee who
knew Younes and Nahila, she sometimes deflates his heroic-romantic
version of Younes’ story. Umm Hasan’s good-natured struggle with
Khalil over the truth of the story is nearly all that remains of the
novel’s multiple voices.

It is important to keep this in mind, since it provides some
intellectual ballast for the first film. Set largely in Palestine
before and just after the nakba, “Al-Rahil” has the unfortunate look
of a Ramadan musalsala – those televised historical melodramas that
are staple viewing after families break their fast. Though unbearably
sentimental and utterly alien to anything that’s come from Khoury’s
imagination, these long historical episodes can almost (almost) be
reasoned away if you remind yourself that Khalil’s representations –
of a history he didn’t experience of a country he’s never seen – are
dipped in the honey of nostalgia.

The center of gravity of “Al-Awda,” the second film, is more
contemporary, focusing on Khalil’s telling of his own story. It is a
far grittier, more critical tale than that of Younes and perhaps for
that reason more watchable.

An orphan, Khalil is drawn to Younes as a father figure. Like him,
Khalil becomes a fighter. Thanks to the Lebanese civil war, though,
Khalil spends more time fighting Lebanese than Israelis. As he notes
while recounting one particularly senseless killing: “The Lebanese
war made criminals of us all.”

When Israel forces the PLO out of Beirut, Khalil remains behind to
work as a doctor and then meets Shams. He’s never able to finish his
story because the Palestinian secret police arrest and interrogate
him about the murder Shams commits at the beginning of “Al-Rahil.”
Here the interrogating officer provides a counterpoint to Khalil’s
version of things. Armed with an intelligence file, he undermines
certain “facts” we have about Khalil – he isn’t a doctor but a nurse;
his girlfriend Shams was sleeping with other men; his adopted mother
Umm Hasan, who comes to rescue him, is not his mother and cannot
pretend to really know him.

Critics no longer complain about film adaptations being inferior to
the novels they’re based on. They observe, quite rightly, that film
and fiction are different genres with different conventions. The
counterargument has it that the problem isn’t one of moving fiction
to film as such – few complain about film versions of Steven King and
Tom Clancy novels. Rather it is one of dumbing-down intelligent
fiction to make it more appealing to a wider audience.

In 1996 Anthony Minghella adapted Michael Ondaatje’s 1992 novel “The
English Patient.” Like Khoury’s novel, Ondaatje’s rotates around a
pair of love stories – one recollected by a dying burn patient, the
other experienced by the nurse who is caring for him. These stories
are interesting because they are presented as a dense knot of
distinct narratives and by the context – a rich poetic treatment of
history, memory and the geography of exploration and grief. Many were
bewildered, then, that there was little but love story in Minghella’s
film, which Ondaatje himself had a hand in writing.

The same dynamic is at work in the adaptation of “Bab al-Shams.”
Again, the director and writer have collaborated in transforming a
poetic, nonlinear composite into a chronological narrative of two
pairs of lovers set against a troubled history.

The two novels (and their filmic progeny) are different from
Ondaatje’s in one respect – the content. Though both authors invested
years in researching their subjects before sitting down to write, the
dispossession of the Palestinians is politically fraught in a way
that Ondaatje’s subject is not.

There are other ways to go about it, of course. The Armenian genocide
in the 20th century is as much as the stuff of communal trauma,
history and memory as Palestine’s nakba. Yet virtually the only film
treatment of the episode is “Ararat” (2002). Written and directed by
Armenian-Canadian director Atom Egoyan, “Ararat” is not made
according to populist convention – working with trauma and communal
memory while being critical of the political uses of memory.

Viewing Nasrallah’s historical sequences of the refugees of the nakba
– hundreds of extras swaying across desolate landscapes in period
costume, pursued by other extras packing toy rifles and bundled into
approximations of period Israeli uniforms – it is difficult not to
recall Egoyan’s toy shots of the Armenian displacement. The effect is
altogether different, though. Nasrallah evokes melodrama in the
finest tradition of the Ramadan musalsala. Egoyan creates and
contemplates the scene from a distance, which makes it possible to
look upon the scene without grief.

Many Armenians hailed “Ararat” when it was released because a film
telling their story had finally been released. Later conversations
suggested they simply didn’t “read” the film in the same way as
others, many non-Armenians, who admired its courageous, intelligently
critical position.

The film adaptation of “Bab al-Shams” might have struck the cranium
with the same satisfying thud as “Ararat.” It is unlikely,
furthermore, that it could have been done by an independent Arab
director with more talent and better contacts than Yousri Nasrallah.
Unsatisfying as it often is, it’s more informative to look at “Bab
al-Shams” for what it is than what it isn’t.

It “is” the sometimes-uneasy marriage of two sensibilities – a
post-modern poetic of disjuncture born in the contradictions of
Lebanon’s civil war and the unabashedly populist sentimentalism of
Egyptian cinema. The issue may do less to capture the nuances of the
human and historical narrative. It does return some of Khoury’s
stories to those who remembered them. Indeed, if statistics about the
size of this region’s readership are to be believed, Khoury’s stories
are likely to reach a far wider audience on film than in print.

In this respect the films are a sort of reaffirmation of Palestinian
experience.

What gives some pause is the question of what aesthetic message
accompanies this reaffirmation. This streamlined representation of
the Palestinians’ stories strips the nostalgia and the sentiment of
nationalism from the vulgarity of political agenda. What, you wonder,
is it attached to? At the end of Nasrallah’s “Bab-al-Shams,” Khalil
flees Shatilla, leaps into a river that carries him back to
Palestine. Khoury’s “Bab-al-Shams” has Khalil leave Younes’ grave for
some unknown destination.

The original scenario sounds more desperate, but surely it is
preferable to flee on your own two feet than to be swept along by the
current, political or otherwise.

“Al-Rahil,” the first film in Yousri Nasrallah’s “Bab al-Shams”
diptych is now screening at Beirut’s Sodeco Cinema. The second film,
“Al-Awda,” will open later in the year.

BAKU: Meeting with head of the Caucasus clerical office

Azer Tag, Azerbaijan State Info Agency
Sept 17 2004

MEETING WITH HEAD OF THE CAUCASUS CLERICAL OFFICE
[September 17, 2004, 21:08:22]

Chairman of the Clerical Office of the Caucasus Moslem, Sheik-Ul-Islam
Haji Allahshukur Pashazadeh has received the delegation headed by
President of the European Commission Romano Prodi in his residence.

Welcoming the visitors, the head of religious department of Azerbaijan
has presented heads of religious communities of the basic faiths of
republic – Christian, Judaic, and also apostolic nuncio of the State
of Vatican K. Gujarotti, members of scientific – religious council,
has shortly informed on condition of religion in Azerbaijan. He has
emphasized, that due to policy pursued by the national leader of
Azerbaijan people Heydar Aliyev and his worthy successor President
Ilham Aliyev nowadays, in our country, rights and freedom of the
person are provided. When in Beslan, monstrous act of terrorism has
been accomplished, and the Moslems, Christians and Jews have together
made resolute protest, expressed indignation to address of those who
try to use religion in political ends.

Then, Sheikh-Ul-Islam has reminded that Armenia, too, gave religious
color to the Karabakh war, vandalism of the separatists who were
pulling down mosques, Muslim cemeteries. “Together with heads of
religious communities of Azerbaijan we have carried out large work
on explanation to world community, that it is not religious war,
but claims on another’s territory, A. Pashazadeh noted.

The Sheikh-Ul-Islam has expressed confidence that this meeting would
serve strengthening of relations of Azerbaijan with the countries
of the European Union, its integration into Europe, has expressed
gratitude for moral and material aid which renders the European Union
to the refugees.

Bishop of Baku and Caspian Father Alexander, the head of community
of Highland Jews of Azerbaijan of S. Ikhiilov in their remarks said
that faiths headed by them exist in territory of the Republic some
centuries and always were together, never here was observed collisions
on religious ground. Now Azerbaijan is the most tolerant country of
region. According to the Constitution of Republic, all religions have
equal rights. All this is the result of not only the policy pursued in
the country, support and understanding on the part of its management,
but also mentality of Azerbaijan people – benevolent, tolerant,
hospitable, the Bishop Baku and Caspian Father Alexander emphasized.

Apostolic nuncio of the State of Vatican has expressed gratitude for
the fine organization of meeting here of the Pope of Rome, John Pawl
Ï, having noted there is a great role of Sheikh-Ul-Islam and his
colleagues – heads of Christian and Judaic religions.

President of the European Commission Romano Prodi in his statement has
noted, that the representative of the European Union has arrived here
to start a new stage of process of integration of Azerbaijan in the
European structures, that this offer to new cooperation is not only
economic, but also political filed, and it testifies to openness of
the European society. Just for this reason, it is very important,
that also the religion participated in dialogue. We know, that in
region, there are conflicts, Mr. Romano Prodi said. We can help you
with their solution. In fact, entering the Council of Europe, both
Azerbaijan and Armenia, have undertaken the certain obligations. In
Europe, the conflicts was not less, but we could prove that they
can be overcome peacefully. In conclusion, Mr. Prodi has expressed
gratitude for tolerance in Azerbaijan, and also confidence that this
unity would continue.

National Geographic Travel Column: Armenia’s Lesson in Street Life

National Geographic
Sept 17 2004

Travel Column: Armenia’s Lesson in Street Life

TravelWatch
Jonathan B. Tourtellot
National Geographic Traveler
Updated September 17, 2004

A small experiment in Gyumri, Armenia has shown how easy it is to
turn an urban dead zone into an appealing, living place.
Gyumri boasts two Soviet-era monumental, lifeless city squares. You
know the type: asphalt deserts walled by concrete office facades,
beloved by urban planners and hated by travelers on foot. In a remote
corner of one square, a Gyumri company recently installed just three
things: a park bench, a street lamp, and a seesaw.

Men sit on a bench in Dilizhan, Armenia. In another town, just such a
streetscape is sprouting in a once barren plaza.

According to the New York-based Project for Public Spaces, magic
resulted. Kids flocked to the seesaw, parents in tow. Parents began
to chat with each other. Soon street vendors set up stands next to
the bench, drawing more people. Three tiny seeds had bloomed into a
garden of street life. Any visitor entering that square would
automatically gravitate toward the lively corner.

Modern cities abound in dead zones; some are even handsome. But it’s
people that make a town worth visiting. Nothing makes a town or city
more appealing for tourists than lively, pedestrian-friendly streets
and squares.

It’s a lesson Europe seems to be learning, as city after city there
has created car-free zones. In the ultra-motorized U.S.–despite
success stories like San Antonio’s riverwalk–cities have been slower
to embrace the idea of streets that are more populated by people than
by traffic. Yet all you need to do is set aside a few blocks and
provide ways for people to do what people like to do–eat, drink,
talk, play. Tourists show up. Businesses thrive.

As the Gyumri experiment shows, it doesn’t take much to turn a square
with nothing into a square with something. Bring on the seesaws.

http://news.nationalgeographic.com/news/2004/09/0917_040917_armenia_travel.html#main