Russia-Armenia ties won’t aid Karabakh settlement – Aliyev
Interfax
Dec 20 2004
Baku. (Interfax-Azerbaijan) – Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev said
that close cooperation between Russia and Armenia will not help end
the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict.
“The Russian State Duma speaker [Boris Gryzlov] said during his visit
to Armenia a few days ago that Armenia is Russia’s outpost in the
South Caucasus. We have always believed that Armenia is a state. But
it appears to be an outpost,” Aliyev told journalists on Friday.
“Who do we have to hold talks with – the outpost or the owner of the
outpost? If Armenia sorts out this issue, a more favorable environment
for successful negotiations on [Nagorno-Karabakh] will be created,”
the president said.
The so-called “Paris talks” between the Azerbaijani and Armenian
foreign ministers envision a step-by-step settlement process in
Nagorno- Karabakh, which meets the interests of Baku, Aliyev said.
“The position of Azerbaijan on this issue is clear, and I am very glad
that all the forces in charge of the [Nagorno-Karabakh settlement]
issue are moving closer to this position. A step-by-step settlement
is key to resolving this issue, and the future talks should be guided
by these principles,” the president said.
“My opinion is that if these negotiations are constructive, Armenia
will not abandon its agreements, as it did previously, and we will
be able to reach a certain agreement,” he said.

Azerbaijan to end cargo transit to Armenia – president
Interfax
Dec 20 2004
Baku. (Interfax) – Baku intends to put an end to cargo transit across
Azerbaijan and Georgia to Armenia, Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev
told reporters on Friday.
“All the problems on the Azerbaijani – Georgian border will disappear
when it is clear that not a gram of cargo will reach Armenia,” he said.
The Azerbaijani State-run Railroad on December 8 suspended the crossing
of the Azerbaijani – Georgian border by cargo when it turned out that
some of the cars were to move on to Azerbaijan.
Baku believes that economic cooperation with Armenia is impossible
as long as that country occupies Azerbaijani land.
Georgians sympathize with Baku’s position, Aliyev said.
“There are certain groups and we know what they are who want
Azerbaijani – Georgian relations to deteriorate. Unfortunately, some
of these people are inside Azerbaijan but most of them are outside
the country,” he said.
Baku’s official view is that Armenia seized Nagorno-Karabakh and
seven adjacent districts of Azerbaijan in a bloody conflict in 1990s.

France to ‘grill’ Turkey on all issues for EU bid
Expatica
Dec 20 2004
PARIS, Dec 20 (AFP) – France will put all issues to Turkey during
negotiations over it joining the European Union, “including that of the
Armenian genocide,” French Foreign Minister Michel Barnier said Monday.
“What has to be done now is start membership negotiations which are
going to be very long, very difficult, during which we will put all
issues on the table, including that of the Armenian genocide, with
the hope of obtaining a response from Turkey before membership,”
he told French radio station RTL.
The 1915-1917 massacre of Armenians during the end of the Ottoman
Empire has been a sensitive subject for Turkey, which has railed
against other countries accepting the Armenians’ account of the
bloodshed as a “genocide”.
Although the French parliament passed a 2001 law applying the word
“genocide” to the killings, the French government avoided using
the term until December 14 – just three days before Turkey and the
European Union agreed to start membership talks. Barnier talked of the
“Armenian genocide” in parliament.
French President Jacques Chirac supports Turkey joining the European
Union, but he faces deep opposition from his own ruling party and
the majority of voters.
To add the Armenian issue to a list of others – most notably Ankara’s
recognition of the Greek Cypriot government – is seen as a bargaining
chip in the membership negotiations that are to begin in October next
year, and a way of showing the French public that Turkey is being
made to heed Paris’s voice.
Barnier said that Chirac, in supporting Turkey, “is expressing a
vision, expressing where the interest of our country, our continent,
lies for him.”
The French president has promised that the final decision on whether
Turkey gets to join the European Union or not, as far as French
voters are concerned, will come in a referendum at the end of the
negotiations.

“Georgian President Saakashvili’s Campaign Against Corruption”
The Power and Interest News Report
Dec 20 2004
Corruption has plagued Georgia — as well as its neighbors Armenia
and Azerbaijan — for generations. While it was a problem even
during the Soviet regime, ever since the former republics gained
their independence in the early 1990s, the degree of corruption has
crippled economic development and stifled attempts at reform. The
new government in Georgia, which won power on a reformist platform,
is widely viewed in the country as Georgia’s last chance to defeat
the spread of corruption and create a stable economy and law-abiding
society.
Before the peaceful revolution of November 2003, Georgian President
Eduard Shevardnadze had been unsuccessful in curbing the rapid growth
of corruption throughout Georgian society and the political process.
Corruption in Georgia under the leadership of Shevardnadze was so
widespread it affected life on nearly every level. Despite very
strong laws against corruption, little was done to enforce them.
Blatant vote rigging and fraud led to his government’s demise last
fall, shortly replaced by younger politicians on a reform platform.
Even as Georgians rejoiced Mikhail Saakashvili’s victory, activists
stated that the new government would have to prove it was better at
fighting corruption than the former president, otherwise Saakashvili
would share his fate.
Corruption among the Georgian authorities is so widespread that it
consistently affects foreign investments. Investors originally saw
Georgia as a land of opportunity as the country is strategically
located between Europe and Asia. Plans for new oil and gas pipelines
created an economic boom for Azerbaijan in the early 1990s and
observers fully expected Georgia to receive part of that wealth. But
corrupt officials, coupled with unclear laws and tax policies,
continue to frustrate investors.
The foreign investment community was further antagonized by high-level
kidnappings and threats for ransom and bribes. The American electricity
provider, AES, which took over electricity distribution in Georgia in
the late 1990s, was repeatedly taken to court and threatened. In August
of 2002, the company’s C.F.O., Nika Lominadze, was murdered. Other
high profile cases include the kidnapping of the Welsh banker
Peter Shaw in July 2002. Although no ransom was reportedly paid,
Shaw escaped his captors after four months of imprisonment. While
the Georgian government ascertained Shaw escaped due to a special
military operation, speculation continued after Shaw’s release that
members of the government were involved in the kidnapping business.
A Turn of the Tide
While the 2003 parliament election might have started like business as
usual, protestors and politicians quickly assembled in front of the
parliament to protest the voting results. After weeks of protests,
Shevardnadze resigned on November 23. Mikhail Saakashvili, a former
justice minister in Shevardnadze’s government from 2000-2001, was voted
into office January 4, 2004 with 96 percent of the vote. Originally
seen as Shevardnadze’s groomed pupil, Saakashvili left his position
as the justice minister, citing that he believed it was “immoral” to
remain a part of the corrupt government. He became one of the loudest
voices of the opposition in the years leading up to his election,
and one of the country’s most popular politicians. He was a visible
face during the protests and led the charge into parliament the day
before Shevardnadze resigned.
Saakashvili started out his presidency with strong words. “We
need to introduce in the parliament very drastic anti-corruption
legislation that would give vast powers to a new elite, small, honest
investigative unit that would really tackle high-level corruption,”
he said in January 2004. During his inauguration speech, he pressed,
“We must root out corruption. As far as I am concerned, every corrupt
official is a traitor who betrays the national interest.” Many hoped
the difference would be Saakashvili’s young age, 36, and the Western
influence brought through his education in the United States.
With a high popularity rating — and no real opposition — Saakashvili
was free to implement any reforms or laws he felt fit. Many supporters
were alarmed when one of his first acts, in addition to the high
profile arrests of infamous businessmen like Gia Jokhtaberidze,
Shevardnadze’s son-in-law, included constitutional amendments to
consolidate his power. While the overall response to reforms from the
business sector has been positive, Badri Patarkatsishvili, who is the
president of the Georgian Federation of Businessmen, has repeatedly
stated that businessmen in Georgia should feel secure and know that
their rights will be honored. In an interview with the B.B.C. in
January 2003, Saakashvili stated that one of his top priorities for
Georgia was creating a stable and safe climate for investors.
As early as February, the new government was warned by the Visiting
Council of Europe Secretary-General Walter Schwimmer that the country’s
fight against corruption should not abuse the law. Critics of the
new government also began citing media intimidation and accusing the
government of arresting political enemies without adhering to the
due process required by law.
Although criticism of the new government continued, culminating in an
open letter to the president by prominent civil leaders in Georgia,
the new president has not backed down from his system of arrests
and has not made any open efforts to compromise with the growing
opposition. The open letter, published widely in Georgia, spoke of a
growing concern that Saakashvili was actively squashing public debate
with nationalist rhetoric, as well as failing to come to terms with his
power in a “post-revolution” society. Nevertheless, during his first
year in office, Saakashvili has made progress encouraging foreign
investment in his country. Georgia was included in the E.U.’s New
Neighborhood Initiative and received one billion dollars in pledges
to help finance reforms.
Neighboring States Concerned Over the Georgian Example
Neighboring countries throughout the Caucasus and Central Asia are
threatened by Saakashvili’s November rise to power and his rhetoric
against corruption. A November 25, 2003 emergency meeting of foreign
ministers from the Commonwealth of Independent States in Kiev
highlighted the fear of neighboring governments that Georgia’s new
crusader against corruption would also adversely affect the status
quo in their countries.
In both Armenia and Azerbaijan, opposition parties celebrated the
resignation of Shevardnadze. Although both Azerbaijani President
Ilham Aliyev and Armenian President Robert Kocharian were not openly
supportive of Saakashvili in November, the overriding element in their
relationship revolves around commerce and trade. Both presidents
have conducted high profile trips to Georgia in the past year, and
Saakashvili has warmly welcomed them both as “brothers.”
Georgian election observers, however, were not welcome in Ukraine.
Despite the chilly official reception, Georgians traveled to Kiev and
participated in the protests following the November run-off election.
The Georgian Foreign Ministry issued statements on November 28
supporting the call for a Ukrainian revote. Georgian Prime Minister
Zurab Zhvania also supported the protestors, wishing Ukraine a
“victory of justice and democracy”
Georgia’s relationship with Russia was strained during Shevardnadze’s
presidency. Despite a positive beginning, that relationship has
rapidly deteriorated under Saakashvili. During the protests calling
for Shevardnadze’s resignation, it was widely feared in the country
that Russia would strongly back Shevardnadze. However, after some
initial support, then Russian Foreign Minister Ivan Ivanov flew to
Tbilisi November 22 to help ease tensions, and he has been given
credit for helping the country avoid violence.
Warm relations between the countries continued through the summer,
highlighted when a large group of potential Russian investors came
to Tbilisi in May to discuss joint business projects between the
countries. During the convention, Russian businessmen repeatedly
emphasized the need for a stable, safe investment climate and
tax reforms. Talk of business investment was overshadowed by the
growing violence in South Ossetia, however, and Russian involvement
in Abkhazia.
Currently, the administration in Georgia is dealing with Moscow’s
accusations of anti-Russian militants hiding in the country, near
the border between Chechnya and Georgia, and the likelihood that
Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe border patrols will
not continue after the mandate expires later this month. Furthermore,
an ongoing point of contention between the two governments is the
existence of two Russian army bases that still exist within Georgian
territory. The Russians use the bases to potentially influence Georgian
affairs, explaining why Tbilisi wants them removed. No real progress
has been made on this issue.
Georgia’s relationship with the United States has improved under
Saakashvili. Although accusations of heavy-handed policies have grown
against the current administration, the United States has been a
steadfast supporter of Saakashvili and his reforms. In light of the
current reforms taking place in the military, the U.S. government
has pledged over $15 million to help modernize the Georgian army and
Saakashvili has already sent over 150 soldiers to Iraq. Georgian
soldiers are involved in peacekeeping missions in Afghanistan as
well, and Saakashvili has promised that over Georgian 800 soldiers
will eventually be dispatched. While Western powers initially faced
a quandary supporting the overthrow of an elected president, once the
degree of civil outrage toward the election became obvious, the U.S.
issued a strong rebuke against Shevardnadze and his handling of
the election.
Conclusion
President Mikhail Saakashvili has had some success fighting corruption
through tax reform and large scale arrests that include politicians
from the former regime and powerful businessmen. His peaceful
acquisition of the semi-autonomous Adjarian republic has given the
central government a great opportunity to reform invasive corruption
throughout the republic, especially in tax collection. The new tax
code, scheduled to begin February 2005, should help the government
receive lost revenue as well as prove to potential investors that
the new regime is serious about reform.
Criticism of Saakashvili’s policies is not unfounded. By refusing to
follow due process, his program of arrests could backfire by turning
the accused into victims in the eyes of the public. To date, the
arrests have largely been centered on high profile politicians and
business leaders. In order to fully eradicate corruption, citizens
and low-level civil servants involved in bribery and the black market
will also need to be arrested. Once the government starts interfering
with the status quo of people’s daily lives, Saakashvili’s popularity
might drop and the public could quickly lose taste for strong reforms.
While he has hired supporters of democracy into his government, he
has distanced himself from civil leaders outside of his government.
Prominent civil leaders in Georgia are giving Saakashvili some leeway
as he gains experience in office. However, his success will depend
on his ability to compromise heady rhetoric with reasonable public
policy to lead his country through difficult and painful reforms.
Report Drafted By: Molly Corso

Greek Cypriots bitter over EU’s talks with Turkey
By Andrew Borowiec
THE WASHINGTON TIMES
December 20, 2004
NICOSIA, Cyprus — Frustrated and bitter, Greek Cypriots saw the
outcome of last week’s European Union summit as a blow to their
aspirations and a major boost to the European ambitions of their
archenemy Turkey.
Some politicians described the situation as a “complete catastrophe,”
and editorials predicted other setbacks for the Greek-Cypriot majority
of this divided Mediterranean island.
The EU summit approved the start in October of membership negotiations
with Turkey, a process that will require at least 10 years and involve
numerous hurdles. As a new EU member, Cyprus could have vetoed the
decision, but did not, despite the urging of some 60 percent of
Greek Cypriots.
Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan was hailed on his return
home from Brussels as “the conqueror of the EU” and “the new star of
the EU,” commented the Cyprus Mail. But the Greek-Cypriot delegation
returned to Nicosia “glum-faced and mumbling words of unconvincing
satisfaction.”
“For weeks, the president’s lieutenants waxed lyrical about our power
of veto,” the newspaper wrote, referring to Greek-Cypriot President
Tassos Papadopoulos. “We could still have vetoed, but we didn’t,
proving that while we have the right of veto, to exercise it is not
as easy in the face of the full force of power politics.”
“The summit has starkly exposed the realities of our position,”
the newspaper concluded.
According to some diplomats, the summit’s decision implied growing
international sympathy for Turkey and a lack of interest in Greek
Cypriots’ long-standing demand that the island be reunited on their
terms.
The Cyprus issue — and Turkey’s refusal to recognize the
Greek-Cypriot administration on the island — had threatened to
capsize the summit. Under a carefully crafted compromise formula,
Turkey agreed to sign a customs union protocol with the 10 recently
admitted EU members, including Cyprus.
But Mr. Erdogan said bluntly that such a gesture did not imply
recognition.
Cyprus was forced to accept the uncomfortable formula.
Turkey, which has some 35,000 troops on the island, is the only backer
of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC), which governs 37
percent of the territory.
According to Greek-Cypriot parliament member Marios Matsakis, the EU
decision means that there will be “no recognition, no withdrawal of
Turkish troops, no recognition of the Armenian genocide.”
Turkey successfully opposed the inclusion in the summit agenda of
the Cyprus problem or of the World War I massacres of Armenians by
the Ottoman Empire, which some countries wanted to use to prevent
Turkey from being admitted to the EU accession process.
From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

Azerbaijan Economy to Grow 14% in 2005 on Oil, President Says
USACC (US-Azerbaijan Chamber of Commerce)
Dec 20 2004
20.12.2004
Azerbaijan’s economy will expand 14 percent in 2005 and at a faster
pace in the following two years as the former Soviet republic triples
oil and natural-gas production, President Ilkham Aliyev said.
The nation of 8.1 million people expects to attract $4 billion in
direct foreign investment next year, accelerating this year’s growth
of 10 percent, Aliyev said. Azerbaijan’s gross domestic product last
year was $7.1 billion, 102nd in the world, above Honduras and below
Botswana, according to the World Bank.
“This mainly reflects the future oil and gas development,” Aliyev,
who turns 43 on Dec. 24, said in an interview in London. “We need
to use this opportunity of having vast oil and gas resources to bring
investment into other sectors.”
Azerbaijan, bordered by Russia and Iran, will benefit from next year’s
scheduled opening of a $3.6 billion pipeline that will carry Caspian
Sea oil from the capital, Baku, to Turkey’s Ceyhan port. A venture led
by London-based BP Plc that includes Irving, Texas-based Exxon Mobil
Corp. and Norway’s Statoil ASA is developing fields in the region, home
to as much as 4 percent of the world’s proven oil and gas reserves.
Azerbaijan, with reserves of at least 7 billion barrels, has stopped
auctioning offshore fields and is trying to attract companies to
older sites onshore, Aliyev said. Oil production, now at more than 100
million barrels a year, will at least triple in three years, he said.
The country may sell $100 million in bonds in 2005, its first such
sale, Aliyev said.
“We may start next year with some small amount to see what benefit
it brings to the economy,” the president said. “If it’s successful,
we can continue on a larger scale.”
Georgian Security
Kazakhstan officials are talks with Azerbaijan to send crude oil
through the pipeline from Baku, Aliyev said, without being more
specific. The pipeline will ship 1 million barrels a day through
Georgia, where President Mikhail Saakashvili is trying to assert
control over secessionists in South Ossetia and Abkhazia provinces.
“We are sure that the Georgian government will fulfil all its
commitments to security over their portion of the pipeline,” Aliyev
said. A separate pipeline from Baku to Georgia’s Supsa port on the
Black Sea “has been working for years without any problems,” he said.
South Ossetia and Abkhazia, each with a population of about
100,000 people, declared independence in 1992 after the Soviet Union
collapsed. Both maintain ties to Russia. Georgian forces clashed with
South Ossetian separatists in August.
“Georgia and Azerbaijan have similar problems, which are aggressive
separatism,” Aliyev said. Azerbaijan since 1993 has had a dispute
with neighboring Armenia over control of the Nagorno- Karabakh region.
Georgia in February plans to sign a military and economic treaty with
Russia to ease tensions that brought them to the brink of war this
year, Saakashvili said on Nov. 22.
source: Bloomberg

U.S.’ Freedom House downgrades Russia to “not free” status
Prime-Tass, Russia
Dec 20 2004
MOSCOW, Dec 20 (Prime-Tass) — Freedom House, a U.S.-based organization
that monitors political rights and civil liberties across the globe,
has downgraded Russia’s status to “not free” from its previous “partly
free” status, Freedom House said in a major survey of global freedom
released Monday.
“Political rights and civil liberties have become so restricted
in Russia that the country has been downgraded to ‘Not Free,'” the
survey read.
However, Russia was not the only country in the former Soviet Union
that experienced political and civic changes: setbacks took place
in Belarus and Armenia, while freedom was gained in the aftermath of
civic protests in Georgia and Ukraine, the report said.
“Russia’s step backwards into the Not Free category is the culmination
of a growing trend under President Vladimir Putin to concentrate
political authority, harass and intimidate the media, and politicize
the country’s law-enforcement system,” said Freedom House Executive
Director Jennifer Windsor.
“These moves mark a dangerous and disturbing drift toward
authoritarianism in Russia, made more worrisome by President Putin’s
recent heavy-handed meddling in political developments in neighboring
countries such as Ukraine,” she said.
Complete survey results, including a package of charts and graphs,
are available at
The Ratings reflect global events from December 1, 2003 through
November 30, 2004. End

RUSSIAN POLICY EXPERTS BELIEVE UKRAINE’S REVOLUTIONARY FERVOR IS CONTAGIOUS
Igor Torbakov 12/20/04
EurasiaNet Organization
Dec 20 2004
Policy analysts in Russia are divided in their understanding of the
nature of the Orange Revolution in neighboring Ukraine. Yet many
in Moscow maintain that the revolutionary mood now gripping Kyiv is
capable of spreading to other CIS states.
The Western-oriented candidate, Viktor Yushchenko, is widely expected
to prevail in the Ukrainian presidential run-off scheduled for
December 26 – a re-run of the balloting conducted in late November.
Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovich, the Kremlin’s favored candidate,
was proclaimed the winner of that vote. However, the Ukrainian Supreme
Court subsequently tossed out the results and ordered a new election,
saying the late November tally was marred by widespread fraud.
For Russian “derzhavniki,” or champions of Russia’s great-power
status, a victory of Ukrainian democratic forces would signify a
disastrous geopolitical defeat. In a number of articles and policy
papers, Russian policy hawks, who tend to support President Vladimir
Putin, assert that since the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991,
the presidential race in Ukraine represented “the biggest [geo-]
political war between the United States and European Union on the
one hand, and Russia on the other.”
Although some analysts conceded that the Ukrainian crisis possessed a
“democratic dimension,” the general view was that massive rallies
in Kyiv in early December were the result of an international
conspiracy. As one analyst argued in a commentary published in the
weekly Ekspert, “the [Ukrainian] revolution, as the previous one in
Georgia, has very substantial propagandistic, diplomatic, ideological
and informational support from Western countries.” The commentary
maintained that the West’s “great geopolitical game” aimed at tearing
Ukraine away from Russia, establishing a cordon sanitaire that left
Moscow isolated.
The Orange Revolution, the statists believe, could touch off a
dangerous chain reaction. If Moscow fails to reassert its position
in Ukraine, argues prominent political analyst Vitaly Tretyakov,
“within the next two years ‘velvet revolutions’ will take place –
according to the Kyiv scenario – in Belarus, Moldova, Kazakhstan,
Kyrgyzstan and, possibly, in Armenia.” As a result, Tretyakov warned
in a recent column published in the government daily Rossiiskaya
Gazeta, the Kremlin might be deprived of “the room for maneuver in
the post-Soviet space.”
Many in the Russian policy community share Tretyakov’s strategic
concerns. It is no wonder, then, that some Kremlin political
gurus have started talking about a need to foment a “preventive
counter-revolution.” In a wide-ranging interview with the Nezavisimaya
Gazeta daily, a leading spin doctor Gleb Pavlovsky argued that “the
Kyiv [events] are a very serious signal for Russia,” adding that
Russia’s own political system, along with its regional interests, is
vulnerable to the “new revolutionary technologies of the globalization
era.” Authorities in Russia and allied countries must take steps
to protect themselves from “regime-change” attempts, Pavlovsky
added. One antidote against a Western-sponsored velvet revolution,
he suggested, would be the development of an ideology that contains
“counter-revolutionary properties of our power structures and our
society.”
In sharp contrast to the hawks, liberal commentators in Moscow maintain
Russia’s geopolitical problems are largely self-inflicted, adding
that much of the blame is connected to the Putin administration’s
guiding political philosophy of “managed democracy.” Lilia Shevtsova
of the Carnegie Moscow Center characterized events in Ukraine as a
“revolution of a new type.” While the political conflicts in East
Central Europe at the end of the 1980s were the revolutions against
totalitarianism, the events in Ukraine are a “revolution against
phony democracy,” Shevtsova wrote in the liberal weekly Novaya Gazeta.
Like the policy hawks, Russian liberals tend to believe that the ideas
underpinning Ukraine’s Orange Revolution can prove contagious. In the
words of Vasily Zharkov, editor-in-chief of the Prognosis.ru website,
“a danger of a Kyiv-type velvet revolution is always present where
the principles of ‘managed democracy’ rule.”
Accordingly, concern about falling dominos is widespread in governing
circles in many CIS states. [For additional information see the Eurasia
Insight archive]. Authorities in Kyrgyzstan, where parliamentary
elections are scheduled for February 2005, have warned about the
“orange danger.” Speaking December 10 in Bishkek at a conference
called “Democracy in the Changing World,” Kyrgyz President Askar
Akayev alleged that opposition forces in Kyrgyzstan were using “dirty
political technologies,” adding his opponents were being financed by
“foreign capital.” According to the Kyrgyz president, the opposition
is determined to come to power “at any cost.”
Certain forces “are trying to impose democracy from abroad,” Akayev
continued. “Such practice is ruinous – it doesn’t correspond to our
national interests and might lead to unpredictable consequences.”
In Uzbekistan, a Central Asian nation with brittle regime,
President Islam Karimov has harshly criticized Putin for mismanaging
Russian-Ukrainian affairs, saying the Russian leader indulged in a
“shortsighted policy” of open support for Yanukovich’s candidacy
during the Ukrainian campaign. The Kremlin’s miscalculation was “one
of the reasons that led to the events in Ukraine,” Karimov maintained.
Armenia, where the results of the 2003 presidential and parliamentary
elections remain a source of contention and divisiveness, is
another country that could be significantly impacted by Ukrainian
developments. [For background see the Eurasia Insight archive].
Armenia’s opposition, which alleges that the 2003 votes were rigged,
has refused to recognize the legitimacy of President Robert Kocharian’s
mandate. Russia’s policy towards Armenia is flawed because it is based
on “unprecedented support” for Kocharian, wrote David Petrosyan,
a political observer for Noyan Tapan news agency, in a commentary
published by the Moskovskiye Novosti weekly. This staunch backing
for Kocharian has caused Russia to lose a considerable amount of
influence and prestige in the eyes of Armenian public, Petrosyan
maintained. He predicted that, given recent developments in Ukraine,
a large-scale political shift in Armenia is “quite likely.”
Editor’s Note: Igor Torbakov is a freelance journalist and researcher
who specializes in CIS political affairs. He holds an MA in History
from Moscow State University and a PhD from the Ukrainian Academy
of Sciences. He was Research Scholar at the Institute of Russian
History, Russian Academy of Sciences, Moscow; a Visiting Scholar at the
Kennan Institute, Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars,
Washington DC; a Fulbright Scholar at Columbia University, New York;
and a Visiting Fellow at Harvard University. He is now based in
Istanbul, Turkey.

France to include “Armenian genocide” in Turkey’s EU bid talks: FM
Xinhua, China
Dec 20 2004
PARIS, Dec. 20 (Xinhuanet) — France will include the issue of the
“Armenian genocide” when negotiations over Turkey’s admission to the
European Union (EU) start next October, French Foreign Minister Michel
Barnier told F rench RTL radio on Monday.
“What has to be done now is to start membership negotiations which
are going to be very long, very difficult, during which we will put
all issues on the table, including that of the Armenian genocide,
with the hope of obtaining a response from Turkey before membership,”
said the minister.
Barnier used the term “Armenian genocide” last Tuesday in frontof the
French parliament instead of “tragedy” — the term used by the Turkish
authorities — which Barnier had earlier used in debates on the issue.
The 1915-1917 massacre of Armenians, in which an estimated 1.5 million
people died under the Ottoman Empire, has been a sensitive subject
of Turkey’s EU bid.
On Jan. 18, 2001, the French parliament passed a resolution stating
that “France recognizes publicly the Armenian genocide of 1915”
without designating responsibility.
French President Jacques Chirac supports Turkey’s bid to join the EU
but faces deep opposition from his own ruling party and the majority
of French voters.
During the EU summit meeting last Thursday and Friday, Chirac firmly
backed negotiations for Turkey’s EU membership scheduled tostart
Oct. 3, 2005.
However, he promised the final decision on Turkey’s membership,so far
as French voters are concerned, will come in a referendum at the end
of the negotiations. Enditem

World opens up for Darchinyan
Herald Sun
Grantlee Kieza
20dec04
AUSTRALIA’S new world boxing champion, Vic Darchinyan, was back in
Sydney yesterday promising his IBF flyweight title was just the start
of his domination.
And Australia’s most powerful boxing official, Ray Wheatley, who
orchestrated Darchinyan’s assault on the long-time IBF world champion
Irene Pacheco in Florida on Friday, says the new champ can keep the
crown for years. “Vic can dominate the flyweight title in the same way
Kostya Tszyu has ruled the junior welterweights for nearly a decade”
IBF vice-president Wheatley said.
“Kostya won the IBF junior welterweight title in 1995 and then crushed
the champions of the other major boxing organisations, the WBC and WBA.
“I can see Vic doing the same thing.
“Irene Pacheco was a great champion who had held the title for five
years and had never lost in 30 fights dating back to 1993.
“He has been an exceptional IBF champion but, with Jeff Fenech calling
the shots, Vic came out and crushed him.”
Darchinyan, 28, used a series of left hooks to separate Colombian
Pacheco from his crown in round 11 and wants to apply the same brutal
force to WBC flyweight champ Pongsaklek Wongjongkam.
The Thai pocket-sized southpaw sharpshooter shot down the title hopes
of Fenech’s other flyweight contender, Hussein Hussein, in Bangkok
last year.
“I will crush Pongsaklek,” Darchinyan said.
He was in Hussein’s corner the night he lost and has been licking
his lips since for the chance to tangle with the Thai.
“I want to make one defence of the IBF title and then go after him,”
Darchinyan said.
Darchinyan will enjoy a few weeks’ holiday with his parents, who are
coming out from Armenia for three months to celebrate his triumph.
Then he will resume training with Hussein, who hopes to face WBO
champ Omar Narvaez of Argentina at Penrith on February 6.
It has been a remarkable rise for Darchinyan, who lost in the
quarter-finals at the Sydney Olympics when representing Armenia and
using his real first name, Vakhtang.
The 51kg fighting force wanted to have his photo taken with that
other great Vic, Vic Patrick, not long ago, but was too shy to ask.
Patrick was Australia’s great lightweight of the 1940s and the pair
have a similar style, with a crab-like southpaw stance and awesome
power in both hands. But Darchinyan also boasts the intensity and
relentless aggression of his trainer, Fenech.
“Vic is an incredibly strong guy,” said Fenech, who says his fighter
can match his feat of three world titles at different weights.
“Not only does Vic have tremendous power but he has great desire and
determination, too. He’d fight Mike Tyson if he had the chance and,
like Kostya, he is incredibly professional and focused on what he
wants to achieve.”