WB positively evaluates reforms held in Armenia

PanArmenian News
Sept 24 2004

WB POSITIVELY EVALUATES REFORMS HELD IN ARMENIA

24.09.2004 19:36

/PanARMENIAN.Net/ Armenian President Robert Kocharian today received
Director of the World Bank Yerevan Office Roger Robinson. Questions
referring to the current stage and prospects of Armenia-WB
cooperation were discussed at the meeting. In the course of the
conversation the parties also touched upon reforms being implemented
in Armenia, specifically in tax and customs fields. It should be
noted that R. Robinson stated that the WB central office lately
discussed the reforms in Armenia and they were positively evaluated.

OSCE Chairman-in-Office meets President of Azerbaijan

OSCE
Sept 24 2004

OSCE Chairman-in-Office meets President of Azerbaijan

OSCE Chairman-in-Office Solomon Passy (left) and Azerbaijan’s
President Ilham Aliyev during an earlier meeting in Baku, 16 March
2004. (Photo OSCE)

NEW YORK, 24 September 2004 – The OSCE Chairman-in-Office, Bulgarian
Foreign Minister Solomon Passy, discussed the role of the
Organization in finding a solution to the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict
with Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev in New York on Thursday.

The Azerbaijani Head of State expressed gratitude to Minister Passy
for the efforts of his Special Envoy, former Bulgarian Prime Minister
Philip Dimitrov, to bring added impetus to the peace process for the
resolution of the Nagorno-Karabkah conflict.

The Azerbaijani President welcomed the active commitments of the OSCE
with regard to the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict and expressed readiness
to carry on active co-operation with representatives of the
Organization.

The President said the OSCE and the Azerbaijani authorities
occasionally took differing views of political developments in the
country but added: “We are open for any kind of conversations. We
realise that a lot in our country has to change and we are ready for
constant direct dialogue.”

The Chairman-in-Office briefed President Aliyev on the Bulgarian
Chairmanship’s proposals for reforms in the OSCE, including the
possibility of shifting the Human Dimension Implementation meeting
from Warsaw to the southern Caucasus.

President Aliyev welcomed the idea that Georgia, Azerbaijan and
Armenia could take turns to host the meeting.

Armenian Caucus Rallies Opposition to Azeri Anti-Armenian Rhetoric

Armenian National Committee of America
888 17th St., NW, Suite 904
Washington, DC 20006
Tel: (202) 775-1918
Fax: (202) 775-5648
E-mail: [email protected]
Internet:

PRESS RELEASE
September 24, 2004
Contact: Elizabeth S. Chouldjian
Tel: (202) 775-1918

ARMENIAN CAUCUS RALLIES CONGRESSIONAL OPPOSITION TO
AZERBAIJAN’S INCREASINGLY VIOLENT ANTI-ARMENIAN RHETORIC

— Co-Chairmen Urge 141 Members of Caucus to Voice
their Concerns in a letter to President Bush

WASHINGTON, DC – Congressmen Joe Knollenberg (R-MI) and Frank
Pallone (D-NJ) this week called on their colleagues in the Armenian
Caucus to ask President Bush to publicly condemn Azerbaijan’s war
rhetoric and other increasingly bellicose remarks against the
Republic of Armenia and Nagorno Karabagh, reported the Armenian
National Committee of America (ANCA).

In a “Dear Colleague” letter circulated this week, the Caucus Co-
Chairs documented a series of violent threats on the part of senior
Azerbaijan leaders. Citing the dangers of remaining silent in the
face of such angry rhetoric, they urged their House colleagues to
“join us in signing the attached letter to the President urging him
and the Administration to condemn these remarks and call upon the
government of Azerbaijan to desist in making any further threats
against Armenia and Karabagh.” The letter to President Bush
stresses that, “efforts to reinforce stability and reduce the risk
of conflict are in the best interests of the United States and the
region.”

The full texts of the Armenian Caucus “Dear Colleague” letter and
the actual letter to be sent to President Bush are provided below.

#####

1) Text of Armenian Caucus “Dear Colleague” letter

September 22, 2004

Azerbaijan’s War Rhetoric against Armenia Threatens Stability and
Undermines U.S. Interests

Sign Letter to President Bush

Dear Colleague:

As Co-Chairs of the Congressional Caucus on Armenian Issues, we are
writing to urge you to sign the attached letter to President Bush
imploring him to publicly condemn the ongoing Azerbaijani war
rhetoric and other increasingly bellicose remarks made against the
Republic of Armenia and Nagorno Karabakh. Left unchecked these
dangerous comments threaten stability in the region.

In July, as reported by Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, the
Azerbaijani Defense Ministry spokesman called for Azerbaijan’s
takeover of Armenia and removal of its entire population. He
said, “In the next 25-30 years there will be no Armenian state in
the South Caucasus. This nation has been a nuisance for its
neighbors and has no right to live in this region. Present-day
Armenia was built on historical Azerbaijani lands. I believe that
in 25 to 30 years these territories will once again come under
Azerbaijan’s jurisdiction.”

President of Azerbaijan, Ilham Aliyev, has repeatedly declared that
Azerbaijan could launch a new war in Karabakh. Just two months
ago, he stated, “At any moment we must be able to liberate our
territories by military means. To achieve this we have everything.”
Aliyev has directly linked Azerbaijan’s economic progress to its
military “superiority.” “Under these circumstances we cannot react
positively to those calling us to compromise.”

Given the challenges facing the United States following the seminal
events of September 11th and the war in Iraq, these irresponsible
statements undermine our short- and long-term policy goals of
security, conflict resolution, ensuring open borders and commercial
corridors and regional cooperation for the South Caucasus.
Furthermore, the Karabakh peace process will achieve nothing if
Azerbaijan is allowed to risk war and predict ethnic cleansing with
impunity.

To this end, we urge you to join us in signing the attached letter
to the President urging him and the Administration to condemn these
remarks and call upon the government of Azerbaijan to desist in
making any further threats against Armenia and Karabakh. For more
information or to co-sign the letter, please contact Craig Albright
(5-5802) with Congressman Knollenberg.

Sincerely,

[signed]
Joe Knollenberg
Member of Congress

[signed]
Frank Pallone, Jr.
Member of Congress

2) Text of Congressional letter to President Bush

September XX, 2004

President George W. Bush
The White House
1600 Pennsylvania Avenue, N.W.
Washington, DC 20500

Dear Mr. President,

We are writing to strongly urge you to condemn the ongoing
Azerbaijani war rhetoric and other increasingly bellicose remarks
made against the Republic of Armenia and Nagorno Karabakh. These
statements undermine U.S. interests in the region.

As you know, a cease-fire in the conflict over Nagorno Karabakh was
established in 1994 and sensitive peace negotiations to achieve a
final agreement are ongoing. However, the government of Azerbaijan
continues to make dangerous claims and threaten war against
Armenia. This war rhetoric has continued unabated, and has
intensified in recent months.

In July, as reported by Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, the
Azerbaijani Defense Ministry spokesman called for Azerbaijan’s
takeover of Armenia and removing its entire population. He said,
“In the next 25-30 years there will be no Armenian state in the
South Caucasus. This nation has been a nuisance for its neighbors
and has no right to live in this region. Present-day Armenia was
built on historical Azerbaijani lands. I believe that in 25 to 30
years these territories will once again come under Azerbaijan’s
jurisdiction.” Mr. President, this reprehensible call for ethnic
cleansing and even genocide warrants the strongest possible reply
from our country.

The President of Azerbaijan, Ilham Aliyev, has repeatedly declared
that Azerbaijan could launch a new war in Karabakh. Just two
months ago, he stated, “At any moment we must be able to liberate
our territories by military means. To achieve this we have
everything.” Aliyev has directly linked Azerbaijan’s economic
progress to its military “superiority.” “Under these circumstances
we cannot react positively to those calling us to compromise,”
Aliyev stated.

Last year, as reported by BBC Monitoring, Azerbaijani Defense
Minister General Safar Abiyev said that occasional violations of
the cease-fire were “natural” since Azerbaijan is still “at war.”
Statements like this not only undermine the peace process, but can
also serve to actually encourage attacks against Armenia.

Just this month, NATO cancelled its Cooperative Best Effort (CBE)
2004 exercises in Baku, Azerbaijan after the government of
Azerbaijan barred Armenia from participating. U.S. General James
Jones, Supreme Commander of Allied Forces in Europe, expressed
regret over Azerbaijan’s refusal to honor its host obligations to
accept delegates from all interested partners. As part of its
commitment to international security in the Caucasus, Armenia
welcomed both Azerbaijan and Turkey to participate in the NATO CBE
2003 exercises in Yerevan, Armenia.

Efforts to reinforce stability and reduce the risk of conflict are
in the best interests of the United States and the region. The
Nagorno Karabakh peace process will achieve nothing if Azerbaijan
is allowed to risk war and predict ethnic cleansing with impunity.
To this end, we urge that you condemn these remarks and call upon
the government of Azerbaijan to desist in making any further
threats against Armenia and Nagorno Karabakh.

Sincerely,

www.anca.org

Armenia mountains, monasteries put visitor in touch w/ancestral land

Los Angeles Times
Sept 24 2004

The homecoming

Armenia’s mountains and monasteries put a visitor in touch with her
ancestral land.

By Aline Kazandjian, Special to The Times

One last flight of stone steps taunted me, the only obstacle between
me and the ruins of Kobayr, a 12th century church complex. What were
my medieval forefathers thinking, building churches atop soaring
mountain peaks? Were they trying to get as close as they could to
God, who rarely seemed to answer their prayers? Perhaps, for when I
got to the ruins and stood in front of the fading frescoes of Christ
and his disciples painted on the remaining half of the church’s dome,
it was like standing in heaven.

My husband, Harry, and I, joined by our friends Nora and husband
Thomas, and my sister Arda and her husband, Roland, were finally
realizing our long-held wish to visit Armenia together.

My roots run deep in Hayastan, as we call our country. In the late
19th century, my paternal grandparents fled Ottoman persecution in
what is today eastern Turkey (but was historically Armenian
territories); they settled in Egypt. In 1915, my maternal
grandparents escaped the Turkish massacres of Armenians and also
started their lives anew in Egypt.

At 15, I spent a month in summer camp in Armenia before returning to
Cairo, my birthplace. That trip left an indelible impression on me,
and my memories of the wild mountains of the Lori district in
northern Armenia were so vivid that I named my first daughter Lori. I
still live in Egypt and am part of the Armenian diaspora of 4
million.

“Oh, it has changed so much – you have to see it,” said friends who
visited Armenia after its 1991 independence from the Soviet Union.
The changes would be fascinating, I was sure, but I also wanted to
see the homeland I had known briefly in my youth.

Now, almost three decades after my first visit, I was back in Lori.
My memory had not deceived me. Mountains unfolded as far as the eye
could see. Goats grazed at the mouth of a cave on a crest a little
farther down the peak from where I was standing, and the Debed River
snaked its way through the valley toward Georgia, where it would pour
into the Black Sea.

>From where I stood, the view was serene, belying a history of
disasters both natural (a 1988 earthquake killed 25,000) and
man-made.

We flew into Yerevan, the capital, through Vienna. It was the best
connection we could find from Cairo, but it put us into the city at 5
in the morning. I was half asleep as we took a cab into the city, but
my first view of Mt. Ararat awakened my senses. The mountain is
sacred to Armenians, who believe that Noah’s Ark came to rest there.
Today it falls inside Turkish territory. Yet Ararat is so connected
to our identity that for the next few days I would sometimes turn to
look for it as if to reinforce the fact that I was finally in my
homeland.

Thomas, who had visited the country regularly since the early ’90s,
was our “head of mission” and had planned our 12-day stay with his
customary professional approach. He and Nora, who was our food and
entertainment expert, helped us rent an apartment in Yerevan, from
which we had a magnificent view of Mt. Ararat.

Cafe culture has changed Yerevan, a city that has grown rapidly to
about 1.2 million residents. Where once there were parks and
promenades, now there are bistros where patrons sit shoulder to
shoulder to socialize.

We enjoyed one balmy evening at Amrotz Restaurant, which has a
terrific view of Ararat. We ate khorovatz, or grilled lamb or pork,
and danced to the fast rhythms of Armenian music and drank Russian
vodka.

Another night, we sampled the Paplavok Jazz Café, which also has live
music. While we were checking out the boisterous crowd, to our
surprise we saw our cousins from the U.S. sitting a few tables away.

Yerevan’s arts scene also spills onto the streets, where you’ll find
numerous sculptures and artworks: the overpowering giant statue of
Mayr Hayastan (Mother Armenia) watching over Yerevan from atop a hill
in Victory Park; Botero’s cat at the foot of the Cascades area; and,
in metal, the fidgety figure of Garaballa the flower vendor on
Apovian Street.

Armenians make good use of metal and stone. Although the buildings of
the ’70s – from the Soviet era – are horrid matchboxes, the city’s
older buildings have a classic austerity. The more recent
architecture makes use of the indigenous duf, a pink-tinted stone,
which when playing off glass facades gives the city a contemporary
look.

Trips to the countryside

During the day we would head out of Yerevan to explore the
countryside. We hired a minivan with a driver, and by the end of our
stay we had explored much of Armenia’s estimated 11,490 square miles.

Although none of us would describe ourselves as devout Christians, we
spent most of our time in churches and monasteries, which gave us
better insight into our homeland and its 3 million people.

Armenia became the world’s first Christian nation in AD 301, of which
Armenians are immensely proud. To accommodate their ardent faith –
and perhaps to afford protection for towns and villages – they built
churches in seemingly every corner of this country that lies today at
the intersection of Turkey, Georgia, Azerbaijan and Iran.

Because of its position at the crossroads of Europe and Asia, Armenia
has been encircled, invaded and occupied by many hostile neighbors.
Romans, Byzantines, Persians and other regional powers all crossed
over Armenian lands. Some, like the Arabs in the 7th century, stayed,
occupying the land for almost three centuries.

In the early 1500s, the Ottoman Turks took over much of historical
Armenia, most of which lies today within Turkey’s borders, and the
Soviets controlled the country for more than 70 years. In the years
since 1991, Armenia and Azerbaijan have fought each other, and
thousands have been killed on both sides.

Just as our ancestors were motivated to build churches in strategic
locations, we too had our reasons for placing them so prominently on
our itinerary: We would touch a powerful part of Armenia’s past while
enjoying the natural beauty of the countryside, its towns and
villages.

Of the country’s estimated 40,000 religious monuments, most have a
unique architectural feature or an interesting story about Armenia’s
history and its intertwining threads of faith and politics.

In the south, for instance, we braved the poor roads (or our driver
did) and tortuous mountain paths of the Syunik region to reach the
9th century Tatev monastery and fortress perched on a cliff above the
town of Tatev, about 170 miles from Yerevan.

>From a distance, we could see the church’s typically conical dome
bearing the cross, and beneath it a waterfall plunging down the
canyon. The internal walls of its principal church, Pogos and Petros,
or Paul and Peter, were decorated with frescoes that recently had
been partially restored. Khachkars – rectangular slabs of stone
carved with intricate crosses – adorn the church’s outer walls and
the compound yard. At the monastery’s zenith, from the 10th to the
13th centuries, as many as 1,000 monks lived and studied here.

One of the monastery chambers has an immense arched opening that
overlooks the canyon. In typical multipurpose fashion, Tatev was used
as a fortress to ward off invading armies and as a religious center
that nourished the Christian faith and propagated and enriched
Armenian culture. The monks created miniature manuscripts, now kept
in Yerevan’s Madenataran museum, which document their studies in
history, language, science and arts, part of the effort to keep their
Armenian identity alive.

Monastic complexes

Another day we visited the 10th century monastic complexes of Sanahin
and Haghpad, built around the town of Alaverdi, about 110 miles north
of Yerevan. Each has numerous buildings, asymmetrically arranged, and
their main churches are of the cross-winged dome type prevalent in
Armenian religious architecture.

The two sites have three-story bell towers crowned with columned
belfries. In the library floors of each were underground caches for
hiding treasures or important documents. Islamic and Zoroastrian (an
ancient Persian religion) symbols decorate the walls at Haghpad and
Sanahin, perhaps to appease – or confuse – the enemies.

Cherished poet Sayat Nova, whose romantic 18th century songs are
still part of Armenia’s musical lexicon, worked in a monastic cell in
Haghpad, looking out from the high plateau to spectacular views of
mountains and valleys, clearly an inspiration.

The most inspiring view we found was from the Khor Virab Monastery,
34 miles west of Yerevan on the Turkish-Armenian frontier. This is
where the Armenians’ patron saint, Gregory the Illuminator, was
imprisoned 1,700 years ago by King Trdat III (or Tiridates) for
preaching Christianity. He was released 13 years later after
converting the king, who proclaimed Christianity as Armenia’s state
religion. The claustrophobic pit in which Gregory was held captive is
accessible by ladder.

It was a crystal-clear day, and Mt. Ararat spread across the horizon.

“We shall go up there one day, yes?” Hovsep, our minivan driver,
asked as we contemplated the mountain.

Maybe, I thought. But even if we don’t, Ararat is with us as a symbol
of Armenian struggle. We reach that summit, figuratively speaking,
just by having survived 3,000 years.

A live band in back

One of the tools of our survival was music and song. As we were on
our way to Keghart Monastery, 30 miles east of Yerevan, three street
musicians hitched a ride with us. As soon as the musicians settled in
the back seat, they began playing Armenian love songs and singing
loudly.

Nora laughed uproariously. “I had heard of taking along a radio or a
CD player, but driving about with a live band? This can only happen
in Armenia!” she said.

We dropped them off at a picnic area where they would perform for
visitors in return for a few coins.

Keghart Monastery is a stunning complex of buildings founded in the
4th century by Gregory the Illuminator and expanded in the 12th
century. According to legend, the spear that pierced Christ was
brought here, although it has long since disappeared.

Portions of the numerous inter- connected churches are carved into
rock on the side of the mountain. The acoustics inside one hall are
such that a single person humming, which Thomas demonstrated for us,
sounds like a chorus.

But to hear a truly heavenly sound, listen to the songs of the
Armenian liturgy. In ancient times the use of elaborate imagery was
prohibited in the church. Some say the songs of the Armenian liturgy,
as if to compensate, are sophisticated compared with other Orthodox
faiths. On Sunday we attended Mass at Echmiadzin, the Mother See of
the Armenian Apostolic Church. His Holiness Karekin II, Supreme
Patriarch and Catholicos of All Armenians, was there, as he often is.

A picnic and wildflowers

We didn’t spend all our time indoors or among the ruins. One day we
picnicked on the slopes of Mt. Aragats, about 30 miles northwest of
Yerevan. Seas of lavender, yellow and white wildflowers lie in the
shadow of the ruins of the 11th century Amberd fortress, which hovers
majestically on the edge of the valley.

We also included a stop at Lake Sevan, whose turquoise waters and
sandy beaches make you forget, if only for a time, that Armenia is a
landlocked country.

There was one last place we had to visit before we left Armenia:
Tsitsernakaberd, the memorial in Yerevan built in honor of the
hundreds of thousands – Armenians say as many as 1.5 million – killed
by Turks starting in 1915.

Through the openings between the stone slabs that rise around the
eternal flame burning at the center of the memorial, I could see
Ararat’s snowcapped peak. An old woman aided by her daughter
approached the flame, and I wondered who she was thinking of.

My thoughts returned to the mountains, to a miraculous homeland that
has changed borders, flags, capitals – it even vanished as a
political entity for 500 years – yet has not perished. It endures,
and it gives me strength. I know I will be back.

*

(BEGIN TEXT OF INFOBOX)

Touring Armenia

GETTING THERE:

>From LAX, connecting service (change of plane) is offered on
Aeroflot, Air France, Virgin Atlantic, British, United, American, KLM
and Air New Zealand. Restricted round-trip fares begin at $999 until
Oct. 13, then $800 until Dec. 11.

TELEPHONES:

To call the numbers below from the U.S., dial 011 (the international
dialing code), 374 (country code for Armenia) and the local number.

WHERE TO STAY:

Marriott Armenia Hotel, Republic Square, Yerevan; 1-599-000, fax
1-599-001, . Doubles from $139.

Congress Hotel, 1 Italia St., Yerevan; 1-580-095, fax 1-522-224;
. 126 rooms. Doubles from $108.

Ani Plaza Hotel, 19 Sayat-Nova Ave., Yerevan; 1-589-500, fax
1-565-343, . 194 rooms. Doubles from $102.

WHERE TO EAT:

Mer Tagh, 21/1 Tumanian St., Yerevan; 1-580-106. Its specialty is
lahmajun, a thin pastry topped with minced meat and baked in the
oven; 80 cents each. Khachabouri, a Georgian puff pastry with cheese
or meat, is $1.50 each.

Aragast/Paplavok, 41 Isahakian St., Yerevan; 1-545-500. These two
restaurants overlook a pond and serve Armenian and Western dishes,
but go there for the music not the food. The first features a
violinist and the second is renowned for its live jazz. Entrees
around $5.

TO LEARN MORE:

Guidebook: “Edge of Time: Traveling in Armenia and Karabagh.” Authors
Matthew Karanian and Robert Kurkjian offer useful information on
traveling by car around Armenia and Karabagh.

Useful websites: and
.

Embassy of the Republic of Armenia, (202) 319-1976,
.

– Aline Kazandjian

http://www.marriott.com/EVNMC
http://www.congresshotelyerevan.com
http://www.anihotel.com
http://www.cilicia.com
http://www.armeniadiaspora.com
http://www.armeniaemb.org

Fighting Back: Political activist seeks justice for police brutality

Fighting Back: Political activist seeks justice for police brutality
By Vahan Ishkhanyan
ArmenianNow Reporter
Sept 24, 2004
”When they tied my hands behind my back I couldn’t defend myself anymore. I
was begging: ‘Please don’t hit below the belt, I can’t stand the pain
anymore . . .”
Grisha Virabyan describes the day he says he stood up for his rights and
paid a severe price for doing so.
While he was handcuffed, after attacking a policeman who insulted Virabyan’s
family, police punched and kicked 46-year old Virabyan until a testicle
ruptured.Hours after the beating, he was taken to hospital where doctors
removed the damaged testicle.
As a consequence Virabyan has tried, without success, to bring charges
against the Artashat Police Department. He says he was offered money to not
pursue the matter in court. He says the matter is not about money.
In legal documents, police deny any mistreatment of Virabyan. Doctors at the
regional hospital where he was taken, however, say he is by no means the
first detainee brought to them from the jail where he was being held, who
required urgent care.
This is Virabyan’s account of the day he says he fought back “in the name of
the Republic of Armenia”.
Grisha Virabyan is a member of the oppositional party, the Peoples Party of
Armenia.
On April 9, during mass oppositional protests, Virabyan helped organize a
march from Artashat to Yerevan (some 40 kilometers).
Police stopped a first group of marchers by putting up roadblocks – a common
practice during last spring’s opposition movement and during the previous
year’s presidential campaign protests – and sent them back to Artashat.
But a second group headed by Virabyan managed to evade the roadblocks and
reached Yerevan.
Angered by his defiance, police began a search for Virabyan, making daily
visits to his mother’s home in the village of Shahumyan. A fellow
demonstrator warned Virabyan to stay out of Artashat.
But on April 23, and on the assurance of an acquaintance who is a police
officer that he would not be detained, Virabyan returned to meet with
Artashat police, who immediately launched a case against him for failing to
obey police orders.
Virabyan says that, while interrogating Virabyan, the head of the criminal
department, Hovik Movsisyan struck him and said “f*** your mother; f*** your
parents”.
In response, Virabyan grabbed a cellphone re-charger and struck Movsisyan in
the eye (the officer later required stitches).
Another officer, who Virabyan says was Armen Arsenyan, entered the room and,
with Movsisyan, began kicking and beating Virabyan.
“I was on the ground and they were beating me,” he recalls, these five
months later. “I wasn’t responding I just wanted everything to be finished
soon and I lay down in the corner so that they could only hit my back.
“They were hitting and delivering blows directly at my kidneys. Then they
left and another policeman entered and told me to sit down. I stood up to
sit but Armen entered the room and didn’t allow me to sit. He kicked me
below my belt. The pain was terrible and I fell down. I stood up again and
he again kicked me and then for a long time he was kicking me below the
belt.”
Virabyan says Deputy Head of the Police Department of Ararat Region Ashot
Karapetyan squared the cruelest accounts with him.
”As soon as he entered the room he spat at me and hit me below the belt.
After the first blow I gripped the collar of his coat and said: ‘If we meet
in a friendly company you will feel ashamed for what you did’.”
Karapetyan ordered another officer to handcuff Virabyan.
Virabyan begged the policemen to stop the beating because he was in too much
pain.
“You’re faking it,” Karapetyan retorted.
“He began kicking me in the testicles and on my side,” Virabyan says. “His
shoes were sharp-toed. I was trying to crouch so that he couldn’t hit me
there but I couldn’t.”
ArmeniaNow requested an interview with Movsisyan, who refused, saying it was
not appropriate for a policeman to give a media interview. He did confirm
that his eye had been injured.
In his testimonies Ashot Karapetyan denies that Virabyan was hit and he says
that he was only questioned.
”I treated him very gently. I never cursed him or shouted at him,” the
officer wrote.
But another letter to the court contradicts claims that Karapetyan is a
“gentle” investigator.
Araik Vardanyan, an inmate at Nubarashen Prison wrote a letter to the court
stating that he had confessed to crimes that he didn’t commit, merely to
avoid being beaten by Karapetyan and another officer.
“In the winter, those two butchers tried several times to involve me in
accusations by means of beating and other cruelties,” Vardanyan wrote. “They
even drove me to the point that I slit my wrists.”
Natasha Voskanyan, of Sevan, also told ArmeniaNow that she was called as a
witness to Nor Nork police department (where Karapetyan formerly was
assigned) and was slapped several times by Karapetyan and that he burned her
with a cigarette to get her to give testimony as a witness in a murder case.
While Virabyan was being held at the police station, the Prosecutor’s Office
of Artashat was initiating a criminal case based on the fact that policeman
Movsisyan sustained a bodily injury.
Meanwhile, police called for a doctor to give Virabyan a sobriety test.
The head of traffic police, Avetik Harutyunyan, held a device to Virabyan’s
face and told him to blow into it. Virabyan told the officer he was not
drunk.
“Then he suddenly hit my face with his fist and again held out the ampoule.
I repeated I’m not drunk and he hit me again,” Virabyan says. “It was
repeated four times. Finally he turned and was going to leave the room but
he turned back and again punched me in the testicles.”
Doctor Anahit Gasparyan signed a document saying that Vriabyan was under the
influence of alcohol.
But the doctor told ArmeniaNow that she was unsure about the analysis
because the measuring device was old and unreliable.
The color (that indicates the level of alcohol) changed only slightly from
Virabyan’s response. She asked if the device was old. Police said they did
not know. Her assessment of Virabyan’s sobriety was based mainly on the
reaction of his eyes to tests. But, later, when she found out that he’d been
beaten, she says his response was consistent with that of someone who’d
received a blow to the head – and not, necessarily, that of a drunk man.
Only a blood test could correctly determine whether Virabyan was
intoxicated, the doctor says. But adds that she didn’t demand that the
police let her give one because “You cannot impose your rules onto members
of law enforcement . . . It made no difference whether he was drunk or not,
in any case it wouldn’t have any influence on his future.”
Virabyan was jailed. In the evening he began experiencing severe pain.
Gasparyan was called again and, upon seeing Virabyan, ordered that he must
immediately be taken to hospital.
At midnight, surgeon Ruben Liloyan examined Virabyan at the Artashat
hospital and found that he had chest and testicle injuries.
”I was worried about his chest,” Liloyan says, “because it could have been
a threat to his life. Unfortunately, I had no roentgen film and I couldn’t
X-ray him. Using clinical methods we ascertain that there was an ordinary
injury and there was no threat to his life. Concerning his testicle, we
decided to conduct an echogram in the morning. It was blackened and
enlarged. Pain made him moan.”
Virabyan was taken back to the isolation ward. The doctor says he didn’t
insist that Virabyan be kept in hospital, because he thought they would take
Virabyan home.
Liloyan also says he didn’t imagine that Virabyan’s testicle had ruptured
because such injuries are very rare. But: “Unfortunately there was a strong
blow.”
Back at the jail, Virabyan again was overcome with pain and was taken a few
hours later back to the hospital.
Doctor Gagik Hambardzumyan found that Virabyan’s scrotum was filled with
blood and determined that the testicle must be removed.
It was the first time when someone with such an injury was taken to hospital
from police, Hambardzumyan says. However, people with other injuries –
especially to the stomach – are often taken to the hospital from the police
station, the doctor says.
On the day of the operation, Virabyan’s uncle Sashik Virabyan informed
Artashat Prosecutor’s Office about the incident and later wrote an
application to the Prosecutor General of Armenia, to the Chief of Police,
and to the Prime Minister asking that charges be brought against the police.
He received no answer. In contrast, charges were brought against Virabyan on
May 3. He says he was told the charges would be dropped if he would not put
up a defense.
”I was offered money several times and asked not to defend myself,”
Virabyan told ArmeniaNow. “But I rejected their offer as I’m not going to
sell injury inflicted on me for money. I’m going to do everything so that
policemen will be punished.”
An investigation was launched, and on August 30, the Prosecutor’s Office
quashed the case, writing in his decision that Virabyan had suffered enough
physical injury to assuage any guilt for the charges brought against him.
Republic of Armenia Ombudswoman, Larisa Alaverdyan, visited Virabyan while
he was in hospital and twice appealed to the Prosecutor’s Office on his
behalf, calling for an objective investigation.
”If a man entered the police station and he was healthy, and then in the
morning he was operated on, then it means he was subjected to improper and
cruel treatment,” Alaverdyan says.
It was after Alaverdyan’s second letter that the case against Virabyan was
quashed. Now the rights’ attorney wants to see an investigation into the
behavior of police in the case.
”. . . Everything should have been brought to light,” Alaverdyan says.
“However, investigators from the Prosecutor’s Office didn’t pay attention to
everything that concerned Virabyan. Now when the case was quashed the road
is open and Grisha Virabyan can appeal and a new case can be initiated.”
Virabyan’s lawyers have sent numerous applications to the Prosecutor General
and various courts for initiating a case against Artashat police. All have
been denied.
Editor’s note: Through a grant from the World Learning Foundation,
ArmeniaNow reporter Vahan Ishkhanyan is researching a book on recent cases
in which citizens have been arrested in relation to political events. The
cases highlight episodes in which police used force or pressure against
members of oppositional political parties and participants in last spring’s
protests. This is the first in a series of articles resulting from
Ishkhanyan’s research.

From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

Fleeing, but to What? Iraqi Armenians Facing new Home in Armenia

Fleeing, but to What?: Iraqi Armenians face difficulties making a new home
in Armenia

By Zhanna Alexanyan
ArmenianNow Reporter
Sept 24, 2004

Armenians fleeing Irag to their motherland leave behind what had been a
unified community for the uncertainty of life as a “refugee”.
“Armenians need at least one to two years of support until they can start
life themselves in Armenia,” says the Deputy Head of the Iraqi Armenians
Union Yervand Minasyan. Thought it is their official designation, he doesn’t
agree with calling the Iraqi-Armenians “refugees”.

The Magarayans fled to Armenia two months ago.
”Armenians are not refugees as Armenians come back, they return to their
homeland,” he says.
By any label, however, Minasyan says the newly arrived are also trying to be
quickly departed.
“People who came to Armenia during this year, are looking for ways and
possibilities of leaving this place again, despite our efforts to persuade
them to settle in their homeland,” says Minasyan, who himself fled Iraq for
Armenia more than 30 years ago.
Since war broke out, about 200 Iraqi Armenians have emigrated to Armenia.
Four families have recently returned, choosing life in a war zone over life
as a refugee.
This summer Minasyan organized meetings to try to unite the community here.
”Many Armenians in Baghdad know each other,” Minasyan says “but they don’t
know that they are already in Armenia. The Emigration Committee used to
function before. It was dealing with issues of people who returned to their
native land. I think that committee must be created again.”
Before the war the community of Iraqi Armenians (about 25,000) was united.
There were active relations with the homeland, different meetings were
organized and relations with other nations were discussed.
But now . . .
”Armenians face terrible days there,” Minasyan says. “Churches are mainly
closed. There’s only one small church functioning, however, Armenians don’t
gather there as they don’t want to become a target for acts of terror.
“The Armenians are horror-stricken. The majority of them wishes to go to
Armenia. Some of them managed to sell their houses, others simply left their
houses and went to Syria, Lebanon and Jordan. Most of the Iraqi Armenians
are now in these countries. They have no visas for coming here.”
The Head of the Department on Migration and Refugees, Gagik Yeganyan ,admits
that necessary assistance is not rendered to Iraqi Armenians.
”It costs money to establish people and in case of hundreds of people the
government has no possibility like that simply for the reason that it cannot
provide for its citizens,” Yeganyan says. “The important thing is the
question concerning the right for residence and the fact that they will not
be sent back against their will.”
In 2003 the Government of Armenia adopted a special resolution concerning
settlement of Iraqi Armenians in Armenia. The plan was to place them in
hotels in Sevan and Vanadzor. But those hotels were privatized, so the
Department on Migration and Refugees gave them certificates of asylum
seekers for three months and after that refugees were provided with one-year
certificate of provisional asylum.
The neediest refugees are provided asylum for three months in a special
quarter, but it has only 10 beds. Most must fend for themselves to find
accommodations, and most have no jobs.
”They rent an apartment for $120-$150 and as they don’t get any help they
become desperate and take other measures looking for different ways for
leaving Armenia,” Minasyan says. “They have to do so as no attention is paid
to them and they don’t get state care. Our organization can only render
moral assistance to these families.”
Iraqi Armenians are getting to Armenia mainly through Syria where they are
given entry visas.
”With the help of our embassy in Syria special conditions and visa regime
were created so that Armenians could go to Armenia,” says Press Secretary
of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Armenia, Hamlet Gasparyan.

In Iraq, insurgents warned the Margaryans they’d be harmed if they met again
with US soldiers.
”Why are they coming here?” asks Minasyan. “How can a family, which pays
$150 of rent and has no work, live in Armenia? They are given only one
document of one-year temporary residence. During that one year they are
trying to find jobs but they cannot, then they call to their relatives
living abroad asking for help. The treatment is inhuman here.”
Majority of Iraqi Armenians are artisans such as jewelers, and specialists
of Arabic language. Minasyan says that they are not provided with
opportunities to use their abilities and they are not supported.
”Employers dictate their terms, which is not physically possible to
realize,” Minasyan charges. Those who have jobs are working since morning
till night. People cannot work for 16 hours without having a rest. And if
someone wants to create his small business he cannot as both tax inspection
and district ”authorities” takes money from them. Law doesn’t function.”
Last year discussions were held with Minister of Foreign Affairs Vardan
Oskanian over issues of settlement.
”They can even be sent to Karabakh. There are many free houses there and
Iraqi Armenians themselves agree to go there, however, nothing has been
done,” says Minasyan.
The nine-member Margaryan family is among those who have fled the war to
Armenia. When they arrived four months ago, the were given a temporary
residence by the immigration services. Now they must find another place, as
their time for staying there has expired.
”Where should we go? What are we going to do? We don’t know,” says mother
of the family Jenivil Margaryan. “The boys go and look for jobs but they
don’t find any.”
This family doesn’t complain about the times of prewar Iraq. Authorities
were not against Armenians those days.
”We had two houses in Baghdad. One was burnt by Muslims, and we had to sell
the second one. We had two cars and a big workshop, however, we couldn’t
sell them. We had to leave everything and come here as there was a threat
not only to our lives but also my grandchildren could be kidnapped,” says
father of the family Aram Margaryan.
For a chance meeting with US soldiers they were warned by Arabs that next
time they will be killed for that. The Margaryans are anxious about Armenia’s
intentions to send troops to Iraq.
”It could be dangerous for Armenian community,” says Aram Margaryan. “They
don’t tolerate Christians anymore.
“In Baghdad you cannot go outside after 6-7 o’clock. If someone gets sick
then he has to die at home as it is impossible to get to hospital. It is a
normal thing to kidnap boys and girls. Now it is extremely dangerous to stay
there. We could leave for Germany or any other European country but we
preferred to go to our homeland.”
They want to settle in Armenia, but have no prospects.
”We just want to have jobs and our own place to live. And if we get that
then we won’t have any other problems. And we will finally settle down in
our homeland,” Aram Margaryan says

Festival international du film de =?UNKNOWN?Q?Qu=E9bec?=

Festival international du film de Québec
La mémoire obligée
Gilles Carignan
Le Soleil
Québec

« Un être humain n’est rien s’il n’a pas la mémoire »,
insiste Hagop Goudsouzian, résumant tout le sujet de son remuant
documentaire Mon fils sera Arménien, présenté une dernière
fois aujourd’hui au Festival du film de Québec.

La mémoire, chez lui, c’est celle de ses origines
arméniennes. Une mémoire que certains préfèrent ne pas
transmettre, tant elle est associée à une des pages les plus
sombres de l’histoire du XXe siècle, celle d’un génocide qui a
emporté 1,5 million d’Arméniens en 1915. Un génocide toujours
nié non seulement par les autorités turques, mais par la plupart
des grandes nations.

Né en Égypte, débarqué à Montréal en 1961, Hagop
Goudsouzian, comme d’autres fils de la diaspora arménienne, a
longtemps choisi d’occulter ses racines. « Dans la vingtaine, on
est trop cool pour se souvenir d’où l’on vient, qui l’on est.

Mais il arrive un moment dans notre vie où l’on a besoin de cette
identité. Or, d’où vient cette identité ? L’identité est
le résultat de notre mémoire individuelle, familiale et
culturelle. Si cette mémoire n’est pas transmise, on a un
problème. »

L’éveil identitaire du cinéaste est passé par diverses
étapes. Le 50e de la commémoration du génocide,
l’indépendance de l’Arménie lors du démembrement de l’Union
soviétique en 1991. Et puis, une série de voyages sur les terres
de ses ancêtres. En 1993 d’abord, « pour chercher mon
identité, trouver le pont nécessaire. Ce voyage a clarifié
certaines choses, dit-il, mais il a aussi montré qu’il est
impossible de séparer l’identité arménienne du génocide
arménien. »

La naissance de son fils, à la même époque, a posé l’enjeu
en des termes nouveaux. « Comment lui transmettre cette culture,
cette mémoire collective, sans qu’il se sente une victime du
passé ? C’est que j’ai essayé et que j’essaie encore de
résoudre, mais il n’y a pas de réponse absolue. »

Hagop Goudsouzian est retourné en Arménie en 2000, cette fois
animé de la volonté de poser ses pas sur les routes de la
déportation, qui conduisent au désert syrien. C’est ce «
pèlerinage » qu’il a voulu recréer dans Mon fils sera
Arménien, non pas en solo, mais entouré de cinq autres
Québécois de descendance arménienne, parmi lesquels
l’animateur Patrick Masbourian.

À 48 heures du départ, la Syrie a toutefois refusé au groupe
l’accès à son territoire. C’est donc en sol arménien, au pied
du mont Ararat, que la quête identitaire a débuté, sur les
traces des survivants du génocide. Les témoins sont de plus en
plus en rares. Dans un village où le groupe devait rencontrer l’un
d’eux, Goudsouzian est arrivé un jour de funérailles. Un jour
trop tardŠ Certains racontent avec une émotion intacte.

D’autres préfèrent ne plus parler. « Il y a un trauma
associé au souvenir. » Un trauma alimenté par le déni du
génocide. Car, dit-il, pour pouvoir envisager l’avenir, il faut
pouvoir faire la paix avec son passé. « La reconnaissance du
génocide peut être utile non seulement pour les Arméniens,
mais aussi pour les Turcs. Eux aussi ont besoin de reconnaître leur
passé, de faire la paix avec leur mémoire. » Ce n’est surtout
pas, dit-il, une question de revanche.

Alors qu’il travaillait sur son film, Hagop Goudsouzian a été
rattrapé par l’actualité. En avril dernier, après des
années d’essais, la Chambre des communes adoptait finalement une
motion reconnaissant le génocide, malgré l’opposition du
ministre des Affaires étrangères, Bill Graham, qui prévenait
contre les effets potentiellement néfastes du geste sur les
relations entre le Canada et la Turquie. Le vote a été divisé
– 153 pour, 68 contre -, mais le Canada a ajouté son nom à la
France, seule autre nation du G8 ayant explicitement reconnu le
massacre. « De quoi a-t-on peur ? » continue de se demander
Goudsouzian.

La peur, c’est aussi celle du mot. « Mais le génocide n’est pas
un secret ! Le New York Times, en 1915, pendant les premiers six mois
après le génocide, a publié plus de 100 articles sur le
sujet. Le premier film hollywoodien qui reconstituait le génocide
date de 1919 ! » Reconnaître, ne pas oublier, c’est aussi, aux
yeux du cinéaste, participer à ce que « de telles choses ne
se reproduisent pas ». « Qu’est-ce qu’a dit Hitler en 1939 avant
d’entrer en Pologne ? Il a dit : qui se souvient de l’extermination
des ArméniensŠ »

Lorsqu’on lui demande si ses pèlerinages arméniens, voire son
film-même, lui ont apporté une forme de réconciliation avec
son passé, Hagop Goudsouzian baisse les yeux, manière de dire
qu’on n’en finit jamais d’en découdre avec de telles
questions. Mais le cinéaste parle aussi d’espoir.

« Beaucoup de Canadiens sont venus au secours des Arméniens. Il
y a des héros dans ces événements.

Une infirmière de Nouvelle-Écosse, par exemple, s’est rendue en
Arménie en 1919 pour soigner les orphelins, les réfugiés. Or,
on sait seulement depuis cette année que cette femme est
responsable d’avoir sauvé la vie de 5000 Arméniens !

« Il faut parler de ça aussi, poursuit-il.

Beaucoup de Canadiens, d’Arabes, de Turcs ont risqué leur vie pour
sauver des Arméniens de la mort. Moi, je n’oublierai jamais ces
gens. C’est ce qui me permet de dire à mon fils qu’il faut garder
espoir en l’humanité. »

Et le combat pour la reconnaissance officielle ? « C’est
important, oui, mais c’est aussi une question d’état
d’esprit. Indépendamment de la façon dont les autres agissent,
il faut pouvoir se libérer du passé. Moi, j’ai une
responsabilité, soit que mon fils n’ait pas à son tour à
porter ce fardeau. Mon fils n’est pas une victime, c’est un héros,
parce qu’il vit. C’est un vainqueur. » Car à travers lui, la
mémoire arménienne se perpétue.

Mon fils sera Arménien, 17 h 30, Place Charest

Souvenirs d’Armenie

2517
Mon fils sera Arménien

Souvenirs d’Arménie
Vanessa Quintal

Les souvenirs déchirants des centenaires ponctués des réflexions
sensibles des cinq Arméniens d’origine créent un pont entre l’histoire
arménienne et les générations de la diaspora.

Mon fils sera Arménien est un documentaire touchant sur la quête de la
douloureuse identité arménienne.

Entre 1915 et 1923, les Turcs massacrèrent un million et demi
d’Arméniens lors de ce qui fut considéré comme le premier génocide du
20e siècle. Pourtant, il n’est toujours pas reconnu comme tel par la
communauté internationale, trop désireuse de ne pas perdre ses bonnes
relations économiques avec la puissante Turquie. Aujourd’hui, les
Arméniens sont près de quatre millions en Arménie et autant sont
dispersés à travers le monde. Une diaspora où le pays d’origine fait
figure de mythe, de douloureux souvenir ou de brouillard.

Le réalisateur Hagop Goudsouzian a voulu retourner en Arménie
accompagné de cinq compatriotes: l’artiste Lousnak Abdalian, les
jeunes filles Gabriella Djerrahian et Martine Batani, le professeur
d’architecture né en Turquie Garo Shamilian et l’animateur télé
Patrick Masbourian. Leur but premier était de traverser le désert de
Syrie en marchant sur les traces des déportés, mais les autorités
syriennes refusèrent le visa à l’équipe qui fut forcée de modifier ses
plans. Ce voyage initiatique les mena finalement à parcourir
l’Arménie, recueillant les témoignages des derniers survivants des
massacres, visitant les villes, les monuments commémoratifs et les
cimetières. Malgré quelques maladresses, dont une structure un peu
brouillonne et un traitement parfois trop télévisuel, le film atteint
souvent de très beaux moments d’émotion. Les souvenirs déchirants des
centenaires ponctués des réflexions sensibles des cinq Arméniens
d’origine créent un pont entre l’histoire arménienne et les
générations de la diaspora, parfois coupée de ses racines. La jeune
Martine Batani, qui au départ se percevait comme une Québécoise, se
met soudainement à parler au “nous” lorsqu’elle évoque les
Arméniens. Patrick Masbourian, malheureux de ne pas parler la langue
de ses ancêtres, fait le voyage avec les cendres de son grand-père,
lui qui avait toujours rêvé de revoir son pays de son vivant. Le
présent rencontre le passé afin de le transcender et ainsi continuer à
vivre avec cet héritage riche, mais combien lourd de l’Arménie. Un
beau film sur la quête identitaire, la mémoire, le deuil et le drame
toujours non résolu de ce tout petit pays.

http://www.voir.ca/cinema/cinema.aspx?iIDArticle=3

Dashnaktsutyun Party Still Remains A Member Of Ruling Coalition

A1 Plus | 21:54:48 | 24-09-2004 | Politics |

DASHNAKTSUTYUN PARTY STILL REMAINS A MEMBER OF RULING COALITION

Vahan Hovhannisyan, member of one of ruling coalition party Dashnaktsutyun,
answering journalists’ questions Friday in National Press Club, made it
clear that the party now has no intention to quit the coalition. “We can
quit the coalition if it stops to correspond to our ideas”, he said.

“Do the ruling coalition ideas correspond to Dashnaks’ ones now?”

“Not completely”, he answered and added that “our opinions differ on some
points of constitutional amendments and electoral code”.

“Does it mean Hovhannisyan is opposed to the idea of giving Robert Kocharyan
a chance to be elected for the third term?”

“Yes. In my opinion, a president will remain in office for two terms.
However, there were some exceptions in democratic world”, he said and as an
example of that singled out Franklin Roosevelt’s presidency.

Erdogan met fin a la crise en promettant de reformer le code penal

Le Monde, France
24 septembre 2004

M. Erdogan met fin à la crise en promettant de réformer le code
pénal turc dès dimanche

Bruxelles, Istanbul de nos correspondants

Recep Tayyip Erdogan, le premier ministre turc, peut se réjouir. Au
terme d’une longue journée de rencontres et d’explications avec les
responsables européens à Bruxelles, jeudi 23 septembre, il a mis fin
à la crise qui, depuis deux semaines, menaçait de ruiner les espoirs
de la Turquie d’intégrer l’Union européenne. Le report inattendu de
l’adoption par le Parlement turc de la réforme du code pénal avait
mis le feu aux poudres. La visite de M. Erdogan a permis de relancer
les discussions sur des bases apaisées. Lors d’une rencontre avec le
commissaire à l’élargissement, Günter Verheugen, le premier ministre
turc s’est engagé à présenter cette réforme, dès dimanche, devant un
Parlement réuni en session extraordinaire.

La réforme devra être adoptée et ne prévoit pas, a-t-il insisté, la
pénalisation de l’adultère, mesure initialement voulue par une
fraction du parti musulman au pouvoir (l’AKP, le Parti de la justice
et du développement), et qui prévoyait des peines d’emprisonnement.

Enthousiaste, M. Verheugen a aussitôt annoncé son intention de
formuler une “recommandation très claire” sur l’ouverture de
négociations d’adhésion avec la Turquie. “Ma conclusion est qu’il n’y
a désormais plus d’obstacles sur la table. De mon point de vue, la
Turquie n’a pas de conditions additionnelles à remplir pour permettre
à la Commission de faire une recommandation”le 6 octobre, a même
indiqué le commissaire allemand. “Nous avons fait notre travail”, a
renchéri M. Erdogan. Selon lui, il n’y a désormais “pas de raison de
ne pas obtenir de réponse positive”.

Un peu plus tard, le chef du gouvernement turc est allé rendre visite
aux eurodéputés. Divisé par la perspective de l’adhésion turque, au
diapason des opinions publiques européennes, le Parlement n’a qu’un
rôle consultatif dans cette affaire, mais il espère peser sur la
décision des Etats membres, avant le conseil décisif du 17 décembre.

MINIMISER LE CONFLIT

Le premier ministre turc a cherché à minimiser le récent conflit. Il
a estimé qu’il y avait eu une “fausse information”à propos du projet
de pénalisation de l’adultère. “On parle de quelque chose qui ne
figure pas dans le code pénal, qui n’est jamais venu devant le
Parlement et qui n’a jamais été voté”, a-t-il affirmé.

Toutefois, devant la conférence des présidents du Parlement européen,
réunie à huis clos, un peu plus tôt, il a bien admis que des membres
de son parti avaient introduit cette “discussion” en commission.
Joost Lagendijk, président (Vert) de la commission parlementaire
mixte UE-Turquie, assure que M. Erdogan a même ajouté :
“Personnellement, je n’ai pas changé d’avis, je continue de penser
que ç’aurait été une bonne chose, afin de protéger la famille.”
Daniel Cohn-Bendit, le président des Verts, affirme au contraire que
le dirigeant turc s’est contenté d’un “Il faut protéger la famille”.

Certains élus, bien que partisans de l’entrée de la Turquie dans
l’Union européenne, ont demandé à M. Erdogan de nouveaux efforts,
lorsque celui-ci les a assurés que son pays “remplit entièrement les
critères de Copenhague” fixés pour ouvrir les négociations.

“Soyons honnêtes entre nous, a déclaré Joost Lagendijk, vous ne les
appliquez pas à 100 % !”. M. Cohn-Bendit lui a demandé de retirer du
code pénal “une disposition ambiguë qui autorise à punir
d’emprisonnement le fait de parler du génocide arménien ou de
l’occupation du nord de Chypre”. Le président du Parti populaire
européen, l’Allemand Hans-Gert Pöttering, a déclaré qu’il est “trop
tôt” pour ouvrir les négociations, alors que “la torture est encore
pratiquée, comme l’affirme un récent rapport de Human Rights Watch”.

M. Erdogan a assuré que la torture n’est “pas systématique”, comme “a
pu le constater un envoyé spécial de la Commission”.

A Ankara comme à Istanbul, cette visite du premier ministre à
Bruxelles a été suivie minute par minute, dans un climat de
soulagement, parfois d’euphorie. L’AKP a aussitôt déposé une
pétition, signée par 208 députés, auprès de la présidence de
l’Assemblée nationale, demandant une réunion extraordinaire du
Parlement le dimanche 26 septembre à 11 heures pour adopter cette
réforme du code pénal.

Le président de l’Assemblée nationale, Bülent Arinç, devait confirmer
vendredi, au cours d’une conférence de presse, que la requête a été
acceptée. La plupart des articles du code pénal ont déjà été
acceptés, mais l’hémicycle doit encore approuver deux articles liés à
son entrée en vigueur.

Nicole Pope, R. Rs et Philippe Ricard