Wednesday, September 22, 2004

Conditional Will
by Tamar Haytayan

What lengths would you go to preserve your culture? In the Armen
family…the incentive is a unique bribe. Tune in to “Outfront” and
hear how marrying the right woman comes with a financial reward.

CENN – SEPTEMBER 21, 2004 DAILY DIGEST
Table of Contents:
1. Seismologists Predict No Major Tremors
2. National Geographic Travel Column: Armenia’s Lesson in Street Life
3. Armenia To Ask For $900M In Extra U.S. Aid
4. Measuring Landcover Change and its Impact on Endangered Species

1. SEISMOLOGISTS PREDICT NO MAJOR TREMORS

Source: ArmenPress, September 17, 2004

Armenian seismological stations have registered 29 earthquakes since the
start of the year, the strongest of which measured 3.4 points on Richter
scale and was reported 70 km north-east of the town of Ararat on January
4 and the lowest was 1.3 points on Richter scale, reported on July 19
near the town of Spitak, the site of the destructive 1988 earthquake.

Judging by a set of indications, observed in the last 10 years, Armenian
seismologists predict that the possible strongest earthquake that may
hit Armenia will be no higher than 5-6 points on Richter scale, saying
its possible location may be in the southern-eastern province of Syunik.

The national seismic service has already started a series of measures
aimed to raise the level of local population’s awareness concerning
earthquake risks. The Armenian government adopted in the last two years
two comprehensive programs on seismic risks, one encloses the Law on
Seismic Protection and the second lists the strategically important
facilities that need reinforced seismic protection.

Armenian national seismic service, included in the world seismic
networks, is considered one of the best services in Europe. The service
is cooperating closely with a German GFZ and US NASA and UNAVCO
organizations in identifying and registration of seismic risks.

2. NATIONAL GEOGRAPHIC TRAVEL COLUMN: ARMENIA’S LESSON IN STREET LIFE

September 17 2004

TravelWatch
Jonathan B. Tourtellot
National Geographic Traveler
Updated September 17, 2004

A small experiment in Gyumri, Armenia has shown how easy it is to turn
an urban dead zone into an appealing, living place. Gyumri boasts two
Soviet-era monumental, lifeless city squares. You know the type: asphalt
deserts walled by concrete office facades, beloved by urban planners and
hated by travelers on foot. In a remote corner of one square, a Gyumri
company recently installed just three things: a park bench, a street
lamp, and a seesaw.

Men sit on a bench in Dilizhan, Armenia. In another town, just such a
streetscape is sprouting in a once barren plaza.

According to the New York-based Project for Public Spaces, magic
resulted. Kids flocked to the seesaw, parents in tow. Parents began to
chat with each other. Soon street vendors set up stands next to the
bench, drawing more people. Three tiny seeds had bloomed into a garden
of street life. Any visitor entering that square would automatically
gravitate toward the lively corner.

Modern cities abound in dead zones; some are even handsome. But it’s
people that make a town worth visiting. Nothing makes a town or city
more appealing for tourists than lively, pedestrian-friendly streets and
squares.

It’s a lesson Europe seems to be learning, as city after city there has
created car-free zones. In the ultra-motorized U.S. – despite success
stories like San Antonio’s riverwalk–cities have been slower to embrace
the idea of streets that are more populated by people than by traffic.
Yet all you need to do is set aside a few blocks and provide ways for
people to do what people like to do–eat, drink, talk, play. Tourists
show up. Businesses thrive.

As the Gyumri experiment shows, it doesn’t take much to turn a square
with nothing into a square with something. Bring on the seesaws.

3. ARMENIA TO ASK FOR $900M IN EXTRA U.S. AID

Source: Radio Free Europe / Radio Liberty, Inc., September 17, 2004

Armenia is seeking as much as $900 million in additional U.S. government
assistance for the next three years and would like to spend most of the
money on getting its battered irrigation and drinking water
infrastructure into shape, officials said Friday.

The requested extra aid would come as part of the U.S. government’s
Millennium Challenge Account (MCA), a scheme designed to promote
political and market reforms around the world. Armenia as well as
neighboring Georgia was included last spring in the first group of 16
countries eligible for it. Each of them has to present and substantiate
specific aid proposals that will be considered by the Millennium
Challenge Corporation, a government body in charge of the MCA.

According to Aram Andreasian, head of the State Committee on Water
Resources, the Armenian government has already finalized its package of
proposals and will submit them to Washington by the end of this month.
He said two thirds of the requested sum is proposed to be used for
improving patchy water supplies to Armenian households and farmers.

`As far as our [MCA] package is concerned, the water sector is in
greatest need of investments,’ Andreasian told a news conference after a
weekly cabinet meeting.

Armenia’s notoriously inefficient drinking water network has undergone
sweeping structural reforms over the past two years. The authorities
promised in late 2002 that the situation with water supplies will
improve radically after introduction of water consumption meters. Most
Armenians have already bought and installed them at their own expense.
However, change has been very slow so far.

Andreasian reiterated a government pledge to extend round-the-clock
water supplies to 80 percent of the Yerevan households by the end of
this year. But with less than half of them having running water for 24
hours a day at the moment, this seems highly problematic.

Even more difficult is access to irrigation water in the country’s rural
areas. The problem is high on the list of grievances routinely cited by
impoverished villagers.

Andreasian’s controversial predecessor, Gagik Martirosian, estimated
that at least $300 million worth of capital investments will be needed
for ensuring normal functioning of the sector. The government has
already received some $150 million in low-interest loans from the World
Bank for that purpose.

Earlier this year, an ad hoc commission of the Armenian parliament
accused the government of misusing one such loan worth $30 million. The
allegations were rejected by the government and the World Bank’s office
in Yerevan.

Andreasian revealed that the government wants the Americans to set aside
$137 million for road construction and repair in Armenia. The Armenian
government would spend the rest of the requested sum on education and
agriculture, he said.

The U.S. government has already allocated some $1.5 billion in regular
assistance to Armenia since 1992. It remains to be seen whether it will
agree to the drastic increase in aid levels sought by Yerevan.

The total amount of MCA funds made available by the administration of
President George W. Bush for this year is $1 billion. The figure is
expected to soar to $5 billion in 2006.

4. MEASURING LANDCOVER CHANGE AND ITS IMPACT ON ENDANGERED SPECIES

The Smithsonian Conservation and Research Center is offering the
following advanced GIS and remote sensing course:

Measuring Landcover Change and its Impact on Endangered Species
October 4-8, 2004 and November 15-19, 2004

PROGRAM DESCRIPTION:
This one-week advanced GIS and remote sensing course provides
conservationists with an opportunity to learn how GIS and remote sensing
can be used to assess the conservation status of endangered species.
Participants will be provided with their own desktop computer for all
lab exercises. During the hands-on exercises participants will use the
Internet, ArcView, ArcView Spatial Analyst, ERDAS Imagine, Fragstats,
and other spatial analysis programs. Instructors will lead participants
step-by-step through the process of:

o conducting a regional conservation assessment using GIS to determine
critical conservation areas for an endangered species
o acquiring multi-date satellite imagery to quantify land cover change
and to map the extent of the remaining habitat
o using landscape analysis to determine optimal landscape configurations
for conserving the endangered species.

Visit the following web address for more details and registration
information.

Contact:
Lily Paniagua
[email protected]
1500 Remount Road
Front Royal, VA 22630
540-635-6535 (GIS Lab)
540-635-6506 (FAX)

—
*******************************************
CENN INFO
Caucasus Environmental NGO Network (CENN)

Tel: ++995 32 92 39 46
Fax: ++995 32 92 39 47
E-mail: [email protected]
URL:

PRESS RELEASE

September 21, 2004

American University of Armenia Corporation
300 Lakeside Drive, 4th Floor
Oakland, CA 94612
Telephone: (510) 987-9452
Fax: (510) 208-3576

Contact: Gohar Momjian
E-mail: [email protected]

AUA Faculty Teaches San Francisco State Students Via Internet

American University of Armenia faculty member from the Computer and
Information Science Program (CIS), Hovhannes Avoyan, has recently begun to
teach a graduate course in Software Architecture, via distance education
from Yerevan, to the graduate students in the Computer Science Department at
San Francisco State University (SFSU). Students “meet” with Mr. Avoyan on
a weekly basis via communication technologies including voice over IP and
video conferencing.

One year ago AUA and SFSU entered into an agreement to pursue joint
endeavors and enhance educational and research cooperation between their
students, faculty and staff. Subsequent to the signing of the agreement,
there has been good progress on joint endeavors in several areas. `It is
highly unusual for lecturers located outside the United States to offer
courses to students at U.S. institutions,’ said SFSU Prof. Barry Levine, and
AUA Director of the CIS Program. `In addition to providing SFSU students
with an important advanced Software Engineering course, the SFSU students
will gain valuable experiences in cultural issues and development efforts
when the development teams are geographically dispersed.’ The Office of
International Programs at SFSU Financial provided financial support for this
distance education course.

AUA masters students also collaborate with students and staff at SFSU in the
Moodle project, whereby students at both institutions are developing
components of an open source course management system (Moodle) that could be
used at many institutions. The freely available Moodle system will assist
faculty in electronic learning efforts. Successful adoption of the system
with the students’ enhancements will gain much recognition for AUA and SFSU.

In another joint endeavor, Mr. Avoyan and Dr. Barry Levine have collaborated
to publish a joint poster presentation at the 13th World Wide Web Conference
in New York City, 17-22 May 2004, The poster
presentation evolved from student projects completed in the Software
Architecture courses offered at AUA. The paper, `Using Circuit Board
Approach for Application Assembling’, describes an approach to effectively
assemble software applications in an analogous fashion to the assembly of
hardware circuit boards

AUA’s Computer and Information Science Program was established in 2001
within the College of Engineering to prepare leaders for the computing
industry. In addition to providing technical classroom and field expertise,
it also includes business, management and entrepreneurship training.
—————————————-

The American University of Armenia is registered as a non-profit educational
organization in both Armenia and the United States and is affiliated with
the Regents of the University of California. Receiving major support from
the AGBU, AUA offers instruction leading to the Masters Degree in eight
graduate programs. For more information about AUA, visit

Turkey snaps over US bombing of its brethren

By K Gajendra Singh

Al-Jazeerah
September 19 , 2004

For the first time since the acrimonious exchange of words in July
last year following the arrest and imprisonment of 11 Turkish
commandos in Kurdish Iraq, for which Washington expressed “regret”,
differences erupted publicly this week between North Atlantic Treaty
Organization allies Turkey and the US over attacks on Turkey’s ethnic
cousins, the Turkmens in northern Iraq.

Talking to a Turkish TV channel, Foreign Minister Abdullah Gul warned
that if the US did not cease its attacks on Tal Afar, a Turkmen city
at the junction of Turkey, Iraq and Syria, Ankara might withdraw its
support to the US in Iraq.

“I told [US Secretary of State Colin Powell] that what is being done
there is harming the civilian population, that it is wrong, and that
if it continues, Turkey’s cooperation on issues regarding Iraq will
come to a total stop.” He added, “We will continue to say these
things. Of course we will not stop only at words. If necessary, we
will not hesitate to do what has to be done.”

Turkey is a key US ally in a largely hostile region. US forces use its
Incirlik military base near northern Iraq. Turkish firm! s are also
involved heavily in the construction and transport business in Iraq,
with hundreds of Turkish vehicles bringing in goods for the US
military every day. It is an alternative route through friendly
northern Kurdish territory to those from Jordan and Kuwait. But many
Turks have been kidnapped by Iraqi insurgent groups and some have been
killed.

Turkey contains a large ethnic Turkmen population and Ankara has long
seen itself as the guardian of their rights, particularly across the
border in northern Iraq, where they constitute a significant minority.

The US attacks on Tal Afar, which Iraqi Turkmen groups in Turkey say
have left 120 dead and over 200 injured, were launched, the US says,
to root out terrorists. The US has denied the extent of the damage,
saying that it avoided civilian targets and killed only terrorists it
says were infiltrating the town from Syria.

US ambassador to Turkey Eric Edelman commented, “We are carrying out a
limited military operation and we are trying to keep civilian losses
to a minimum. We cannot completely eliminate the possibility [of
civilian casualties] …We believe the operation is being conducted
with great care,” he said after briefing Turkish officials. There have
not been any reports of further attacks since the Turkish warning.

The deterioration in US-Turkish relations underlines the fast-changing
strategic scenario in the region in the post-Cold War era after the
collapse of the Soviet Union, the September 11 attacks on the US, the
US-led invasion on Iraq, now conceded as illegal by United Nations
Secretary General Kofi Annan, and the deteriorating security situation
in that country.

Despite negative signals on Ankara’s mission to join the European
Union, Turkey is moving away ! from the US and closer to the EU – it
is even looking to buy Airbuses, and arms, from Europe rather than the
US.

At the same time, Turkey is drawing closer to Syria, normalizing
relations with Iran and improving economic relations with Russia, as
well as discuss with Moscow ways to counter terrorist acts, from which
both Russia and Turkey suffer. Russian President Vladimir Putin called
off a visit to Turkey when the hostage crisis broke at Beslan in the
Russian Caucasus last week.

And Turkey has also moved away from long-time friend Israel, the US’s
umbilically aligned strategic partner in the Middle East. Turkey has
accused Israel of “state terrorism” against Palestinians. A recent
ruling party team from Turkey returned from Tel Aviv not satisfied
with Israeli explanations over charges that it was interfering in
northern Iraqi affairs.

With newspapers full of stories and TV screens showing the Turkmens
being attacked in the US operations at Tal Afar, many Turks are angry
at what is being done to! their ethnic brethren. These have been large
protests outside the US Embassy in Ankara, and the belief that the US
attacks are a part of a campaign to ethnically cleanse the Turkmens
from northern Iraq is widespread.

“Some people are uncomfortable with the ethnic structure of this area,
so, using claims of a terrorist threat, they went in and killed
people,” said Professor Suphi Saatci of the Kirkuk Foundation, one of
several Turkmen groups in Turkey.

He claims that the the attacks are a part of a wider campaign to
establish Kurdish control over all of northern Iraq, and he points to
the removal of Turkmen officials from governing positions in the
region to be replaced by Kurds. He also says that the Iraqi police!
force deployed in northern Iraq is dominated by members of Kurdish
factions. “The US is acting completely under the direction of the
Kurdish parties in northern Iraq,” says Saatci. “Tal Afar is a clearly
Turkmen area and this is something they were very jealous of.”

While Kurdish officials deny any attempt to alter the ethnic balance
in the region, last week Masud Barzani, leader of one of the two
largest Kurdish parties, the Kurdish Democratic Party (KDP), said that
Kirkuk “is a Kurdishcity” and one that the KDP was willing to fight
for, which certainly did not calm fears of the Turkmens and angered
the Turks. Many Turkmen see Kirkuk as historically theirs. Turkey
considers northern Iraq – ie Kurdistan – as part of its sphere of
influence, especially the Turkmen minority. Ankara is especially
concerned that the Kurds in Iraq don’t gain full autonomy as this
would likely fire the aspirations of Turkey’s Kurdish minority.

The US military disputes that its forces laid siege to Tal Afar,
saying that the operation was to free the city from insurgents,
including foreign fighters, who had turned it into a haven for
militants smuggling men and arms across the Syrian border. And a
military spokesman denied that Kurds were using US forces to gain the
upper hand in their ethnic str! uggle with the Turkmens.The US
characterized the resistance in Tal Afar as put up by a disparate
group of former Saddam Hussein loyalists, religious extremists and
foreign fighters who were united only by their opposition to US
forces.

Gareth Stansfield, a regional specialist at the Center of Arab and
Islamic Studies at Britain’s University of Exeter, said recently that
“the most important angle of what the Turkish concern is [and that is]
that there is a strong belief in Ankara that Iyad Allawi, the Iraqi
prime minister, and the Americans, were suckered into attacking Tal
Afar by Kurdish intelligence circles, and really brought to Tal Afar
to target ostensibly al-Qaeda and anti-occupation forces with the
Kurds knowing full well that this would also bring them up against
Turkmens and create a rift between Washington and Ankara over their
treatment of a Turkmen city.”

Turkey maintains a few hundred troops in the region as a security
presence to monitor Turkish Kurd rebels who have some hideouts in the
region. But any large-scale presence has been derailed by the
objections of Iraqi Kurdish leaders. “That has created an uneasy state
of co-existence between Ankara and the two major Kurdish political
parties, the Kurdish Democratic Party and Patriotic Union of
Kurdistan, a balance which any US military operation in the area could
easily disturb.”

Stansfield added that the incident shows how volatile tensions remain
between Ankara and the Iraqi Kurds, despite ongoing efforts by both
sides to work together. “The Turkish position has become increasingly
more sophisticated over the last ! months, and arguably years, with
Ankara finding an accommodation with the KDP and PUK and beginning to
realize that while it is not their favored option to allow the Kurds
to be autonomous in the north of Iraq, it is perhaps one of the better
options that they are faced with in this situation,” said Stansfield.

He added, “However, the relationship between the two principle Kurdish
parties and the government of Turkey will always be sensitized by the
Kurds’ treatment of Turkmens and indeed now the American treatment of
Turkmens vis-a-vis Kurds.”

Transfer of sovereignty and the Kurds In January this year, the then
Iraqi Governing Council agreed to a federal structure to enshrine
Kurdish self-rule in three northern provinces of Iraq. This was to be
included in a “fundamental law” that would precede national elections
in early 2005. The fate of three more provinces claimed by the Kurds
was to be decided later. “In the fundamental law, Kurdistan will have
the same legal status as it has now,” said a Kurdish council member,
referring to the region that has enjoyed virtual autonomy since the
end of the 1991 Gulf War.

“When the constitution is written and elections are held, we will not
agree to less than what is in the fundamental law, and we may ask for
more,” saidthe Kurdish council member. Arabs, Turkmens, Sunnis and
Shi’a expressed vociferous opposition to the proposed federal system
for Kurdish Iraq. Theyorganized demonstrations leading to ethnic
tensions and violence in Kirkuk and many other cities in north
Iraq. Many protesters ! were killed and scores were injured.

However, when “sovereignty” was transferred on June 30 to the interim
government led by Iyad Allawi, the interim constitutional arrangement
did not include a federal structure for Kurdish self-rule, although to
pacify the Kurds, key portfolios of defense and foreign affairs were
allotted to them.

A press release from the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) stated
that “the current situation in Iraq and the new-found attitude of the
US, UK and UN has led to a serious re-think for the Kurds. The
proposed plans do not seem to promise the expected Kurdish role in the
future of a new Iraq. The Kurds feel betrayed once again.” It added
that “if the plight of the Ku! rds is ignored yet again and we are
left with no say in the future of a new Iraq, the will of the Kurdish
people will be too great for the Kurdish political parties to ignore,
leading to a total withdrawal from any further discussions relating to
the formation of any new Iraqi government. This will certainly not
serve the unity of Iraq.” Underlining that the Kurds have been the
only true friends and allies of the US coalition, the release
concluded that “the Kurds will no longer be second-class citizens in
Iraq”. However, the Kurds did not precipitate matters.

Demographic changes in north Iraq Kirkuk, with a population of some
750,000, and other towns are now t! he scene of ethnic and demographic
struggles between Turkmens, Arabs and Kurds, with the last wanting to
take over the region and make the city a part of an autonomous zone,
with Kirkuk as its capital.

The area around Kirkuk has 6% of the world’s oil reserves. In April
2003, it was estimated that the population was 250,000 each for
Turkmen, Arab and Kurd. A large number of Arabs were settled there by
Saddam Hussein, and they are mostly Shi’ites from the south. The
Turkmens are generally Shi’a, like their ethnic kin, the Alevis in
Turkey, but many have given up Turkmen traditionsin favor of the
urban, clerical religion common among the Arabs of the south. Kirkuk
is therefore a stronghold of th! e Muqtada al-Sadr movement which has
given US-led forces such a hard time in the south in Najaf. The
influential Shi’i political party, the Supreme Council for Islamic
Revolution in Iraq (SCIRI), also has good support, perhaps 40%, in the
region. Kurds are mostly Sunnis,and were the dominant population in
Kirkuk in the 1960s and 1970s, before Saddam’s Arabization policy saw
a lot of Kurds moved further north.

According to some estimates, over 70,000 Kurds have entered Kirkuk
over the past 17 months, and about 50,000 Arabs have fled back to the
south. It can be said, therefore, that now there are about 320,000
Kurds and 200,000 Arabs in the city. The number of Turkmen has also
been augmented. During the Ottoman rule, the Turkmen dominated the
city, and it was so until oil was discovered. It is reported that,
encouraged by the Kurdish leadership, as many as 500 Kurds a day are
returning to the city. The changes are being carried out for the
quick-fix census planned for October, which in turn will be the basis
for the proportional representation for the planned January elections,
if these areeven held, given the country’s security problems. Both the
Turkmens and Arabs have said that the Kurds are using these
demographic changes to engulf Kirkuk and ensure that it is added to
the enlarged Kurdish province which they are planning. The Kurds hope
to get at least semi-autonomous status from Baghdad.

North Iraq and Turkey’s Kurdish problem Turkey has serious problems
with its own Kurds, who form 20% of the population. A rebellion since
19! 84 against the Turkish state led by Abdullah Ocalan of the Marxist
Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) has cost over 35,000 lives, including
5,000 soldiers. To control and neutralize the rebellion, thousands of
Kurdish villages have been bombed, destroyed, abandoned or relocated;
millions of Kurds have been moved to shanty towns in the south and
east or migrated westwards. The economy of the region was
shattered. With a third of the Turkish army tied up in the southeast,
the cost of countering the insurgency at its height amounted to
between $6 billion to $8 billion a year.

The rebellion died down after the arrest and trial of Ocalan, in 1999,
but not eradicated. After a court in Turkey in 2002 commuted to life
imprisonment the death sentence passed on Ocalan and parliament
granted rights for the use of the Kurdish language, some of the root
causes of the Kurdish rebellion were removed. The! PKK – now also
called Konga-Gel – shifted almost 4,000 of its cadres to northern Iraq
and refused to lay down arms as required by a Turkish “repentance
law”. The US’s priority to disarm PKK cadres was never very high. In
fact, the US wants to reward Iraqi Kurds, who have remained mostly
peaceful and loyal while the rest of the country has not.

Early this month, Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan said that
Turkey’s patience was running out over US reluctance to take military
action against Turkish Kurds hiding in northern Iraq. In 1999,! the
PKK declared a unilateral ceasefire after the capture of its leader,
Ocalan. But the ceasefire was not renewed in June and there have been
increasing skirmishes and battles between Kurdish insurgents and
Turkish security forces inside Turkey. Turkey remains frustrated over
US reluctance to employ military means against the PKK fighters – in
spite of promises to do so.

Iraqi Kurds have been ambivalent to the PKK, helping them at
times. Ankara has entered north Iraq from time to time – despite
protests – to attack PKK bases and its cadres. Ankara has also said
that it would! regard an independent Kurdish entity as a cause for
war. It is opposed to the Kurds seizing the oil centers around Kirkuk,
which would give them financial autonomy, and this would also
constitute a reason for entry into north Iraq. The Turks vehemently
oppose any change in the ethnic composition of the city of Kirkuk .

The Turks manifest a pervasive distrust of autonomy or models of a
federal state for Iraqi Kurds. It would affect and encourage the
aspirations of their own Kurds. It also revives memories of Western
conspiracies against Turkey and the unratified 1920 Treaty of Sevres
forced on the Ottoman Sultan by the World War I victors which had
promised independence to the Armenians and autonomyto Turkey’s
Kurds. So Mustafa Kemal Ataturk opted for the unitary state of Turkey
and Kurdish rebellions in Turkey were ruthlessly suppressed.

The 1980s war between Iraq and resurgent Shi’a in Iran helped the PKK
to esta blish itself in the lawless north Kurdish Iraq territory. The
PKK also helped itself with arms freely available in the region during
the eight-year war.

The 1990-91 Gulf crisis and war proved to be a watershed in the
violent explosion of the Kurdish rebellion in Turkey. A nebulous and
ambiguous situation emerged in north Iraq when, at the end of the
war. US president Bush Sr encouraged the Kurds (and the hapless Shi’a
in the south) to revolt againstSaddam’s Sunni Arab regime. Turkey was
dead against it, as a Kurdish state in the north would give ideas to
its own Kurds.

Saudi Arabia and other Arab states in the Gulf were totally opposed to
a Shi’i state in south Iraq. The hapless Iraqi Kurds and Shi’a paid a
heavy price. Thousands were butchered. The international media’s
coverage of the pitiable conditions, with more than half a million
Iraqi Kurds escaping towards the Turkish border from Saddam’s forces
in March 1991, led to the creation of a protected zone in north Iraq,
later patrolled by US and British war planes.The Iraqi Kurds did elect
a parliament, but it never functioned properly.! Kurdish leaders
Massoud Barzani and Jalal Talabani run almost autonomous
administrations in their areas. This state of affairs has allowed the
PKK a free run in north Iraq.

After the 1991 war, Turkey lost out instead of gaining as promised by
the US. The closure of Iraqi pipelines, economic sanctions and the
loss of trade with Iraq, which used to pump billions of US dollars
into the economy and provide employment to hundreds of thousands, with
thousands of Turkish trucks roaring up and down to Iraq, only
exacerbated the economic and social problems in the Kurdish heartland
and the center of the PKK rebellion.

But many Turks still remain fascinated with the dream of “getting
back” the Ottoman provinces of Kurdish-majority Mosul and Kirkuk in
Iraq. They were originally included within the sacred borders of the
republic proclaimed inthe National Pact of 1919 by Ataturk and his
comrades, who had started organizing resistance to fight for Turkey’s
independence from the occupying World War I victors.

So it has always remained a mission and objective to be reclaimed some
time. The oil-rich part of Mosul region was occupied by the British
forces illegally after the armistice and then annexed to Iraq, then
under British mandate, in 1925, much to Turkish chagrin. Iraq was
created by joining Ottoman Baghdad and Basra vilayats
(provinces). Turks also base their claims on behalf of less than half
a million Turkmen who lived in Kirkuk with the Kurds before
Arabization changed the ethnic balance of the region.

With its attacks on Tal Afar, the US is stirring a very deep well of
discontent.

K Gajendra Singh, Indian ambassador (retired), served as ambassador to
Turkey from August 1992 to April 1996. Prior to that, he served terms
as ambassador to Jordan, Romania and Senegal. He is currently!
chairman of the Foundation for Indo-Turkic Studies. Emai:
[email protected]

Envoy to Azerbaijan upholds USA’s regional policy

Zerkalo, Baku
11 Sep 04

The US ambassador to Azerbaijan, Reno Harnish, is satisfied with
progress achieved by the OSCE Minsk Group in settling the
Azerbaijani-Armenian conflict. Only peaceful means are acceptable for
restoring Azerbaijan’s territorial integrity, Harnish said in an
interview to the Azerbaijani newspaper Zerkalo to sum up the results
of his first year in office. Harnish also said he sees no reason for
the USA to excuse itself for its policy on Karabakh. He dismisses
criticism by Azerbaijani opposition leaders blaming their failure in
the 2003 presidential elections on the USA which “sacrificed democracy
for the sake of stability in Azerbaijan”. The ambassador said he was
pleased with progress in US-Azerbaijani anti-terror, military and
economic cooperation over the past year, as well as with US policy in
the region. The following is the text of R. Mirqadirov and
E. Mahmudov interview with Reno Harnish by Azerbaijani newspaper
Zerkalo on 11 September headlined “‘The USA doesn’t see why and for
what it should be apologetic,’ US ambassador Reno Harnish said
commenting on America’s policy as a co-chairman of the OSCE Minsk
Group”. Subheadings have been inserted editorially:

The US ambassador to Azerbaijan, Reno Harnish, visited Zerkalo this
week. To speak figuratively, it was a kind of “report and elections
meeting” for Mr Harnish. Harnish accomplished the first year of his
diplomatic service in Baku last August. The year was pretty hard and
controversial. As a result, our talk with Mr Ambassador was getting
tense at some points. Like in any “report and elections meeting”, the
floor was first given to the “main culprit”.

Last year’s achievements

[Harnish] My wife and I have been living and working in Azerbaijan for
a whole year now. It’s a beautiful country, it’s very nice to work and
live here. It has sights to see and places to relax. I can say right
at the start that relations between Azerbaijan and the USA got even
stronger during that year. President Ilham Aliyev met Secretary of
State Colin Powell, and Secretary of Defence Donald Rumsfeld visited
Azerbaijan on two occasions. Apart from this, US Deputy Secretary of
State Richard Armitage and several delegations of high-ranking
representatives of the administration paid visits to your state.
Furthermore, the well-known US Senator McCain visited Baku and,
lastly, Presidents Ilham Aliyev and George Bush met in Istanbul.

Speaking about mutual relations between our states, I want to point
out that the USA welcomes the policy of Azerbaijan’s Turkish-style
integration into Western structures. From this point of view, the USA
would like to see Azerbaijan stepping up and expanding its integration
into European and Euro-Atlantic structures. US-Azerbaijani relations
are expanding in several directions. The first one is the fight
against international terrorism. The USA started this struggle three
years ago, on 11 September. Terrorism has one and the same face
everywhere. Suffice it to recall the recent blasts in Spain after
tragic events in other states and finally the actions committed in
Russia last week.

We are glad to see Azerbaijan being perfectly conscious of its
national interests. The National Security Ministry’s recent official
statement citing all cases of arrests of terrorists on Azerbaijani
territory proves this once again.

Second, we’ve achieved great success and done a lot to create an
East-West energy corridor. Back in February, the USA applied much
effort to provide funding for this project. Now we’re doing our utmost
to have the construction of the main export pipeline
Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan completed on time. We’re going to further
cooperate with Azerbaijan in implementing energy projects. This
applies both to the project to transport Kazakh oil using the
Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan pipeline and exporting Azerbaijani gas to Europe.

Third, we actively cooperate with Azerbaijan in settling the Karabakh
conflict. During these years, that is since the presidential elections
in Azerbaijan and Armenia, we’ve stepped up our mediatory efforts in
settling the Karabakh conflict. The USA has repeatedly stated that it
does not recognize Nagornyy Karabakh’s independence. The USA has also
repeatedly stated its support for the territorial integrity of
Azerbaijan. We jointly tried to do away with the Saddam Husayn regime
and now we are actively working together to form independent bodies of
state power in Iraq.

Fourth, we have close cooperation in matters of security. We’ve
organized training for Azerbaijani peacekeepers. Iraq is the most
brilliant proof of our cooperation in this domain. Azerbaijan has also
gained other dividends from taking part in peacekeeping operations in
Iraq. Your military have gained hands-on experience of dealing with
NATO standards. Both President Ilham Aliyev and practically all
political parties have pointed out that this benefits Azerbaijan’s
national interests.

Fifth, the USA wants to see Azerbaijan as a democratic state with a
well developed market economy. To achieve these two goals, we need to
cooperate in many areas. Out of 75m dollars allocated for Azerbaijan
in US aid, more than 30m dollars is going into efforts to develop
democratic processes in Azerbaijan. We financed the visit of
international observers to the presidential elections, organized
courses for representatives of the electoral administration and local
observers. Now we suggest implementing other programmes related to the
forthcoming municipal elections.

We welcome the programme for regional development and we’ve drawn up
projects to help its implementation. We are ready to support any
initiatives to develop private enterprises in Azerbaijan. We also want
to help Azerbaijan organize the management of oil revenues. We are
going to offer technical aid to relevant state bodies in implementing
this goal. We’re ready to help the Azerbaijani government to fight
corruption. This evil is one of the main factors hampering economic
development.

Overall, I am satisfied with the job done during this year.

Current US-Azerbaijani relations

[Correspondent] Rumours have been actively circulated of late about
preparations for Ilham Aliyev’s visit to the USA. Is this information
true?

[Harnish] If the president of Azerbaijan pays an official visit to the
USA in the future, it will benefit both states. Earlier I spoke about
areas of US-Azerbaijani cooperation. A visit by Ilham Aliyev and
several leading ministers of the government would give an additional
impetus to our cooperation. Yet I don’t think that such a visit could
take place in the near future while the presidential campaign is under
way in the USA; but I support the idea of such a visit and I’d like it
to take place as soon as possible.

[Correspondent] Are there any specific negotiations going on to this
effect?

[Harnish] No. As I said before, the USA is on the eve of presidential
elections. It would be wrong to plan a visit in such circumstances.

[Correspondent] We know that a change of power would hardly bring
about drastic change in US policy towards Azerbaijan. Will there be at
least a shift in accents: will some new nuances emerge, if someone
other than Bush is elected as the president? Especially in view of the
fact that Mr Kerry authored, among others, Section 907 [to the Freedom
Support Act banning US aid to the Azerbaijani government in connection
with the Karabakh conflict]?

[Harnish] Irrespective of what happened in the past, our current
relations are based on existing realities and practical
interests. When Stephen Mann [US State Department envoy for Caspian
energy issues] was asked about the Karabakh conflict, he said that the
US attitude to this problem is based on professional and practical
interests. Therefore, it would be wrong to think that election results
might terminate everything. I could cite more examples. Both the Democ
rats and the Republicans are grateful to Azerbaijan for our joint
struggle against terrorism.

Both the Democrat and Republican administrations contributed to
implementing the East-West energy corridor. Cooperation in security
and peacekeeping activity is a priority in US foreign policy,
therefore the US Congress has supported every step along these
lines. This is why I think that, whatever the election results, the US
attitude to Azerbaijan won’t change.

No plans for US forces in Azerbaijan

[Correspondent] Putin and Bush once signed a joint declaration on the
South Caucasus stating that the USA and Russia would cooperate in this
region, including for the sake of a Karabakh settlement. Nonetheless,
speaking in a recent interview to the Turkish media, the Russian
president said it was inadmissible for states that don’t belong to
this region to take part in settling conflicts in the region. Could
one say that a period of rivalry among the USA, Russia and Europe is
starting in the region?

[Harnish] The government of my country sees no serious reasons for
rivalry in this region. We’re ready to cooperate with Russia to
transform the South Caucasus into a region where peace, stability and
prosperity prevail. Joint efforts that the three co-chairmen of the
OSCE Minsk Group [from the USA, France and Russia] are taking to
settle the Karabakh conflict are a graphic confirmation of
this. Another uniting factor is our desire to see the Caspian Sea
region as environmentally clean, secure and free of weapons of mass
destruction. This is why we support with heart and soul all agreements
signed between Azerbaijan, Russia and Kazakhstan. We also welcome all
measures taken by the Azerbaijani government to ensure security in the
part of the Caspian Sea that belongs to your state.

No doubt, we are working together both to settle the Karabakh conflict
and the issue of Caspian Sea delimitation. Therefore, I want to say
again that we see no reasons for rivalry. On the contrary, we want
Russia and Turkey to step up their participation in all these
initiatives and make our effort more effective.

We and I think the other co-chairmen of the OSCE Minsk Group are all
interested in holding a meeting between the presidents of Azerbaijan
and Armenia in Astana. This proves once again that the US actions are
free of competitive spirit with respect to anyone in this region.

[Correspondent] There’s much talk in the world, above all in Russia,
about US forces relocating from western Europe to other regions. Is
there any threat to Azerbaijan of US bases emerging in the territory
of our state?

[Harnish] I don’t think that US bases may appear here. Speaking at his
news conferences in Baku, [chief of staff of the US forces in Europe]
Gen Charles Wald stated this quite clearly, if I’m not mistaken, on
four occasions. The USA is interested in relocating its forces
stationed in Germany closer to regions posing a threat of
international terrorism. But the possibility of relocating those
forces to Azerbaijan is not even being discussed at the moment.

Azerbaijan’s territorial integrity

[Correspondent] You have said that the USA supports Azerbaijan’s
territorial integrity. Nonetheless, during annual discussions by the
UN on its principles of cooperation with the OSCE, all Western states
including the USA either come out against or abstain from voting on
Azerbaijan’s amendment that the Karabakh conflict should be settled
with due regard for the territorial integrity of our state. Does this
mean that the USA finds it possible to settle the conflict
disregarding the territorial integrity of Azerbaijan?

[Harnish] The USA has voted for all of the four UN Security Council
resolutions on a Karabakh settlement laying down the international
community’s attitude to the problem the way it was in that time
span. This is a fact. The USA took part in the Lisbon summit voting
for the principles underlying the statement by the present OSCE
chairman. The principles being officially supported by the USA in this
matter are absolutely clear. However, as Stephen Mann said, being
members of the OSCE Minsk Group, we should act within the limits of
our mandate. The mandate consists in that we must find an option for a
fair and lasting conflict settlement. Moreover, it should be kept in
mind that no-one ever appointed the USA as an arbiter authorized to
decide at its own discretion on the way this conflict should be
settled. Our official position is clear but our practical steps
proceed from the OSCE Minsk Group mandate inasmuch as a settlement to
the Karabakh conflict would meet the interests of the USA.

We recently organized a meeting at my residence for the OSCE Minsk
Group co-chairmen with Azerbaijani public representatives and account
to the audience on the job done. Some representatives of the
Azerbaijani public demanded instant results and voiced a lot of
reproaches and accusations against the co-chairmen. They wanted
instant results as though the latter were gods. However, living in a
real world we can hardly expect some higher force to settle our
problems.

No to a new war

[Correspondent] The OSCE Minsk Group co-chairmen keep saying that they
will support any decision by the two sides to the conflict. Will the
USA support war as a conflict settlement option, if the sides decide
to clear the air in this particular way?

[Harnish] I think it would be tragic both for Azerbaijan and the
entire Caucasus. The latest war left you with a death toll of 30,000,
another 750,000 became refugees or displaced persons. It should be
taken into account that the level of armaments on both sides was much
lower at that time both in terms of quantity and quality. Today each
side has a well-armed army with a strength of about 60,000. So if
hostilities are resumed, they will inflict much more casualties than
the previous war. Moreover, they will put paid to all economic
progress achieved since 1991. There’s no need to repeat the tragedy.

In a short span of time, the foreign ministers had four meetings with
the OSCE Minsk Group co-chairmen. The presidents have met twice and,
as far as I understood, they are going to continue their consultations
[during a CIS summit] in Astana. The meeting in Prague has proved to
be very fruitful: the sides started discussing specific themes,
according to [Azerbaijan’s Foreign Minister] Elmar Mammadyarov. We
also regard these negotiations as very important. We’d like to help in
the near future to implement the results achieved at the talks.

[Correspondent] It is certainly incorrect to compare Azerbaijan with
the USA. Nonetheless, you are an official representative of an
administration whose actions all over the world are guided by the end
justifies the means principle. Our goal today is to restore
Azerbaijan’s territorial integrity, which is also supported by the
USA. If Azerbaijan starts going by the same principle as the USA, how
will Washington respond?

[Harnish] First, I don’t think that the USA pursues a policy based on
the end justifies the means principle. You will recall that all those
things which were not planned by America started after the terrorist
acts in New York. The threat came from outside. But similar events had
happened before. Over the past 10 years, unprovoked and causeless
attacks were committed on our embassies in Kenya and Tanzania, and on
our ships in Yemen. We are sure that there’s an external threat to our
citizens.

Second, we’re concerned over the threat of proliferation of weapons of
mass destruction. This issue stands high on the agenda of our foreign
policy. We’re trying to prevent the Pakistan-India conflict from
expanding. We’re concerned about Iran’s programmes to create weapons
of mass destruction.

Even those who call into question the means we use still admit that
Iraq had weapons of mass destruction. The US government is very much
worried about the real threat that weapons of mass destruction may
fall into the hands of terrorists. We want to prevent this threat
before it becomes a reality.

I have explained why, in the US administration’s opinion, a resumption
of hostilities is inadmissible. That is not all. It should not be
admitted also because an excellent alternative is available to settle
the conflict. The foreign ministers are good specialists and they are
holding very efficient peace talks.

Iran

[Correspondent] Iran has stepped up its regional policy of
late. Suffice it to note that Iranian President Khatami has been to
Russia, Azerbaijan and Armenia during this year. The Karabakh conflict
was among the main issues discussed everywhere. Khatami officially
proposed Iran’s services as a mediator in the conflict settlement.
Does the USA admit, at least in theory, Iran’s mediation in settling
the Karabakh conflict?

[Harnish] It’s highly unlikely, at least because the international
community is concerned about Iran’s conduct on the international
scene, above all its projects to develop nuclear weapons. We hold
permanent consultation with the UN and the IAEA. Moreover, Iran has so
far ignored demands by the international community that it should
completely break off with international terrorist organizations of the
Hezbollah type. Finally, in other regions, for instance, the Middle
East, Iran has been trying to torpedo peace talks between Palestine
and Israel. However, political changes in Iran and a regime change in
that state remain an open question to us. We’d welcome this kind of
developments.

Let it be recalled that when Iran was hit by an earthquake, we tried
to establish contact with Tehran. Yet all our efforts have been to no
avail so far. Therefore, I don’t think Iran could be a good
intermediary between Azerbaijan and Armenia.

[Correspondent] Azerbaijan has been trying in vain for 10 years or so
to open a consulate in Tabriz. After Khatami’s visit, it transpired
the other day that two buildings have been selected for an Azerbaijani
consulate. Now Khatami has paid a visit to Armenia. Do you think that
Iran is thereby setting the stage to invigorate its policy in the
region, including the process of the Karabakh settlement? As you know,
part of Azerbaijan’s territory under Armenian occupation borders on
Iran. So the borders are currently under the control of Iran and
Armenia… [ellipsis as published]

[Harnish] Indeed, no-one but Iran and Armenia can know what exactly is
happening on the occupied territories. Until a peace accord has been
signed, we cannot know what’s been going on there for all these
years. Now there’s much speculation about Azerbaijan’s “pay” for
opening its consulate. I cannot know what the presidents of the two
states, Khatami and Ilham Aliyev, were speaking about face to
face. There’s a lot of speculation but I cannot say anything
particular to this effect.

[Correspondent] Speaking about the occupied territories, as far as we
understand, Azerbaijan, Armenia and the mediators interpret this term
differently. What do you mean by this term: the areas around Nagornyy
Karabakh or you also view Nagornyy Karabakh as part of the occupied
territories?

[Harnish] Karabakh appears to be the central subject of our talk
today. I would use the term being used by the international community:
Nagornyy Karabakh and the occupied territories, because the population
of the neighbouring areas was all or predominantly Azeri.

No need to change OSCE mandate for Karabakh

[Correspondent] You have said that representatives of the Azerbaijani
public demanded instant results from the co-chairmen. However, 10
years of patient waiting by Azerbaijan’s society can hardly fit in
with this definition. Still this is not the point. You argue that the
OSCE Minsk Group co-chairmen cannot go beyond the limits of their
mandate. Well, if Azerbaijan returns this issue to the Security
Council and insists on adopting a resolution qualifying Armenia’s
actions as aggression and demanding that it should pull out of all the
Azerbaijani territories on an immediate, unconditional and above all
mandatory basis, will the USA support such a resolution at the
Security Council?

[Harnish] As far as I understand, you asked me if the USA will support
Azerbaijan’s motion that the Security Council introduce amendments to
the mandate of the OSCE Minsk Group. I don’t know the answer to your
question. However, looking at this question in realistic terms, I
should say that the discussion of some resolutions by the Security
Council takes months or sometimes years on end. It depends of the
content of the resolution and plenty of other small nuances. I have
said more than once that the USA wants to assist in settling the
Karabakh conflict through peace talks. This desire didn’t arise from
nought: it is based on objective premises, on the results of meetings
between the two states’ presidents and foreign ministers.

I said before that the presidential elections in both states
practically froze the peace talks. Yet the past year saw dynamic
dialogue going on between the two sides to the conflict. Previously,
the sides had twice come near to the point of making a peace accord:
in Key West and just before the terrorist act in the Armenian
parliament. [Former Deputy Secretary of State] Strobe Talbot, whom you
all know very well, was in Yerevan at that time. In a word, we don’t
see why and for what we should be apologetic. We want a just and
lasting peace. Nor do we see any need for radical change in the OSCE
Minsk Group mandate. We believe that the current mandate of the OSCE
Minsk Group co-chairmen is good enough to go ahead to succeed in the
negotiations.

Elections, democracy and human rights

[Correspondent] We are not very interested in the forthcoming
municipal elections. They will hardly have any serious political
impact. The coming parliamentary elections are a different
matter. What do you think about the situation in which they will take
place?

[Harnish] We are ready to help Azerbaijan hold its forthcoming
parliamentary elections. We’re preparing a vast programme and we’re
ready to work with parties of various political orientation. Apart
from this, we’d like to see an expanding dialogue between the
authorities and society. Our efforts are starting now to reach their
culmination by the start of the electoral campaign.

We are paying special attention to efforts to ensure freedom of
speech. We’d like to see more of independent print and electronic
media, radio and television programmes and broadcasts. Unfortunately,
the existing television channels present the opinion of a very narrow
section of society. Now I cannot even say clearly whether a way out of
this situation is in establishing independent regional television
companies or in supporting the idea of forming public television. Yet
I can assure you that our partner organizations are working in this
area.

We used to hold training only with four leading parties. Now the list
is much longer. Some sceptics say that the USA wants an overthrow of
the current regime. Still our goal is different. We want an
environment in which various opinions could be voiced; we want a real
dialogue in society. We are carrying out these plans with the support
of our partners: the Republican Institute and the Institute for
National Democracy.

According to our observations, the typical voter has no interest in
political processes. We want to change this situation. Such apathy in
voters is good for no-one, neither the government, nor society or the
voters themselves.

In anticipation of municipal elections, meetings are being held in the
districts with representatives from the executive branch, political
parties and other non-governmental organizations. The latest meeting
took place in Zaqatala District [northern Azerbaijan]. I am sure that
the government supports our efforts to establish dialogue among
various strata of society.

Would it be bad to get such a dialogue going at a nationwide level? If
the president, the leaders of various parties and non-governmental
organizations could get together to discuss problems existing in the
country, it would be a great initiative. Speaking with journalists
after the latest act of pardoning, Aliyev used the word
“reconciliation”. One couldn’t say that the leaders of major political
parties took the statement negatively. It was rather the other way
round.

Opposition

[Correspondent] After the presidential elections in 2003, the
opposition-minded part of society and media traditionally supported by
the USA started blaming Washington for sacrificing democracy for the
sake of stability in Azerbaijan. In addition, we heard accusations
that some high-ranking representatives of the administration,
including Vice-President Dick Cheney and Deputy Secretary of State
Richard Armitage had personal interest in keeping the current ruling
elite in power… [ellipsis as published]

[Harnish] I think that the steps being taken by the US government need
no comment. I address all opposition leaders and generally the part of
society which argues that we should have done much more during the
elections. The USA and the UK are the rare states speaking out their
mind on matters of democracy and human rights in Azerbaijan. It’s not
accidental. Democracy is the central rather than a common element in
our foreign policy.

We openly state our position on matters of democracy and human rights
during our personal confidential talks. If such efforts fail to
produce the desired effect, we are as frank in speaking out to the
public as the case was when problems arose around freedom of religion
in Azerbaijan. We stick to this position despite the fact that it
deals a blow to our trade and economic interests.

As we talked with some of the critics you are speaking about, I asked
them what else the USA could have done during the presidential
elections in 2003. Their answers boil down to the following: You
didn’t choose me to be the Azerbaijani president. We are here not to
elect president. We are here to promote the establishment of a civil
society and development of democracy.

[Correspondent] Maybe not everything is normal in US foreign policy,
including with respect to post-Soviet states, once some people
seriously think that Washington can practically appoint president in
Azerbaijan? Similar sentiments could and can be seen in Armenia and
Georgia… [ellipsis as published]

[Harnish] The USA believes that voters can follow and correctly assess
political processes going on around them and influence the behaviour
of their leaders. Over the past 50 years, we’ve helped many states
move in this direction. Suffice it to recall Germany where Nazi and
neo-Nazi sentiments used to be very strong. In many other countries we
helped create conditions to hold democratic elections. This is our
long-term goal in Azerbaijan.

[Correspondent] Does the USA take into account Iran’s 30m-strong Azeri
population in planning its policy with respect to the Azerbaijani
Republic?

[Harnish] I don’t think that this factor has a serious impact on our
policy here because Azerbaijan is an independent state. We cooperate
with Azerbaijan in areas of mutual interest. I mentioned those areas
before.

[Correspondent] Does the US policy towards Iran itself take this
factor into account?

[Harnish] Earlier I mentioned factors hampering the development of
relations between Iran and the USA, such as the making of weapons of
mass destruction, support for international terrorism and its
nonconstructive stand on the issue of the Palestine-Israel conflict
settlement. The USA is not against dialogue with Iran. On the
contrary, as I said before, there was a time when we tried to
kick-start negotiations.

If we had normal relations with Iran, we’d urge Tehran to pursue a
policy ensuring equal rights for all ethnic minorities. You know
Iran’s problems in this area very well.

Front page magazine
Sept 20 2004

Ninety-Nine Eyes to Go
By Joseph D’Hippolito
FrontPageMagazine.com | September 22, 2004

As it rumbles down a narrow road in the West Bank, a steel-gray tank
confronts a boy in his early teens, his right arm cocked, ready to
throw a rock.

“This occupying army is supported by the West,” reads the caption
above the tank. Another caption to the rock-thrower’s left asks, “Who
is going to support this boy?”

That picture greets visitors to the Web site of the Islamic Human
Rights Commission, an organization with a noble title and an ignoble
purpose: to provide a front for anti-Western, anti-Semitic jihadism.
The IHRC, based in London and founded in 1997, adopts the feminist
and gay models for activism. The commission positions itself as the
defender of Muslims around the world who have been victimized by what
the group calls, “Islamophobia”.

How does the IHRC define “Islamophobia”? Just look at the “winners”
of the commission’s first Islamophobia Awards Ceremony late last
year.

Most Islamophobic Media Outlet: Fox Network News
Most Islamophobic International Politician: Israeli Prime Minister
Ariel Sharon.
Islamophobe of the Year: President George W. Bush.

To the IHRC, fighting “Islamophobia” means opposing laws that
prohibit Muslim women from wearing headscarves, boycotting companies
that do business in Israel and supporting radical Muslim clerics in
custody (such as Sheikh Abdul Kareem Obeid, the leader of Hezbollah
in Lebanon, who was freed in January), Chechen independence and the
Palestinian intifada.

The IHRC has even mastered the paranoid, hysterical rhetoric of its
models. Massoud Shadjareh, the commission’s chairman and co-founder,
told the Edinburgh newspaper The Scotsman in February that proposals
from Britain’s Home Office to strengthen anti-terrorism laws were
“the sort of legislation that in Germany led to genocide and
concentration camps.”

One example of the IHRC’s activism involves Iran’s Arash Miresmaeili,
the two-tim e world judo champion who refused to compete against an
Israeli in the first round of this year’s Olympic judo competition.

As Front Page Magazine reported in “All Free Men Are Israeli
Olympians,” Miresmaeili said he deliberately forfeited to support the
Palestinians. Olympic authorities considered expelling him from
Athens, so the IHRC asked supporters to send form letters to the
International Olympic Committee and the International Judo
Federation.

“That you should choose to differentiate between this political
boycott and others, such as the boycott of South Africa under the
apartheid regime, and of Serbia in 1992 for its commission of war
crimes in Bosnia, smacks of sheer hypocrisy,” part of the form letter
states. “Further, it demeans the plight of the Palestinians and
effectively legitimizes the Israeli policy of apartheid.”

Another example of IHRC activism is the work of lawyer Mudassar
Arani, who received an award in June for what the commission called
“challenging Islamophobia.” Arani represents Sheikh Abu Hamsa
al-Masri, who was arrested by British authorities and awaits
extradition to the United States to face charges of supporting
terrorism. The sheikh made these remarks in London’s radical Finsbury
Park Mosque one month before his arrest:

“The ideology of martyrdom is spreading now in our (Islamic) nation,
praise be to Allah,” reported the Middle East Media Research
Institute. “It exposes the (falsehood of the) People of the Book” –
the Muslim term for Christians and Jews – “especially the Jews, who
claim they are God’s deputies on earth, but they are lying.”

IHRC activism includes spinning world events to portray Muslims as
perpetual victims, never as perpetrators. Concerning the crisis in
Sudan, the IHRC’s Web site links to a story from Britain’s Leftist
newspaper, The Guardian, which reports that the European Union did
not consider the killing in Sudan’s Darfur region as genocide.
Another link to a story from another British newspaper, The
Independent, describes Sudanese Muslims being brutalized by
non-Muslim tribesmen. The story quotes one 23-year-old refugee, Asif
Omar Sayeed:

“The foreigners blame us for everything,” he said. “But I realize
what is going on. The Americans and the British want to use this as
an excuse to occupy our country, just as they have done in Iraq. Like
Iraq, we have oil. What has happened made me realize that, as a true
Muslim, I must fight for
my country when the foreigners come.”

An IHRC report from 1996 concerning Chechnya issues an intimidating
warning, particularly frightening in light of the massacre of
schoolchildren in Beslan. After calling Russia “the only colonial
dinosaur that remains in the modern world,” the report concludes
thus:

“If international law does not rise to the challenge in the killing
fields of Chechnya, it must prepare to be blown away in a cloud of i
ts own dust and dreams.”

A link to an editorial from Crescent International magazine published
after the Sept. 11 terrorist attacks proves even more chilling. Some
excerpts:

“We know from past experience that people who feel themselves and
their peoples to be under sustained and unrelenting attack can react
in the most unbelievable ways.

“The problem is that none of these (Americans) seem to realize that
America has long been at war with numerous peoples all over the
world. This is not the opening salvo of a new war; it is probably
likely a stunningly successful attempt by one of America’s many
victims to hit back – very, very hard.

“(The) argument is that democracy, freedom and civilization are under
attack and must be forcefully defended; such words ring hollow from
Ehud Barak, Ariel Sharon, Vladimir Putin, George W. Bush, Colin
Powell and Tony Blair, each of whom has been responsible for far, far
more death and suffering than seen in the US yesterday.”

By contrast, the IHRC shows no support for Muslims oppressed by
Iran’s brutal theocracy or by Syria’s occupation of Lebanon. Nor does
the group fight for civilians from Egypt, Kuwait and Turkey (let
alone from Western nations) who were abducted and murdered in Iraq by
ad hoc jihadists. That selective outrage accurately reflects the
agenda of the IHRC’s advisory board.

One advisor is Dr. Muhammad al-Massari, who heads a London-based
organization that seeks to overthrow the Saudi monarchy. Al-Massari
said the 2001 attack on the World Trade Center “was a counterattack
for the attacks on Iraq and Palestine,” he told Associated Press.

“One Muslim decided to take action,” al-Massari said about Osama bin
Laden. “He took one eye for a hundred. He still has 99 eyes to go.”

Another advisor is Hamid Algar, professor of Persian and Islamic
Studies at UC Berkeley. In an address honoring Ayatollah Ruhollah
Khomeini in 1994, Algar praised and advocated global jihad:

“Let us remember the comprehensive Jihad that starts with our own
persons and should also embrace our communal and political lives and
if necessary go to the point of taking weapons in our hands to defeat
the enemies of Islam.”

Algar immediately defined those enemies:

“Let us remember the clear analysis of the West that Imam (Khomeini)
gave us.. as a collection of international bandits.which has
consolidated itself since Imam’s death. Let us also remember his
insistence that the abominable genocide state of Israel completely
disappear from the face of the globe.”

In Algar’s universe, jihad has no innocent victims. Witness his
opinion of Palestinian suicide bombers.

“That term, an invention of the West. is not very helpful,” Algar
told California Monthly, UC Berkeley’s alumni magazine. “While no one
can take pleasure in the sight, as you say, of women and children
being killed, it seems to me th at a greater degree of moral
condemnation should be reserved for those who continue, daily, with
impunity, to kill and to humiliate the Palestinian people.

“In other words, there is definitely a cause-and-effect relationship
here, and to criticize or condemn an effect while overlooking the
cause is not very helpful.”

Algar’s support for violence is not always so polite. In 1998, he
verbally harassed and spat upon members of UC Berkeley’s Armenian
Student Association, who were commemorating the genocide of Armenians
by the Turks.

“It was not a genocide, but I wish it were, you lying pigs,” Shake
Hovsepian quoted Algar for Usanogh: Periodical of Armenian Students.
“You are distorting the truth about history. You stupid Armenians;
you deserve to be massacred!”

The students filed a grievance and Berkeley’s Associated Students
demanded that the administration force Algar to issue a written
public apology or censure him.

Another advisor is Mohammed al- Asi, a research fellow at the
Institute of Contemporary Islamic Thought and the imam of the Islamic
Center of Washington, D.C. Muslim student associations regularly
invite al-Asi to speak at their events, where he dispenses more
incendiary rhetoric.

“The Zionist-Israeli lobby is taking the United States . to the
abyss,” al-Asi said at UC Irvine in 2001.

“We have a psychosis in the Jewish community that is unable to
co-exist equally and brotherly with other human beings. You can take
the Jew out of the ghetto but you cannot take the ghetto out of the
Jew.”

During the 1990-91 war to free Kuwait from Iraq, al-Asi said, “If the
Americans are placing their forces in the Persian Gulf, we should be
creating another war front for the Americans in the Muslim world –
and
specifically where American interests are concentrated.”

The long-term goal of such military action is the imposition of a
worldwide Islamic state, as al-Asi stated in a paper presented in
2000. Some excerpts:

“…all the Muslims . are living in a kafir (unbelievers’) domain;
they are virtually adrift and homeless. The inherent condition of
today’s Muslims who have lost sight of a Prophet as commander is a
religious community of people who are beholden to the forces and
powers of kufr (apostasy): secular kufr and religious kufr, mental
kufr and military kufr, as well as kufr by choice and kufr by force.

“Never in the history of ijtihad (theological analysis) have we
Muslims had to live in a time in which we no longer have in our
possession a government which belongs to all the Muslims, or at the
very minimum which is open to the Ummah’s (community of believers’)
popular affiliation.

“We should not be studying hair-splitting fiqhi (legalistic) issues
in halaqat (study sessions and circles); we should be learning how to
consolidate our social will-power and how to form active and
status-quo-challenging units throughout our African and Asian lands
to reclaim them for Islam.”

The world has heard similar rhetoric before.

The Nazis cleverly manipulated the German people’s collective
frustration into a pervasive sense of victimization. Then the Nazis
offered the answer: Germans should embrace their inherent
superiority, forcefully claim their entitled power and destroy all
who oppose them – even, as history showed, children.

Given its selective outrage and its advisors’ values, the Islamic
Human Rights Commission is as much of a non sequitur as a National
Socialist Human Rights Commission would be.

Kansas City infoZine, MO
Sept 20 2004

Discover Armenian Kufta

Monday, September 20, 2004 :: posted by infoZine Staff :: views
by Dana Jacobi – Armenian cooking is probably unknown to you, but
sample it and you’ll discover it is surprisingly familiar. This is
because dishes from this landlocked, often war-torn country are full
of well-known Mediterranean, Near Eastern and Middle Eastern flavors.
The flavors reflect the influences of neighboring Turkey, the
Caucasus Mountains of Georgia and the Persian food of northern Iran.

American Institute for Cancer Research – In Armenian dishes, you will
recognize yogurt, bulgur, chickpeas, tahini and rice. Also, the
liberal use of vibrant fresh herbs, including parsley, mint and
cilantro, and the spicy and warm flavors from cumin, cinnamon and the
hot red peppers popular in eastern Turkey. Like the Turks and Greeks,
Armenians like lemon to brighten the flavor of their dishes, but they
use green beans, tomatoes and bell peppers more often. Still, while
using many of these same ingredients, Armenian cooks put them
together in their own way.

I first discovered their boldly flavored cooking from Armenian
friends who invited me home to feast on dishes made by their
grandparents, most of whom arrived in the U.S. in the early part of
the last century to escape violent persecutions and upheavals.

Unless you live in an area with an Armenian community, there are few
Armenian restaurants where you can experience this complexly flavored
cooking. You could rely on recipes from the Internet and from
informative cookbooks, including The Armenian Table, by Victoria
Jenanyan Wise. Like other Armenian-Americans, she delights in
teaching how to make her family’s favorite dishes, using ingredients
found in most supermarkets these days.

Featured Recipe: Chickpea Kufte with Walnut Filling

Kufta, “meatballs” that blend bulgur with vegetables or meat, are an
Armenian specialty. These, made of chickpeas, have a nut filling.
They make a meatless dish that is festive, substantial and satisfying
enough to please meat eaters, too.

“Something Different” is written for the American Institute for
Cancer Research (AICR) by Dana Jacobi, author of The Joy of Soy and
recipe creator for AICR’s Stopping Cancer Before It Starts.

Kansas City infoZine, MO
Sept 20 2004

Chickpea Kufte with Walnut Filling

Monday, September 20, 2004 :: posted by infoZine Staff :: views
Kufta, “meatballs” that blend bulgur with vegetables or meat, are an
Armenian specialty. These, made of chickpeas, have a nut filling.
They make a meatless dish that is festive, substantial and satisfying
enough to please meat eaters, too.

3/4 cup medium bulgur
3/4 cup finely chopped onion, divided
1 can (15 oz.) chickpeas, rinsed and drained
1 large egg white
1/4 cup flat-leaf parsley leaves
1/4 tsp. red pepper flakes, divided
1/2 tsp. salt, divided (or according to taste)
1 Tbsp. extra virgin olive oil
1 tsp. ground cumin
2 Tbsp. chopped walnuts
1/4 cup chopped cilantro
2 Tbsp. dried currants
1 cup fat-free plain yogurt
2 Tbsp. tahini
1 Tbsp. lemon juice
small wedges of tomatoes (optional)

In a small bowl, soak bulgur in 1 cup hot water for 30 minutes. When
tender, place it in a food processor. Add 1/2 cup onion, chickpeas,
egg white, parsley, half the red pepper flakes and 1/4 tsp. salt.
Pulse, scraping down bowl as needed, until mixture forms a crumbly
dough, about 30 seconds. Turn onto a cutting board. Knead until a
grainy, tacky dough, about 1 minute. Spread on a plate, cover and
chill 1 hour.

To make the filling, heat oil in a small pan over medium-high heat.
Sauté remaining onion until translucent, about 4 minutes. Remove from
heat. Mix in cumin, nuts, cilantro, currants, remaining red pepper
flakes and 1/4 tsp. salt. Set aside to cool.

Form chilled dough into 24 balls, rolling it in your palms. Insert
thumb almost to the bottom of the ball to form a cup. Spoon in 1 tsp.
filling. Pinch and smooth sides over filling, sealing it inside.
Repeat, filling all the kufte. To a large pot of hot water that is
barely bubbling, gently add 12 balls. Cook 6 minutes, or until they
rise to the surface. Transfer to a plate with a slotted spoon. Repeat
with remaining kufte.

Mix yogurt with tahini, lemon juice and remaining salt for a dip to
serve with the kufte. Arrange kufte on a serving plate lined with
leaves of soft lettuce. Garnish with tomatoes.

Makes 4 main course servings.

Per main-course serving: 339 calories, 12 g. total fat (1 g.
saturated fat), 49 g. carbohydrate, 14 g. protein, 11 g. dietary
fiber, 671 mg. sodium.

TIME
Sept 20 2004

Iraq’s Persecuted Christians

Members of one of Iraq’s minority faiths face new repressions and
discrimination after the fall of Saddam’s regime

By CHRISTOPHER ALLBRITTON/ BAGHDAD

SAMANTHA APPLETON / AURORA FOR TIME

Layla Istifan, 23, prays in her local church days after her brother
was killed. She and her family have been repeatedly threatened
because of their Christianity

When Keis Isitfan headed home from work one recent night, he had
reason to watch his back. As a laundry worker for the U.S. embassy
inside Baghdad’s green zone, he risked being attacked by insurgents
targeting Iraqis who work for the U.S. But there was another source
of anxiety: Isitfan, 27, is a Christian and, like others of his
faith, is facing growing hostility from hard-line Islamic groups who
accuse Christians of being sympathetic to the Western occupiers.

As Isitfan was driving home on Sept. 7, his worst fears came true.
After he left the green zone, two cars pulled up alongside, and
attackers inside opened fire. Four bullets hit Isitfan, who died on
the street. His family, convinced Isitfan was killed for his faith,
plans to flee the country. “Christians in Iraq are weak,” says his
sister Layla, a translator for the U.S. embassy. “All they can do is
leave here, like we will do.”

Between 10,000 and 30,000 of Iraq’s 800,000 Christians have fled the
country since the fall of Saddam Hussein’s regime, according to
Christian groups in Baghdad. Although Christians make up only about
3% of Iraq’s 25 million people, the U.N. High Commissioner for
Refugees has said they account for about 20% of the refugees fleeing
Iraq for Syria. They are escaping a climate of violence and a surging
Islamic radicalism that have made the practice of their faith a
deadly enterprise.

The worst moment came on Aug. 1 when Islamic insurgents – most likely
connected with terrorist leader Abu Mousab al-Zarqawi, according to
Iraqi government officials – attacked five churches in Baghdad and
Mosul with car bombs, killing a dozen people. While Muslim
authorities in Iraq widely condemned those attacks, local Christians
say security has continued to deteriorate. Says Layla Isitfan: “If I
can’t go to church because I’m scared, if I can’t dress how I want,
if I can’t drink because it’s against Islam, what kind of freedom is
that?”

Like the larger insurgency targeting U.S. troops and the new Iraqi
government, the campaign against Christians appears to be becoming
more organized. Sa’ad Jusif, a Chaldean-Assyrian Christian, was
kidnapped on Sept. 8, according to Dr. Munir Mardirosian, who heads a
political party for Armenian Catholics in Baghdad. His captors showed
him a list of 200 names, most of them Christian, and demanded to know
where they lived. When he refused, he was hung from the ceiling and
beaten with iron pipes. He was released only when his family paid a
$50,000 ransom on Sept. 13. He left the next day for Jordan. Says
Mardirosian: “If they opened the doors to America or Australia, I can
say there would not be one Christian left in Iraq.”

The violence in Iraq threatens one of the world’s oldest Christian
communities, dating back 2,000 years. The population includes
Chaldean Assyrians (Eastern-rite Catholics who recognize the Pope’s
authority); Assyrians, who form an independent church; Syrian
Catholics; and Armenian Catholics. Under Saddam, Christians coexisted
more or less amicably with the Muslim majority. Easter services were
broadcast on state television, and Christians were allowed to own and
operate liquor stores.

Christians today keep a low profile. While most of the anti-Christian
violence has been committed by a small group of Islamic extremists,
Christians say they are encountering rising anger among their Muslim
neighbors. Layla Isitfan says taxi drivers have insulted her when
they realized she was Christian, in some cases saying all Christians
should be shot and killed. At work, she wears a Muslim head scarf and
tells colleagues that she is Muslim. Raja Elias, a Syrian Catholic in
Baghdad, says that recently a neighbor began to dump garbage on her
front porch. When Elias complained, the neighbor said, “You are a
Christian, and I can put it inside your house if I want to.”

With so many other problems to contend with, the new Iraqi government
hasn’t done much to protect Christians. Businesses traditionally
owned by Christians, such as liquor stores and beauty salons, have
been regularly vandalized by Islamic fundamentalists who some suspect
may be loyal to Shi’ite cleric Muqtada al-Sadr. Elias, who ran a
dental clinic in central Baghdad before the war, recently asked the
Health Ministry to reopen it. But she was told to work in Sadr City,
the seething Shi’ite slum dominated by al-Sadr’s men. So her clinic
remains shuttered. “I think they will come for me sooner or later,”
she says.

For Iraqis like Elias, the best option is to leave. Many Iraqi
Christians say their reversal of fortune has been especially
disappointing given the backing the Bush Administration receives from
evangelical Christians. “Why did the U.S. come here?” asks
Mardirosian, the Armenian-Catholic leader. “To protect the Christians
or allow others to kill them?”

– With reporting by Samantha Appleton/Baghdad

California Educator, California
Sept 20 2004

Tech-savvy schools struggle to keep their edge
Stories by Sherry Posnick-Goodwin
Photos by Scott Buschman

Michelle Harwood and Kenny Palanca try to keep their robot from
dropping the ball.
The year was 1995 and Thomas Starr King Middle School in Los Angeles
was about to go “online.” Students and teachers crowded around the
sole computer about to make the leap into cyberspace – by modem. It
took a lot of work back then, much more than just pointing and
clicking. Everyone was wide-eyed and filled with excitement.

That magic moment for Bruce Lee’s students reminded him of the first
time he saw color television or a man on the moon. “Suddenly, my
students could see that they were not bound by the limits of the
school building or books. They could see themselves having open
access to all kinds of knowledge.”

The next morning, and thereafter, students were lined up at the
computer lab an hour before school started. People who had been
thought of as “geeks” were suddenly cool, because they knew how to
navigate the Web.

“While some schools may be stalled on the Information Superhighway,
King Middle School in Los Angeles is in the fast lane, setting an
example for how technology can and should be used in the classroom,”
noted the California Educator in 1996.

Steven Dworetzky uses robotics to show the relevancy of core subjects
at King Middle School in Los Angeles.
Today, King is still on the cutting edge compared to most schools.
But it’s a constant battle to stay there in the face of declining
revenue and shifting priorities.

“Computers are very commonplace here now, which is a good thing,”
says Lee, the technology coordinator for the school and a member of
United Teachers Los Angeles (UTLA). “Everything is starting to be
technology-based, including medicine, the music industry and just
about any job you can think of, so it’s important that students have
access to technology. I am proud to say that we have made great
strides here.”

Inside Room 208 at King Middle School, a robot constructed of
brightly colored plastic pieces has a dangerous mission: It must
grasp a radioactive isotope and place it inside a lead shield. If it
fails, everyone in the room will die.

This is the problem that eighth-grade students Michelle Harwood and
Kenney Palanca must solve. The students – who built, programmed and
control the robot holding the classroom’s fate in its claws – stay
calm, even when the robot drops the isotope in the wrong spot.

Fortunately it’s only pretend. The isotope is really a plastic ball
and the lead shield is a paper cup. However, the robot has four real
motors and one real sensor, and its actions will determine the real
grade of Harwood and Palanca, who say they are close to completing
their mission.

Thirty-eight other students are engaged in similar projects
throughout Steven Dworetzky’s third-period robotics class. Some are
programming robots to push a piece of wood up an incline. Others are
creating robotic roller coasters or an 18-hole mini-golf course with
robotic hazard bridges and windmills. Some are designing virtual
playgrounds on computers.

“There’s a lot going on here,” says Dworetzky. “It may seem chaotic,
but it really does make sense. I’m trying to introduce these kids to
all the things that computers are capable of doing.”

Robotics serves as a springboard for students to learn relevant
applications of core subjects, says Dworetzky. “Students are using
principles of math and science, studying the concepts of friction,
inertia, momentum and gravity. They understand what angles mean in
geometry and use algebraic formulas. When they read and write about
their projects, they improve their literacy and language-arts skills.
At most schools, students study things like algebra and science in a
vacuum. Here, with project-based learning, they can see the
relevancy.”

Dworetzky has 40 students in his class and works 51 weeks a year
because he doesn’t want to turn any student away.

King Middle School technology coordinator Bruce Lee worries about
finding the money to properly maintain the 600 computers under his
care.
King Middle School’s efforts to go high-tech and its struggle to
remain there are, in many ways, a microcosm of what’s happening with
technology in public schools throughout California. “We are clinging
to the cutting edge or the bleeding edge, but it feels like someone
is always trying to pull us back,” says Lee.

When the school rebooted its curriculum to join the technology
revolution nearly a decade ago, it formed a “school within a school”
called the Highly Gifted Technology and Arts Magnet program,
consisting of 12 classrooms. The goal was that students in regular
classes would have access to curriculum infused with technology. This
was in what might be considered the good old days, when schools had
money, the dot-com industry was booming and critical thinking was
valued more than test scores.

King Middle School today is your typical inner-city Southern
California campus – overcrowded and on a year-round schedule, with
permanent portables and nonfunctioning water fountains. But looks can
be deceiving. Students in many classrooms use state-of-the art
technology the way students in other schools use paper and pencils.
While technology is everywhere, UTLA members at King are proud to say
that they don’t teach technology – they use technology to teach.

While some argue that technology has replaced critical thinking,
students in Connie Martin’s eighth-grade English class combine both
of them with aplomb. Divided into groups for a “Webquest,” students
use laptop computers to research the ethics of animal research in
preparation for assuming the roles of research scientist, animal
rights activist and medical doctor. Along with a written report, they
will deliver oral reports in front of the class, which will be
recorded by fellow students.

Sitting around a table, the students condense their information to
fit on index cards and practice their verbal presentations.

“I don’t really think animal research is a good idea,” says Sam Yale.
“You can do experiments on animals that are already dead. Maybe
things should be tested on people, because we are animals, too.”

“I think animal research should continue so we can find cures for
diseases,” says Christian Acuna.

Magnet teacher Martin says the kids love it. “Computers bring the
real world into the classroom. The challenge is to use the
information they get from computers productively.”

Almost a decade after “the revolution,” there is still a divide
between generations when it comes to computers, observes Bruce Lee.
Younger teachers who grew up with video games have taken to computers
naturally, while some of the older teachers at King are still in need
of training and reassurance.

“Out of 118 teachers here, there are still nine who won’t touch a
computer. I have invited them to come to a lab and have offered to
model lessons for them, but they say, ‘No, thank you.’ There is still
a phobia about computers. They are afraid they might break one. But
most older teachers – like me – do quite well and are self-taught.”

King Middle School opened the first Teacher Practitioner Center for
Technology in the district. It was a place where teachers could work
in “sheltered technology labs” and practice – with assistance – the
lessons their students would attempt. The center closed more than two
years ago for lack of funding. While the 12 magnet teachers still
receive quality technology training, the rest of the school’s
teachers are “sadly lacking” in professional development
opportunities, says Lee.

Animation teacher Kirk Palayan helps Sofie Cohen create her own
cartoon character.
“At one time we devoted many hours and sessions to professional
development. But now we have one just one professional development
day with six different classes to choose from – and only two of those
classes are technology-based. I have seen the impact here. Sometimes
I’ve seen machines sit idle because teachers haven’t had the
opportunity for training.”

Teacher interns still come to King for technology training, but
district staff, not teachers, conduct the training. “Before, it was
almost a showcase for teachers to share what they know. Now, it has
become very top-down.”

On the walls of Room 209, there are posters of Harry Potter, Bart
Simpson, Shrek and other characters. A life-size mannequin of
Chewbacca, the furry character from Star Wars, stands atop a table,
as if supervising students who are busily designing their own cartoon
characters to the loud beat of techno music.

Students in Kirk Palayan’s animation class were given the job of
designing storylines and creating characters, settings and
backgrounds. Soon all the separate facets will be merged into actual
cartoons using Macromedia, Flash MX and Fireworks MX programs.

“I’m creating a new version of Peter Pan,” beams Nellfa Salazar, a
seventh-grader. “In my version, he knew his parents, who were killed
mysteriously, and finds the person who killed them.”

Students in the eight-week elective class study historical aspects of
filmmaking and animation. Palayan has connections with nearby studios
and has taken his students to film premieres.

“We live in Hollywood and the studios are striving to get more people
to work in the medium,” says Palayan. “I let my students know there
can be jobs – and a future – in this.”

A decade ago there was a sense of urgency to jump on the technology
bandwagon and prepare students for the job market, recalls Lee.
Today, there is a sense of urgency to improve test scores.

“We try to do project-based learning whenever possible, but we are
constrained by what the district requires,” says Lee. “Everything is
scripted learning, and that can take the creativity out of it. The
scripted programs take up so much time that it can be difficult to
also find a way to incorporate technology into the curriculum.”

Linda Sasser
Linda Sasser, a seventh-grade technology class teacher who formerly
taught in the magnet program, says technology is not a magic bullet
that will raise test scores. “Test scores are determined by how much
learning takes place. Technology is a tool. Scrapping technology
because test scores are not going up is like scrapping books or
pencils. But technology can increase student motivation – and
motivation can factor very high in achievement.”

Sasser’s ESL students may not be completely proficient in English,
but they know the language of computers. While searching for facts on
the Surtsey Volcano in Iceland, students navigate the Internet with
ease.

“I like using computers,” says Ani Arabyan, whose first language is
Armenian. “It’s fun. You can find lots of information and words.”

The school has large numbers of Hispanic and Armenian students. For
the volcano project, they are mixed together in groups and
communicating in English.

Sasser, who has mostly English language learners in her classes, says
computers help even the playing field for students. “They have a
chance to work at their own level and build upon knowledge they
already have. I try to gear projects for individual students so they
can fill in the gaps of what they need to know. I send them to
websites geared to their level of reading and writing.”

Computers, says Sasser, can give English language learners
confidence. “When they can include animation or do something like
scan in pictures of their family, it gives them a sense of self and
motivation.”

King Middle School has a ratio of two students to every computer in
its magnet classes along with eight computers in each regular class
and a laptop for each teacher. That translates into about 600
computers on the campus. Lee is responsible for basic
troubleshooting, networking and installing software for all the
machines – as well as professional development.

The Tasmanian Devil and other inspirational characters appear to
breathe down the necks of students like Martiros Zirakian and Samvel
Tozlian during the 8-week elective course at King Middle School.
“There isn’t enough money for technical support,” he says. “From the
moment I set foot on campus until I go home, I am working on the
computers. Before I even turn my ignition off, I’m approached in the
parking lot by teachers with computer problems. We’ve been in the
process of rewiring the lab and installing new eMacs. We had district
personnel who were capable of doing this, but the district has cut
back on technical support because they consider it expendable. I do
what I can, but we get backed up.”

Lee depends upon student assistants to fill the void. “It really
helps me,” he says. “It also helps them to learn about computers.
Many of my former students are now networking for a living. Sometimes
kids who are troublemakers really latch onto this.”

His principal has been generous with money for technology upgrades,
but in July the school was forced to return $105,000 to the district
in midyear cuts.

Because technology is so expensive and becomes obsolete so quickly,
Lee worries about finding money for technology down the road.

“If you embrace the beast, you have to feed it,” says Lee. “If you
don’t feed it, the beast will consume you. Like everything that is
not properly maintained, computers at this school are in danger of
becoming glorified doorstops and expensive paperweights.”