Interfax
Oct 20 2004

Putin invites Aliyev to discuss Nagorno-Karabakh

Moscow. (Interfax) – Russian President Vladimir Putin has proposed
that he and his Azerbaijani counterpart Ilham Aliyev discuss the
situation surrounding the settlement of the Nagorno-Karabakh problem.

The two leaders are meeting in the Kremlin where they arrived after
attending an assembly of the All-Russia Azerbaijani Congress earlier
on Tuesday, an Interfax correspondent reported.

Putin invited Aliyev “to talk in a calm atmosphere about an acute
problem, one of the most acute ones in the Caucasus. I mean the
problem of Nagorno-Karabakh,” Putin said.

Aliyev replied that he hopes “Russia will continue to make
significant efforts to settle the Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict both
as our neighbor and as a co-chairman of the OSCE Minsk Group.”

From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

() _www.sfgate.com_ ()
San Francisco

_Armenia reveals ancient treasures, new life
Mountains, monasteries and modern capital_
()

– Jane Wampler, Special to The Chronicle
Sunday, October 17, 2004

Yerevan, — Armenia

On a clear autumn day, the smell of fresh cement and the sound of
chisels and hammers permeates the capital city of Armenia. Sidewalk
cafes overflow with suited businessmen and couples talk over demitasse
cups of strong, boiled coffee. Fashionable women in rimless sunglasses
and stiletto heels walk armin arm, sidestepping wheelbarrows and loose
paving stones, and several new luxury hotels are nearly booked to
capacity.

It’s clear that Armenia is making a comeback. Again.

After surviving genocide, 70 years of Soviet domination, a devastating
earthquake in 1988 and millennia of foreign marauders who whittled
this once-massive kingdom to one-tenth of its size, this Eurasian
country of 3 million inhabitants is reassuming its role of phoenix.

Because it was cloaked behind the Iron Curtain for most of the 20th
century, few Westerners, until recently, have glimpsed of this
culturally rich, mountain republic tucked between the Caspian and the
Black seas. What onlythe privileged have known, until this past
decade, is that this is an astonishingly beautiful country of high
mountain lakes, snow-capped peaks, ancient monasteries, cascading
rivers and archeological ruins so impressive they ought to be behind
the velvet ropes of a museum.

Perhaps more significantly, for a region of the world more associated
with terror than tourism, many Westerners are surprised to hear that
this predominantly Christian nation — bordered by Iran, Turkey,
Georgia and Azerbaijan — is politically stable and welcoming to
tourists.

Try to buy a single peach from a roadside fruit stand and the old
woman will wave your money away. Ask a farmer if you may take a photo
of him with his crop of newly harvested red peppers, and he will press
a bag of 20 of theminto your hand, refusing payment.

The prices are particularly tourist-friendly. At Old Erivan
Restaurant, one of Yerevan’s dozens of eateries that serve quality
Armenian fare , my husband and I enjoy a meal of lavash, tomato and
cucumber salad, a cheese platter, lamb stew and khorovatz (a meat and
vegetable shish kebab) — washed down with several strong Armenian
beers — for under $15.

Drawing on the past

The rebirth of Armenia after the end of the Soviet Union in the early
1990s has had financial help from the approximately 8 million members
of the Armenian Diaspora, 1.4 million of whom live in the United
States (1 million in the Los Angeles area alone). Many are descendants
of those who perished or fled during the 1915-25 Turkish genocide.

While those who visited shortly after Armenia regained independent
statehood found gutted factories and streets stripped of trees for
fuel, today they find fountains spraying and flowers blooming along
boulevards lined with Russian olive and locust trees. Crowds of
stylishly dressed mothers and children walk down Khanjian Street to
buy roasted coffee beans, potatoes, onions, ice-cream and fried sweet
cakes from street vendors.

But despite Armenia’s forays into modernism and self-sufficiency, the
rich and tragic past hasn’t dimmed. Nor does anyone want it to:
Armenia’s 4,000-year-old history is its main draw.

Many consider this country the cradle of civilization. The biblical
rivers of Tigris and Euphrates originate in the original Armenia, the
16,945-foot-high snow-capped Mount Ararat (now inside Turkey’s
borders) holds what many believe to be the remnants of Noah’s Ark in
its crevasses, and there even is reference in the Bible to Ararat, the
name of the former Armenian kingdom.

In 301 A.D., Armenia became the first nation to embrace Christianity
as a state religion (a dozen years before Rome) — another factor that
shapes this tiny republic’s past and present tourist appeal.

A common sight from spring through fall are “monastery tours”:
busloads of people on weeklong organized sightseeing excursions that
shuttle from such Hellenistic pagan temples as the 1st century Garni,
to the 3rd century Echmiadzin (ETCH-me-OTT-sin) Cathedral, home to the
Supreme Catholicos of the Armenian Apostolic Orthodox faith. At
Echmiadzin (think: Vatican but smaller) nonbelievers mingle with
pilgrims to view ancient silver chalices, bejeweled crosses and
religious relics such as a metal spearhead believed to have pierced
the side of Christ.

Travels with Boris

Group tours are plentiful, but if you want to strike out solo,
consider hiring a driver who speaks English to ferry you through the
countryside, oreven to the main sites of the capital city. That’s what
we did during a one-week visit in late September. We found our driver,
Boris (a former Soviet-system mathematician now struggling, like many
of the highly educated, to reinvent himself), through the Armenian
Tourism Development Agency, which was happy to supply us with a list
of recommended English-speaking guides.

We chose several sites, all southeast of Yerevan, for a 2- 1/2 day
excursion.

They included the famous dungeon of Khor Virap; Noravank monastery;
the historically and spiritually significant Tatev Monastery; the
Bronze Age celestial observatory, the Zorats Stones; and a natural
wonder, Devil’s Bridge.

Boris was more than willing to pack an overnight bag and accompany us.

Something to keep in mind: Although the map shows Armenia to be a
small country, getting from point A to point B can take longer than
you anticipate.

There are no super highways here. And it takes time to wait out cattle
crossings, to dodge potholes and to wind up narrow mountain roads.

On the first morning of our excursion, we emerged, bleary-eyed from
the Congress Hotel in Yerevan. Boris was waiting for us, polishing the
windshield of his red Niva, a Soviet-made SUV. Within an hour we were
watching Mount Ararat turn an orangey pink and by 10:30 a.m. Boris
announced what would become a comforting ritual: a coffee break. He
pulled the car over to the side of the road and removed from his trunk
a small propane stove, a bag of powdered coffee, sugar and three small
china cups.

While we took in the views, Boris set out the coffee with sweet cakes
(kizgiel, baked early that morning by his wife, Jana) and jam for a
makeshift picnic on the roadside rocks. We drank our coffee in the
squat position, like Boris, and poured the remaining hot water over
our jam-stained, sticky fingers.

Khor Virap is an eerie place with two claims to fame: The church
complex was built atop the well where St. Gregory the Illuminator had
been imprisoned (depending on who is telling the story) for 12 to 17
years only to emerge and baptize the King and Queen of Armenia and
herald the introduction of Armenia as the first Christian
nation. Climb down into the narrow pit on a ladder and when you’re
through imagining Gregory’s claustrophobia, climb back out to the
blazing sun and get the closest view of Mount Ararat in all of Armenia
— the Turkish border is within walking distance from here.

Noravank, perched on a forested cliff top, high above a river gorge
and surrounded by caves, is a 13th century monastery surrounded by
dramatic redrock outcroppings. On a bright afternoon, there was nobody
else wandering the compound. A hawk circled overhead in the clear
sky. We wandered the church grounds and tracde khatchkars (“cross
stones” — unique and elaborate crosses carved on tufa or basalt
tablets found primarily in Armenia) with our fingertips.

There was no shortage of natural beauty on this journey. We hikde
along the verdant banks of a stream below the monastery and, on the
drive out of the gorge, noticed many caverns tucked into the
outcroppings. In one of them, an enterprising man has converted the
cave into a clean and comfortable restaurant.

We weren’t the only sightseers who found him: As we ventured into the
cozy grotto, we saw him shuttling pitchers of red wine, hard-boiled
eggs, barbecued pork and grilled vegetables to a table of raucous
Russians, the largest of whom was wearing a drunken grin, a
traditional sheepherder’s cloak and crooked hat.

About this time we discovered that Boris perceived his job as more
than driver. We were his charges, and it was a role he assumed
gravely. He was protector, wrinkling his brow in concern as the
sheepherder and his friends loudly insisedt that we share a mug of
wine, and negotiator, finagling the best price for our hotel room in
Sisian later that evening.

Shades of Stonehenge

The next morning, we left our cold and dank hotel shortly after dawn
because we were eager to see the Zorats stones — or Zorakar — in the
day’s first light. This circular arrangement of stones, thought to be
a celestial observatory, is similar to England’s Stonehenge, but
older. The Bronze Age phenomenon lies on a barren rolling plain just
outside of Sisian, and, like most other natural and manmade wonders in
Armenia, is startlingly unprotected and un-commercialized. Only the
snowcapped mountains, which loom over the windy field, stand guard. We
wandered through the deserted site of lichen-covered stones and peered
through holes that the ancient cosmographers might have drilledto
better view the heavens.

The road to Tatev is bumpy, but it soon opens to reveal a lushly
wooded canyon — the monastery perched on top like a crown. Indeed,
this 9th century complex was viewed as something of a prize to
invaders who attacked the site in numerous bloody waves. Other than a
caretaker (an old woman who appeared periodically to gather pears that
have fallen beneath a courtyard tree) we were once again practically
alone, free to explore the faded frescoes in dark rooms; to consider
the grisly remnants of a fairly recent chicken sacrifice; to climb the
lurchy heights of the fortified walls, and to imagine the 13th century
Mongols who, historians say, pushed Christians into the gorge.

Our only disappointment was Devil’s Bridge, which we passed on the way
to Tatev. The rock formation and hot springs might be beautiful, but
the site is trashed by beer bottles, cigarette wrappers and other
remnants of partying.It would have been better to stay longer at Tatev
sipping a cup of Boris’ ubiquitous coffee or just soaking in the sun
on one of the precipices before the long drive back to Yerevan.

‘New Armenia’ in the city

Back in Yerevan — with its rich history and plethora of significant
museums and fun restaurants — we find no shortage of things to do.

This city of 1.3 million is culturally vibrant and staggeringly old,
older than Rome — by 29 years. To put that in perspective, when
construction workers happened to ram into a 700-year-old stone
aqueduct, as they did last summer, it hardly registered a blip on
their archaeological radar screen.

The National Museum on bustling Republic Square — formerly called
Lenin Square — is as good of a starting place as any to get a flavor
for the country.

Also known as the State Museum of Armenian History, it has an
English-speaking guide who can show you Uratian cuneiform inscriptions
dating back to the 8th century B.C. and 3,000-year-old silver rhytons
(drinking vessels), wine vats and horse carriages uncovered in Lake
Sevan.

>From there, you can branch out to other not-to-be-missed sites (the
streets are arranged in a compact, easy-to-navigate pattern, and
anything too hard to reach by foot is a cheap cab ride away.) Stroll
through the Vernissage, a festive outdoor market that operates each
weekend near Republic Square. Here you’ll find accordions, old
toasters, Russian nesting dolls, obscure car parts, jewelry and
strolling musicians. The “closed bazaar,” a football stadium-sized
indoor market on West Mashtots Avenue, brims with fresh fruits and
vegetables displayed like gleaming jewels, and brightly colored spices
measured with a one-ounce shot glass.

The Matenadaran rare document museum (at 53 Mesrop Mashtots St.)
houses an extraordinary collection of ancient manuscripts, some dating
to the 9th century. An English tour guide — just $2.50 above the
regular $4 admission fee — will heighten the experience. The
highlight is a huge 15th century book of Armenian history. It was
ripped in half and smuggled out of the country bytwo peasant women, at
great peril, during the 1915 genocide. Both women, and both halves of
the book, survived.

This museum pays homage to Mesrop Mashtots, the founder of the
Armenian alphabet, unchanged since its inception in 405 A.D. That the
alphabet and the Armenian language are still intact after nearly 2,000
years is evidence of a country that has fiercely resisted
assimilation.

Echoing Saroyan

Armenians are fond of naming streets after, and quoting, their heroes,
from playwrights to poets to war generals. But it is novelist William
Saroyan who is most often quoted when Armenians talk about their
country coming perilously close to, then back from, the brink of
extinction more times than they can count. His most famous quote
speaks to the resilience of his people:

“I should like to see any power of the world destroy this race, this
small tribe of unimportant people, whose wars have all been fought and
lost, whose structures have crumbled, literature is unread, music is
unheard and prayers are no more answered. . . . Burn their homes and
churches. Then see if they will not laugh, sing and pray again. For
when two of them meet anywhere inthe world, see if they will not
create a new Armenia.”

Saroyan’s words have never been more relevant, according to the editor
of Armenian International Magazine in Yerevan, which caters to
English-speaking Armenians.

“We only had two choices: a downward spiral after Soviet
totalitarianism or to blossom,” said Laura Gononian. “And we’re
blossoming. We’re undergoing a renaissance in art, music and in
building. We’re like the phoenix — we keep getting pounded and we
keep coming back.”

____________________________________

If you go

Spring and autumn are the best times to visit, with moderate
temperatures and dry weather. The official currency is the Armenian
dram, but U.S. dollars are widely used. At press time $1 equals 585
dram. Yerevan has a cash economy, so credit cards aren’t helpful
here. All prices below are given in U.S.

dollars; all locations are in Yerevan.

Getting there

A passport and visa are required. Three-week tourist visas are
relatively easy to obtain through the Armenian consulate in Los
Angeles (for details, click on “Consular Affairs” at
_www.armeniaemb.org_ () or call
310-657-6102), or at Zvarnots Airport upon arrival. British Airways is
the leading carrier serving Armenia, with flights from London to
Yerevan three times a week. Upon arrival at Zvarnots, the 20-minute
cab ride to the city center should cost about $15.

What to do

In Yerevan, your first stop should be the Armenian Tourism Development
Agency at 3 Nalbandyan St., not far from Republic Square (look for the
red pomegranate sign above their doorway). The staff is
bend-over-backwards helpful and can provide you with maps, books on
Armenian history, hotel information, and phone numbers of reputable
guides and drivers. Phone: (011) 374-1-54-23- 03 or 54-47-91.

Sightseeing tour operators: Menua Tours (_www.menuatours.com_
() ), Sati (_www.satiglobal.com_
() ) and Princess Maneh ([email protected]_
(mailto:[email protected]) ) are just three of the many travel agencies
that offer sightseeing tours in Armenia. If you plan to hike Mount
Aragat (not Ararat, which is in Turkey), note that mosttour operators
stop leading trips up the peak after Sept. 30.

Where to stay

Congress Hotel, 1 Italia Street (just south of Republic Square).

011-374-1-58-00-95; fax 011-374-1-52-22-24; e-mail
[email protected]_ (mailto:[email protected]) . A clean and
modern four-star facility, it has small rooms with private baths and
air conditioning, plus a pool, fitness center, restaurant and
bar. Doubles, $100.

Armenia Marriott Hotel Yerevan, 1 Amirian Street, at Republic Square.

011-374-1-59-90-00; e-mail: [email protected]_
(mailto:[email protected]) .

Formerly the Hotel Armenia, it’s considered by many to be the city’s
flagship hotel The rooms are on the small side but they are nice, with
private baths, air conditioning, satellite television and
phones. Facilities include two restaurants, cafe, bar, health club and
business services. Doubles, $140.

Includes breakfast buffet.

PLACES TO EAT

Dolmama, 10 Pushkin St., 011-374-1-56-8921. Owner Jarair Avanian has
created an upscale but cozy continental eatery centrally located in
downtown Yerevan.

Entrees range from $13 to $18.

Old Erivan, 2 Northern Ave., 011-374-1-54-05-75). This four-story
eatery is actually several restaurants under one roof, with dining
rooms ranging from elegant European to rooftop al fresco dining with
traditional Armenian foodand live folk music. The ambitious décor and
lively entertainment is belied by the moderate prices. Entrees range
from $5 to $7.

For more information
The Armenian embassy Web site _www.armeniaemb.org_
() has sightseeing tips and lodging informationunder its “Discover Armenia”
link. Other helpful Web sites include _www.armeniadiaspora.com_
() and _www.armeniainfo.am_ () .

Page D – 7
URL:
e/2004/10/17/TRGD8991V41.TMP

FrontPage Magazine
Oct 20 2004

Islamism’s Inspiration
By FrontPage Magazine
FrontPageMagazine.com | October 20, 2004

(In our October 11th issue, we carried a piece by Robert Spencer,
Terror’s Islamic Roots, which criticized Mustafa Akyol’s October 8th
piece Still Standing For Islam – And Against Terrorism. The battle of
the minds continues. Below is Akyol’s response, followed by another
counter from Spencer – The Editors).

*

Terror’s Roots Not in Islam By Mustafa Akyol

After my article on Frontpage, titled Still Standing For Islam – And
Against Terrorism, Robert Spencer, the editor of the Jihad Watch
website posted a rebuttal. He argued that Islam is indeed the
legitimate source of terrorists such as al-Qaeda, and my arguments
can’t persuade those militants to stop their violence.

I wonder how the arguments of Mr. Spencer can help the same cause,
but that is trivial for now. Let me explain what I really say and
what I really want to do.

In a nutshell, what I am trying to do is to show that the current
terrorism under the name of Islam is not legitimate from an Islamic
point of view. By doing so, I want to refute two diametrically
opposing camps: Islamist terrorists and some of the harsh critics of
Islam. Interestingly, both camps agree that Islam is a cult of
violence, whereas for me, and for hundreds of millions of Muslims
around the globe, Islam is a path to God. We just wish to cleanse
that path from the distortions of the politically oriented radicals
and intolerant bigots.

When I say terrorism (or authoritarianism) is not legitimate from an
Islamic point of view, I mean the Islamic ideal that I believe in,
and which is based on the Koran, besides everything else. Of course,
there are Muslims who think that evils such as attacks against
American or Israeli civilians, kidnappings, bombings, repressive
regimes or anti-Semitism are legitimate. They are obviously out
there, as we all know. I am trying to de-legitimize their doctrine. I
am not trying to ‘cover up’ militant Islamists, as I have been
accused of doing on Jihad Watch.

Mr. Spencer also quoted the “Muslim Q&A” website, which promotes
compulsion in religion. Well, I am horrified by such views, which I
believe to be totally contradictory to the spirit of the Koran and I
am ready to stand against them.

Yet Mr. Spencer insists that such efforts won’t persuade the
militants to have a farewell to arms or the fanatics to accept
freedom of worship. He is right. I don’t expect al-Qaeda militants to
weep and repent when they read what I, or what many other moderate
Muslims – most of them much more qualified then myself – write. But
we can, Lord willing, persuade the Muslim masses that are confused
about what to believe; confused whether al-Qaeda and its ilk are
brave heroes of Islam or a bunch of bigoted zealots.

Moreover, while we moderates can’t probably convert militants into
peaceniks, it is very probable that portraying Islam as a cult of
violence will help converting non-violent Muslims into militants. The
majority of the world’s Muslims, who believe that their religion
demands peace, will be horrified to see what they will perceive as
anti-Islamic propaganda and will be prone anti-Western sentiments.
Please let’s be careful about this.

Mr. Spencer also criticizes me for defining an Islamic case of just
war. He writes,

Likewise, Akyol’s contention that “the war verses describe only an
abnormal state of affairs – in which the Muslim community faced an
enemy that sought its annihilation – and verses that promote peace
and tolerance describe the Islamic ideal” will do nothing to pacify
radical Muslims, since they have argued again and again that today
the Muslim community faces an enemy that seeks its annihilation.

Well, defining a concept of just war cannot prevent fanatics to
distort the current reality and raise a false justification. When the
Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan, for example, the justification was
that they undertook military intervention in response to an official
request for help by the Afghanistan government, and also fulfilling
treaty obligations under the terms of the Soviet-Afghan Friendship
Treaty. On paper, that could sound legitimate. In reality, it was an
obvious distortion of facts. The problem was not the theory on paper,
rather the Orwellian method of misinterpreting real events.

What al-Qaeda and its ilk do is to distort both the Islamic doctrine
of war (on paper), and the current events. In a forthcoming article
of mine, I explain why it is a big distortion to present the U.S. as
the enemy of Islam while it saved Muslims from slaughter or
starvation in many recent conflicts, such as Bosnia, Kosovo, Somalia
and Afghanistan (during the Soviet Invasion.)

In other words, it is not my fault if militants distort the doctrine
of just war, but I am determined to stand against that, too.

Mr. Spencer also questions my opposition to the doctrine of
abrogation (naskh), which holds that some Koranic verses are
abrogated by the later ones. He says that doctrine is rooted in the
Koran. That is a common view, but I and other critics of abrogation
don’t think so. As also explained in the article that I linked to in
my recent Frontpage piece, that abrogation in question should be
better understood as the abrogation of previous revelations by the
Koran.

Mr. Spencer also criticized me for quoting hadiths and sira, while I
“rejected” them at the same time. But I did not say I reject these
secondary sources of Islam; I said I “question” them. This means I
believe that we can refer to these sources to learn about the works
of Prophet Muhammad, but since they are very late collections, they
might well include untrue stories and we can be critical and
selective on them. And this is not a completely unorthodox view. As
I pointed out in my recent Frontpage article, even the very
conservative Al-Azhar is reconsidering to purify the sources of
hadith from `the strange, the false and from forgery.’

Mr. Spencer also argued that I “dismissed the Armenian genocide… in
order to avoid ten years in prison as mandated by law in [my] native
Turkey.” I don’t know how Mr. Spencer can figure out my motives. In
fact, I don’t care about any penal law while building my arguments.
If I had believed that the tragedy in 1915 was “Armenian Genocide”, I
would have said that. (Well, some people say that in Turkey, such as
my university professor Halil Berktay, and they are obviously not in
jail.) Mr. Spencer even used the horrific term “Holocaust denial” to
describe my position on the Armenian issue. I am confident that in
this “Holocaust denial,” my references are not notorious pro-Nazis
like Ernst Zündel or Arthur Butz, but esteemed historians such
Bernard Lewis and Daniel Pipes.

However, despite all these, I should say that I appreciate Mr.
Spencer’s commentary on my writing. He has pointed out some points
that I should have stressed more or clarified. Thus, I believe that
all these rebuttals and counter-rebuttals I have with Mr. Spencer
(and Mr. Bostom) and all the comments about me at Frontpage and Jihad
Watch stirs a “creative tension”, which is indeed fruitful, as long
as it does not turn into to a blind exchange of accusations and
counter-accusations.

I believe that Mr. Spencer’s Jihad Watch will never decline to such a
one-sided, bigoted point of view. After all, if you watch something,
you have to look through a fair lens in order to see it right.

As far as it goes that way, I am glad to be “watched” – since my
“jihad” (struggle) is focused on saving Islam from militancy and
bigotry.

Mustafa Akyol is a political scientist, columnist and writer from
Turkey. He is also a director at the Intercultural Dialogue Platform,
based in Istanbul. He can be reached at [email protected]

*

The Islamic Foundations of Terror By Robert Spencer

Mustafa Akyol, in his fourth essay and latest reply to me, says that
I `argued that Islam is indeed the legitimate source of terrorists
such as al-Qaeda, and [his] arguments can’t persuade those militants
to stop their violence.’ Akyol adds: `I wonder how the arguments of
Mr. Spencer can help the same cause, but that is trivial for now.’

Actually, it is not trivial at all. It is the core of Akyol’s
objections to my arguments, and central to our differing
perspectives. Akyol says: `In a nutshell, what I am trying to do is
to show that the current terrorism under the name of Islam is not
legitimate from an Islamic point of view.’ I applaud any such efforts
whenever they are genuine and effective; my objections to Mr. Akyol
have nothing to do with the fact that he is trying to delegitimize
the radicals. But for such attempts, whether by Mr. Akyol or anyone
else, to be worthwhile, they have actually to refute the arguments
from the Qur’an and Islamic tradition used by Islamic radicals. If
they don’t do this, then they don’t show that terrorism is
illegitimate from an Islamic perspective, and fail at Mr. Akyol’s
stated purpose.

How, then, can my arguments help Akyol’s cause? By compelling him to
make them stronger. If I can see holes in them from the standpoint of
Islamic theology and tradition, Islamic radicals can see them too,
and many more. If Islamic moderates wish to succeed, they simply must
not leave these holes open.

Akyol adds: `I want to refute two diametrically opposing camps:
Islamist terrorists and some of the harsh critics of Islam.
Interestingly, both camps agree that Islam is a cult of violence,
whereas for me, and for hundreds of millions of Muslims around the
globe, Islam is a path to God. We just wish to cleanse that path from
the distortions of the politically oriented radicals and intolerant
bigots.’ And later in his piece he says, `The majority of the world’s
Muslims, who believe that their religion demands peace, will be
horrified to see what they will perceive as anti-Islamic propaganda
and will be prone [to] anti-Western sentiments. Please let’s be
careful about this.’

So evidently Western non-Muslims must not point out the elements of
Islam that give rise to violence, lest non-committed Muslims will
perceive us as anti-Muslim and become violent themselves. This is, of
course, self-contradictory (for if they are against the violence in
Islam, they should not oppose someone who opposes it with them) and
palpably absurd (for if they are really non-violent, how can nothing
more than a perceived insult make them violent?).

Akyol acknowledges that his efforts `won’t persuade the militants to
have a farewell to arms or the fanatics to accept freedom of
worship,’ but he says he is going after the silent majority of
Muslims who are confused. Once again, I applaud his efforts – but he
surely knows that Osama and other radicals use carefully constructed
arguments from the Qur’an and Islamic tradition to buttress their
views. The `Muslim masses’ can read those as well as I can; if
Akyol’s counter-arguments can be easily refuted by the radicals, how
will they convince the masses?

Later, Akyol notes that I criticized him for quoting hadiths and sira
right after rejecting them. He says: `I did not say I reject these
secondary sources of Islam; I said I `question’ them. This means I
believe that we can refer to these sources to learn about the works
of Prophet Muhammad, but since they are very late collections, they
might well include untrue stories and we can be critical and
selective on them. And this is not a completely unorthodox view. As
I pointed out in my recent Frontpage article, even the very
conservative Al-Azhar is reconsidering to purify the sources of
hadith from `the strange, the false and from forgery.”

That’s fine, but what Al-Azhar is doing is nothing new. The sifting
of true ahadith from false ones has gone on ever since there have
been ahadith. There are many ahadith among the Sahih Sittah, the
collections generally accepted as most reliable by Muslims, that
contain exhortations to jihad warfare against Jews, Christians, and
others. Does Mr. Akyol think that these are all weak ahadith? If so,
how will he convince Muslims to reject material from the revered
collections of Bukhari, Muslim, and other respected sources? This is
not a rhetorical question; I hope he has an answer, and am looking
forward to seeing it.

As for the Armenian genocide, I believe that Bernard Lewis was justly
prosecuted in France for his denial (although I abhor such speech
laws), and I do not think he is an unimpeachable source, given his
marked and uncritical affection for Ataturkism. I refer objective
readers to The History of the Armenian Genocide by Vahakn N. Dadrian.

In sum, I appreciate Mr. Akyol’s efforts to oppose radical Muslims.
But if he really hopes to delegitimize violence in Islam, he has to
construct an Islamic argument strong enough to refute radicals –
something he says he has no hope of doing. If he cannot do this, how
can he expect Muslim moderates to follow him? I devoutly hope for
fundamental and global reform in Islam, but it can only come from a
definitive repudiation of everything Islamic that gives rise to
terrorism. Mr. Akyol is not there yet; I do hope he arrives someday.

Robert Spencer is the director of Jihad Watch and the author of
Onward Muslim Soldiers: How Jihad Still Threatens America and the
West (Regnery Publishing), and Islam Unveiled: Disturbing Questions
About the World’s Fastest Growing Faith (Encounter Books).

From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

Washington Post, DC
Oct 20 2004

A New OPEC in the Pipeline?

By Artem Agoulnik

The recent surge in the cost of crude oil has made energy security a
crucial election issue. Both President Bush and Sen. John Kerry have
cited the development of a viable “hydrogen economy” and renewable
energy infrastructure as important aspects of a diversified U.S.
energy policy. But so far neither has focused on a fuel that is
likely to become the second-most-used energy source in the world in
the next few years: natural gas.

This lack of attention is a serious oversight. Natural gas is the
fastest-growing source of primary energy, with global consumption
projected to rise by over 2 percent annually through 2025. The most
noticeable increase in use will take place in some of the world’s
developing nations, including the former Soviet republics and Eastern
Europe, where Moscow is the leading supplier. But, according to the
Energy Department, demand for natural gas in the United States is
also expected to increase steeply — nearly 40 percent by 2025.

The growing dependence of the United States on gas has the potential
to alter its political dialogue with Russia, a country whose 28
percent share of global natural gas reserves is made more significant
by the instability of the other leading exporters, including Iran and
Saudi Arabia. Western Europe already relies on Russia for more than a
third of its natural gas needs, Finland and Slovakia for a full 100
percent of theirs. Even the United States is expected to
substantially increase its imports of liquefied natural gas from
Russia by 2025.

Over the past several years, the Kremlin has emerged, virtually
unchallenged, as the dominant global player in natural gas. Already
heralded as the “Saudi Arabia of natural gas,” Russia has also been
able to solidify its grip on gas in its “near abroad” of Central Asia
and the Caucasus.

Much of this has been done through Russia’s sprawling, state-run
energy monopolies. In April 2003, Gazprom, the Russian natural gas
giant, finalized a 25-year deal with Turkmenistan to purchase Turkmen
natural gas. As part of the arrangement, by 2009, Moscow will
effectively be in charge of exporting all of Turkmenistan’s natural
gas, giving it crucial political leverage in the self-proclaimed
“neutral” republic.

In June Russian President Vladimir Putin signed a 35-year agreement
with his Uzbek counterpart, Islam Karimov, giving Gazprom rights to
develop Uzbek natural gas reservoirs. Since then Gazprom has further
expressed interest in acquiring a 44 percent share in the Uzbek
pipeline monopoly, Uzbektransgas.

Also in June, Gazprom announced its intention to sign a five- to
seven-year contract with Kazakhstan to participate in the development
of its energy-rich Karachaganak field, and the company has expressed
interest in acquiring a sizable share of the country’s pipeline
infrastructure. Discussions between Gazprom and high-ranking
officials in Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan have also taken place in the
past year on similar topics.

In Russia’s hands, natural gas has become a geopolitical weapon.
Citing a “lack of payments,” the Kremlin, via Gazprom, has shut off
gas supplies to Belarus, Ukraine, Georgia and Armenia when the
domestic or foreign policies of those countries have run counter to
its interests. It has also managed to mend ties with Turkey, a
longtime regional rival. Beginning in 2001, Gazprom linked Russia’s
Stavropol region to the Turkish capital of Ankara via the “Blue
Stream” pipeline, making Turkey a major Russian energy client.
Additional pipeline plans — with Armenia and Iran — are also in the
works.

Russia has even begun to organize the world’s natural gas exporters
under its aegis. Analysts are predicting that the Gas Exporting
Countries Forum, founded in 2001, may serve as a precursor to a
natural gas OPEC with Russia at the helm. In the wake of the forum’s
June meeting in Cairo, the deputy chief executive of Gazprom,
Alexander Ryazanov, made clear that the natural gas policies of
member states should be “coordinated” so as to sell gas at the
“highest price possible.”

In the process, Russia — already the world’s leading oil exporter —
has positioned itself to become the undisputed global energy czar,
with the proven ability to dictate policy to Europe and the United
States.

This outcome can hardly be part of an energy policy either
presidential candidate has in mind.

The writer is a program associate at the American Foreign Policy
Council.

Tuesday, October 19, 2004 ESPN Soccer Pyunik clinch fourth
straight title YEREVAN, Oct 19 (Reuters) – Pyunik Yerevan hammered
lowly Shirak Gyumri 6-1 on Tuesday to clinch their fourth consecutive
Armenian league title with four rounds of matches to spare.

The win gave Pyunik an insurmountable 16-point lead over second-placed
Mika Ashtarak, who were held to a 1-1 draw by Kotaik Abovyan. It also
secured them a league and cup double this season, their second such
feat in the last three years.

It was Pyunik’s sixth league win since 1992 when the small Caucasus
country began conducting their own independent championship following
the collapse of the Soviet Union.

A1 Plus | 14:35:04 | 20-10-2004 | Official |

TI SAYS CORRUPTION IS RAMPANT IN 60 COUNTRIES

A total of 106 out of 146 countries score less than 5 against a clean score
of 10, according to the new index, published today by Transparency
International, the leading non-governmental organisation fighting corruption
worldwide. Sixty countries score less than 3 out of 10, indicating rampant
corruption.

Corruption is perceived to be most acute in Bangladesh, Haiti, Nigeria,
Chad, Myanmar, Azerbaijan and Paraguay, all of which have a score of less
than 2. In the 2003 Index, where 133 countries were considered, Armenia was
placed 18th with its 3,0 points. In the 2004 Index Armenia is 82nd with 3.1
points among 146 countries.

The Corruption Perceptions Index 2004 shows, oil-rich Angola, Azerbaijan,
Chad, Ecuador, Indonesia, Iran, Iraq, Kazakhstan, Libya, Nigeria, Russia,
Sudan, Venezuela and Yemen all have extremely low scores. In these
countries, public contracting in the oil sector is plagued by revenues
vanishing into the pockets of western oil executives, middlemen and local
officials.

TI urges western governments to oblige their oil companies to publish what
they pay in fees, royalties and other payments to host governments and state
oil companies.

The Corruption Perceptions Index is a poll of polls, reflecting the
perceptions of business people and country analysts, both resident and
non-resident. This year’s Corruption Perceptions Index draws on 18 surveys
provided to Transparency International between 2002 and 2004, conducted by
12 independent institutions.

Countries with a score of higher than 9, with very low levels of perceived
corruption, are predominantly rich countries, namely Finland, New Zealand,
Denmark, Iceland, Singapore, Sweden and Switzerland.

The index includes only those countries that feature in at least three
surveys. As a result, many countries – including some which could be among
the most corrupt – are missing because there simply is not enough survey
data available.

A1 Plus | 13:12:06 | 20-10-2004 | Official |

DINE URGES ARMENIAN PRESIDENT TO HELP RETURN “AZATUTUN” TO TV AIRWAVES

RFE/RL President Thomas A. Dine today sent a letter to Armenian President
Robert Kocharian, denouncing the “Soviet-style” cancellation of the new
RFE/RL Armenian Service news and analysis program, “Azatutiun” by the
private Armenian television station Kentron. Dine urges President Kocharian
“to denounce this contemptible Soviet-style act, and to help return
“Azatutiun” to the air.”

In his letter, Dine asserts that he is “determined to get “Azatutiun” back
on the air and will make every effort to make that happen, including raising
this issue with the Bush Administration, the U.S. Congress, the Council of
Europe, and non-governmental organizations worldwide.”

“Azatutiun,” a new television program created by and featuring news and
analysis from RFE/RL’s Armenian Service, was abruptly pulled from the
schedule of the local Armenian television station “Kentron” on October 13,
three days after it debuted to rave reviews on Kentron. Although the
television station’s management has made no comment on the decision, it is
widely suspected that Kentron was pressured to suspend further broadcasts of
the program, either by official interests or local media competitors.

The suspension of the “Azatutiun” program has been widely covered in the
Armenian press. On October 14, “Aravot” daily alleged that the head of
Armenian state television and radio, Aleksan Harutiunian, was instrumental
in the ban because he wanted RFE/RL to lease airtime from his channel and
pay for that. Harutiunian, in an interview published by “Aravot” on October
15, denied any involvement in the suspension of “Azatutiun”. In his letter
to President Kocharian, however, Dine states that he has been “personally
informed that this cancellation was the result of pressure from a high-level
Armenian government official.”

RFE/RL’s Armenian Service broadcasts four hours of programming a day to
Armenia, produced in Prague and the service’s Yerevan Bureau and transmitted
to listeners via shortwave, satellite and FM, AM, Cable Radio, UKV and
longwave signals provided by local affiliate stations. Armenian Service
programming is also available via the Internet, at the service’s website
and at

Azeri national security chief talks about “Armenian terrorism” at forum

Zerkalo, Baku
20 Oct 04

Text of unattributed report by Azerbaijani newspaper Zerkalo on 20
October headlined “Threats posed by Armenian terrorism” and sub-headed
“This is what Azerbaijani National Security Minister Eldar Mahmudov
spoke about at an international summit”

An Azerbaijani delegation led by National Security Minister Eldar
Mahmudov has attended the world summit to combat organized crime held
in Monaco on 13-16 October.

The press service of the National Security Ministry has told Zerkalo
that the summit, attended by representatives of some 60 countries and
influential international organizations, discussed the fight against
transnational crime, including international terrorism, drug
trafficking, money laundering, etc.

In his remarks at a special session of the summit on combating
international terrorism, the Azerbaijani national security minister
focused on threats posed by Armenia’s armed separatism and terrorism,
and the aggressor’s use of the occupied Azerbaijani territories for
these purposes.

Mahmudov spoke about the antiterror measures being taken in Azerbaijan
at the state level. The minister also pointed to the need for stepping
up international cooperation in this sphere.

On the sidelines of the summit, the Azerbaijani national security
minister held a number of bilateral meetings which focused on
prospects for further cooperation.

Armenian president appoints new “economic competition” boss

A1+ web site
19 Oct 04

Armenian President Robert Kocharyan yesterday signed a decree
terminating early the powers of Feliks Pirumyan, chairman of the
Armenian state commission for the protection of economic competition,
at his own request.

Under another presidential decree, Ashot Shahnazaryan was appointed as
chairman of the Armenian state commission for the protection of
economic competition, for a five-year term.

Foreign minister says China ready to invest in Armenian economy

A1+ web site
19 Oct 04

Armenian Prime Minister Andranik Markaryan today received Chinese
Foreign Minister Li Zhaoxing. Markaryan highly evaluated China’s
contribution to maintenance of stability and peace. He expressed his
hope that China’s position on the Karabakh issue will further remain
impartial and unbiased.

The meeting said that close political cooperation between Armenia and
China is based on mutual understanding and equality. Markaryan also
expressed his satisfaction with the fact that close cooperation has
been established between the ruling party of China and the Republican
Party of Armenia, which he leads.

Markaryan and Li Zhaoxing noted the necessity of boosting
Armenian-Chinese trade and economic relations. Noting the significant
growth in trade between the two countries in the first quarter of the
year, the Chinese foreign minister expressed his country’s readiness
to invest in Armenia’s infrastructure.