EU Deepens Ties with Armenia During a Tense Moment for Religious Freedom

The European Union announced new economic assistance and expanded market access for Armenia, signaling deepening ties with the South Caucasus nation as it faces growing economic pressure from Russia.

During a visit to Yerevan last week, European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen pledged an additional €18 million in assistance and announced that tariffs would be removed from nearly 80% of Armenian exports entering the European Union.

The measures come after Russia imposed broad trade restrictions on Armenian goods following June’s parliamentary elections, which returned Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan’s Civil Contract Party to power.

The growing partnership reflects Armenia’s ongoing efforts to reduce its dependence on Moscow and strengthen its ties with Europe. For the European Union, however, the expanding relationship presents more than an economic or geopolitical opportunity. It also creates an opportunity to encourage stronger protections for religious freedom and greater respect for the independence of Armenia’s historic Christian institutions.

As the world’s first Christian nation, Armenia occupies a unique place in Christian history. The Armenian Apostolic Church has shaped the country’s national identity for more than 17 centuries, preserving Armenian faith, language, and culture through foreign invasions, genocide, Soviet repression, and decades of regional conflict.

Today, more than 90% of Armenians identify with the Armenian Apostolic Church, making it not only the country’s largest religious community but also one of its most significant national institutions.

Despite this history, relations between Pashinyan’s government and the Armenian Apostolic Church have deteriorated sharply during the past year.

Government Platform Targets Church Independence

Before the June parliamentary elections, Pashinyan’s ruling Civil Contract Party released a political platform that directly called for the removal of Catholicos Karekin II, the spiritual leader of the Armenian Apostolic Church.

Rather than simply criticizing church leadership, the platform outlined a politically directed process for restructuring the church itself. Among its proposals were the appointment of interim church leadership, the drafting of a new church charter, and new mechanisms governing church finances and clerical discipline — matters traditionally administered by church authorities alone.

The platform notably referred to Karekin II as the church’s “de facto head” rather than by his ecclesiastical title, a formulation many viewed as an effort to diminish both the office and the institution.

Such proposals represent an unprecedented level of political involvement in the internal governance of the Armenian Apostolic Church. Armenia’s constitution recognizes the church’s unique historical role while also protecting the separation of church and state. Those protections are reinforced through legislation recognizing the church’s right to govern its own internal affairs without state interference.

By including these proposals within its election platform, the ruling party effectively sought a political mandate for government involvement in ecclesiastical matters — a development that raises serious concerns about the future of religious freedom in Armenia.

Escalating Conflict Between Church and State

The election platform followed months of increasing confrontation between the government and church leadership.

Earlier this year, Armenian prosecutors opened a criminal case against Catholicos Karekin II. The Catholicos was also prevented from traveling abroad, barring him from attending an international gathering of Armenian bishops despite his position as head of the Armenian Apostolic Church.

The underlying dispute centered on an internal disciplinary matter involving the defrocking of a bishop — a decision that ordinarily falls within the church’s own spiritual authority. Government intervention in the dispute drew widespread concern because it signaled increasing state involvement in matters traditionally reserved for religious institutions.

For many Armenians, these developments extend beyond disagreements between political and religious leaders. The Armenian Apostolic Church has historically served as the guardian of Armenian national identity during centuries of persecution and foreign rule. Attempts by political authorities to reshape or control the church, therefore, carry significance that extends far beyond ecclesiastical governance.

Religious Freedom Extends Beyond Church-State Relations

The European Union’s growing engagement with Armenia also comes as the country continues to grapple with the aftermath of the 2023 Azerbaijani conquest of Nagorno-Karabakh, known to Armenians as Artsakh.

The military offensive displaced about 120,000 ethnic Armenians, emptying the region of its historic Armenian Christian population.

Since then, concerns have continued to mount regarding the protection of Armenian Christian heritage remaining under Azerbaijani control. Multiple Armenian churches have been demolished in the regional capital of Stepanakert, while monasteries, cemeteries, and other historic religious sites remain vulnerable to destruction or alteration.

For displaced Armenian Christians, religious freedom is inseparable from questions of cultural survival. The loss of churches and monasteries represents not only the destruction of historic buildings but also the erasure of centuries of Christian presence in the region.

A Strategic Partnership Creates New Opportunities

The European Union has recently positioned itself as Armenia’s principal Western partner, expanding economic cooperation while supporting broader regional stability in the South Caucasus.

That partnership provides Brussels with meaningful leverage to encourage respect for fundamental freedoms alongside economic and democratic reforms.

Supporting Armenia against external economic coercion need not come at the expense of advocating for religious liberty. On the contrary, a stable and democratic Armenia will be strengthened — not weakened — by respecting the constitutional independence of religious institutions and protecting churches’ ability to govern themselves free from political interference.

The European Union has repeatedly emphasized that closer integration with Europe is grounded in shared democratic values and respect for human rights. As cooperation with Armenia deepens, those principles should include clear encouragement for the Armenian government to uphold constitutional protections for the Armenian Apostolic Church, refrain from political interference in religious affairs, and defend the religious and cultural heritage of displaced Armenian Christians affected by the conflict with Azerbaijan.

For the world’s first Christian nation, safeguarding religious freedom is not simply a domestic political issue. It remains central to preserving the institutions, traditions, and communities that have sustained Armenian identity for nearly two millennia.

Armenian authorities have arrested the leader of the opposition Prosperous Armenia party Gagik Tsarukyan for alleged money laundering. The eccentric tycoon had recently run in the June parliamentary elections, but failed to make it to parliament. He has since been placed under investigation for financial crimes and a travel ban.

Tsarukyan appears to have been arrested on Monday evening.

According to independent media outlet Civilnet, his lawyer, Yerem Sargsyan, told lawyers that he was charged with aiding and abetting fraud and money laundering. He additionally claimed that he was detained as part of a case where he ‘should have been recognised as a victim’.

Sargsyan explained that the case involves the creation of a joint Armenian–Iranian chamber aimed at developing economic cooperation between the neighbouring countries. He said that the proposed chamber had received necessary permits from the state, and that ‘significant investments were made’. However, he said that some Iranian nationals ‘committed abuses’, leading Tsarukyan to sue them.

‘Instead of recognising the organisation with his participation as the victim, they decided to make Gagik Tsarukyan the defendant’, Sargsyan said, adding that he believed the arrest to be politically motivated.

Citing the Investigative Committee, the state-run media outlet Armenpress reported that he had embezzled upwards of ֏8.1 billion ($22 million) through establishing a logistics and freight link with Iran. It alleged that his group ‘fraudulently imported 52 vehicles, machinery, fuel, and various other goods from companies owned by Iranian entrepreneurs’.

The committee has also accused Tsarukyan of defrauding an Iranian national out of over $930,000 worth of petrol.

Charges have also been pressed against two other people alleged to be associated with Tsarukyan in the case.

The committee has also said that more than 10 criminal cases involving alleged large-scale fraud, money laundering, and tax evasion have been investigated by the authorities through raids at more than 70 addresses linked to Tsarukyan.

The authorities began their raids on these addresses — including Tsarukyan’s home — on Monday morning.

According to Tsarukyan’s associates, they targeted the Ararat Cement Plant, the Yerevan Brandy-Wine-Vodka Plant, and the Multi Wellness Centre in Yerevan, among others.

Armenpress later reported that the authorities have also confiscated lions Tsarukyan had kept in his residence, transferring them to the Yerevan Zoo. Iveta Tonoyan, a spokesperson for Prosperous Armenia, said the animals had been ‘kept in the best possible conditions’ at the tycoon’s home.

Tsarukyan has been under investigation since 9 June, a mere two days after Armenians took to the polls to vote in the parliamentary elections.

At the time, Prosperous Armenia was still awaiting the outcome of vote recounts which would have determined whether it entered parliament. The Central Election Commission (CEC) later announced that the opposition party failed to pass the 4% electoral threshold to secure seats in the legislature.

He had apparently attempted to leave the country through Yerevan’s Zvartnots Airport before being placed under investigation, but was barred from doing so.

Tsarukyan is one of the wealthiest men in Armenian politics. Having begun his business career in food processing during the 1990s, over three decades he has amassed a stake in a wide variety of industries throughout Armenia, including alcohol and food production, casinos, hotels, mineral extraction, pharmaceuticals, and most recently, bitcoin mining.

The eccentric tycoon has previously been charged under a number of crimes in the past. In 2020, the authorities accused him of electoral bribery allegedly committed in the 2017 elections. He was also under investigation for operating the Shangri La casino without a license. Armenia revoked the Shangri La’s license in late June.

Additionally, Tsarukyan was sentenced for raping two women in 1979, for which he was sentenced to seven years in prison. According to RFE/RL, it is not clear whether Tsarukyan served the sentence imposed by the Soviet-era court.

In 2001, during Robert Kocharyan’s presidency, the Armenian Court of Cassation overturned the verdict, exonerating Tsarukyan.

This article was translated into Georgian and republished by our partner Publika.

Korkmaz: Armenia’s security concerns persist amid shifting regional balance

Dr. Toros Korkmaz said the shifting balance of power in the Caucasus continues to fuel Armenia’s security concerns.

The balance of power in the Caucasus is undergoing a profound transformation. As Armenia reassesses its long-standing Russia-centered security policy, it is seeking closer ties with Europe and the United States. Political scientist Dr. Toros Korkmaz said this shift has been driven by Russia’s stance during the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict and the new geopolitical realities created by the war in Ukraine. He also assessed for ANF how these regional changes could affect Turkey, Azerbaijan and the Kurdish question.

Korkmaz said the weakening of Russia’s influence has been the defining factor behind the recent transformation in the Caucasus, describing the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh War as the turning point. He argued that Russia failed to meet Armenia’s expectations during the war and was unable to play an effective mediating role, allowing Azerbaijan to establish control over Nagorno-Karabakh.

According to Korkmaz, this prompted Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan’s government to move away from a Russia-centered foreign policy and diversify its relations with the European Union, the United States and other Western actors.

Korkmaz added that Pashinyan’s renewed electoral victory demonstrated public support for this foreign policy direction. He also said the prolonged Russia-Ukraine war has further weakened Moscow’s influence in the Caucasus. He said: “Russia has had to devote much of its attention and resources to the Ukrainian front. As a result, its influence in the Caucasus has diminished.”

Russia turned a blind eye to Turkey’s policies

Korkmaz said the relationship that developed between Russia and Turkey during this period was shaped by mutual strategic considerations. He said: “During the Russia-Ukraine war, Moscow wanted Turkey to adopt a more restrained position toward Russia. After all, Turkey is a member of NATO and part of the Western bloc. Russia attached great importance to preventing Turkey from giving full support to Ukraine or becoming a direct security threat.

For that reason, it largely turned a blind eye to Turkey’s support for Azerbaijan during the Armenia-Azerbaijan war. Officers from the Turkish military provided Azerbaijan with substantial technical and military assistance, which had a significant impact on the outcome of the war. Russia’s approach was essentially: ‘You maintain a more limited position on Ukraine, and I will overlook your policies in the Caucasus.’

Pashinyan’s re-election also sent a clear message that Armenia intended to deepen its relations with the European Union and the United States. That, in turn, opened the door to a new period in which Western actors are likely to play a greater role in the Caucasus.”

Assessing Armenia’s recent foreign policy direction, Korkmaz said the country has increasingly prioritized normalization and peace because of its security concerns and the changing regional balance. Korkmaz said:“Armenia has grown weary of war and wants peace. At the same time, it recognizes that Azerbaijan, backed by Turkey and Israel, has become significantly stronger. There are serious concerns that, if another war were to break out today, Azerbaijan would have the upper hand and Armenia’s territorial integrity could come under threat.

Armenia also did not receive the support it expected from Russia in either 2020 or 2023. For many years, it based its foreign and security policy largely on Russia. When those expectations were not met, it began diversifying its foreign policy. By bringing the European Union and the United States more actively into the region, Armenia hopes to increase pressure on both Azerbaijan and Turkey in favor of a peaceful settlement. The Pashinyan government is seeking to offset the security vacuum left by Russia by strengthening ties with Europe and the United States.”

Russia’s influence in Armenia has not disappeared

Korkmaz rejected claims that Russia’s influence in the region has come to an end, arguing that Armenia continues to maintain strong ties with Moscow. He said: “It would not be accurate to say that Russia’s influence in the region has completely disappeared. First of all, Armenia remains economically dependent on Russia. Most of the country’s natural gas is supplied by Russia. In addition, a large number of Armenians live and work in Russia, and that diaspora provides Armenia with significant foreign currency income. Russia also maintains a military presence in Armenia, where it still operates a military base.

The Armenian government, shaped by historical experience, does not want to rely solely on the West for its security. Rather than severing ties with Russia altogether, Pashinyan is seeking to diversify Armenia’s foreign policy. His government’s announcement that it will not withdraw from the Eurasian Economic Union is a clear indication of this. Armenia’s current direction is therefore not one of breaking away from Russia, but of pursuing a more balanced foreign policy among different centers of power.”

There is still a strong pro-Russian opposition in Armenia

Korkmaz also pointed to the balance of forces within Armenian politics, arguing that assessments claiming Russia’s influence has vanished are unrealistic. Although Pashinyan emerged as the winner of the elections, he said, the prime minister did not secure the level of support he had hoped for.

Korkmaz said: “There is still a significant pro-Russian opposition within Armenia. Pashinyan won about 49 percent of the vote. Had the opposition been united, it could have secured support in the range of 35 to 40 percent. That means the political balance could still shift. The Armenian Church, business circles with commercial ties to Russia and parts of the economic elite continue to favor close relations with Moscow. Moreover, a considerable portion of the Armenian diaspora in Europe and the United States does not support Pashinyan. These are influential communities that make important economic contributions to Armenia.

For that reason, I do not believe relations between Armenia and Russia will completely rupture in the coming period.”

Turning to the regional implications of Turkey-Armenia normalization, Korkmaz said diplomatic progress is expected to lead to the reopening of border crossings and the restoration of railway connections. He argued that normalization could create significant economic opportunities for both countries and said: “Trade relations will expand. Turkey is an important market for Armenia. Likewise, Turkey could gain easier access to Central Asia through Armenia. Border cities such as Kars, Iğdır, Ağrı and Doğubayazıt could experience greater economic activity. A revival of tourism around Mount Ağrı (Ararat) is also among the possible outcomes of this process.”

The democratic Kurdish movement has made important progress over the past 15 years

Korkmaz said normalization would have not only economic but also social consequences, emphasizing the importance of strengthening relations between peoples. He said: “The opening of the borders will help people get to know one another more closely. In particular, the democratic Kurdish movement has made important progress on the Armenian issue over the past 15 years. One example was the parliamentary motion submitted by Sebahat Tuncel in 2013, followed by statements from figures within the Peoples’ Democratic Party (HDP).

A significant part of the Kurdish population in the region views Armenians with sympathy. This could provide a positive basis for expanding dialogue and increasing contact between the two peoples.”

Pashinyan has adopted a more open approach to minority cultural rights

Korkmaz also addressed Armenia’s internal transformation, saying the Pashinyan government has taken a more liberal approach to minority rights than previous administrations. Korkmaz said: “Although their numbers are small, the Pashinyan government has created greater space for minorities to preserve their identities and develop their cultural rights. This reflects Pashinyan’s more liberal and democratic political orientation. If the normalization process with Turkey produces positive results, its impact will extend beyond the economy to cultural and social life.

Greater contact between peoples could encourage cultural exchange, strengthen pluralism and, in the long run, reduce mutual distrust.”

Armenia’s security concerns will persist

Korkmaz stressed that Armenia’s security concerns would not disappear even if the normalization process advances, arguing that Azerbaijan and Turkey approach the issue from a more pragmatic perspective. He said: “Armenia views this process primarily as a search for lasting peace and security because it understands the consequences another war could bring. Turkey and Azerbaijan, on the other hand, appear to approach the issue more pragmatically and through the lens of geopolitical interests. For that reason, even if normalization moves forward, it would not be accurate to say that Armenia’s security concerns have disappeared.”

The ruling bloc views peace through the lens of the Turan ideology

Korkmaz also criticized the Turkish government’s approach, concluding: “The official state ideology and the ruling political bloc approach this issue from a different perspective. Devlet Bahçeli’s recent description of the Zangezur Corridor as the ‘Turan Corridor’ (a Pan-Turkic geopolitical concept) is one example. Pan-Turkism remains one of the ideological currents that continues to influence the Turkish state tradition, and its traces are visible within today’s ruling bloc.

For that reason, I believe some circles view Turkey-Armenia normalization not only as a process of peace and cooperation but also through the broader geopolitical objectives associated with the idea of Turan.”

By Eurasianet

Takeaways

• Russia Seeks Reconciliation — After failing to undermine Nikol Pashinyan’s reelection, Russian Prime Minister Mikhail Mishustin urged Armenia to reset bilateral relations on a positive footing during Pashinyan’s visit to Yekaterinburg on July 6.
• Russian Conditions — Moscow called for protection of Russian investors’ interests and warned that Armenia’s EAEU membership is incompatible with its EU aspirations, demanding clarity on Yerevan’s geopolitical direction.
• Pashinyan’s Cautious Stance — The Armenian prime minister expressed interest in keeping EAEU mechanisms functional and resolving issues constructively, while keeping options open and avoiding major concessions.

(Eurasianet) — After mounting an unsuccessful campaign to sink Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan’s reelection chances, Russia is now telling him that it is time to bury the hatchet.

Pashinyan traveled to the Siberian city of Yekaterinburg, where on July 6 he met his Russian counterpart, Prime Minister Mikhail Mishustin. After the meeting, Mishustin voiced hope that bilateral relations, which have taken a nosedive in recent years amid Armenia’s geopolitical pivot westwards, can get back on an even keel. 

In effect, Mishustin asked Pashinyan to forget about all the dirty tricks and disinformation that Russia deployed against him during the recent parliamentary election campaign, which nonetheless ended with a decisive victory for the Armenian prime minister’s Civil Contract party. 

“We hope that the new government… will ensure the progressive development of Russian-Armenian relations in the spirit of friendship, good neighborliness, mutual respect and consideration of mutual interests,” the Gazeta.ru news outlet quoted Mishustin as saying.

If Mishustin’s comments were intended as an olive branch, they contained some thorns.

The Armenpress news agency indicated that the Russian prime minister issued a tacit warning to Pashinyan, calling on Yerevan to “maintain a favorable environment for Russian investors” and protect their “legitimate interests.” 

Pashinyan’s response was muted, with the clear intent of keeping his options open.

“We are interested in our participation in the Eurasian Economic Union [EAEU], and we are interested in ensuring that the mechanisms envisaged by the EAEU Treaty function as intended,” Armenpress quoted Pashinyan as saying. 

“We are committed to a constructive approach to discussing and clarifying all issues and nuances. I hope that following today’s talks we will be able to resolve specific issues,” he added.

A major source of bilateral friction revolves around Armenia’s EAEU membership, which Russian officials contend is incompatible with Yerevan’s recent efforts to gain European Union membership. Moscow insists that Armenia can’t be a member of both and has called on the Armenian leadership to choose. With EU membership a distant prospect, Pashinyan has said there’s no need to make an immediate choice.

As part of its campaign to undermine Pashinyan’s government during the run-up to the parliamentary election campaign, Russia imposed import bans on a variety of Armenian food products.