Georgians mourn PM as authorities continue investigations

Georgians mourn prime minister as authorities continue investigation amid
persistent suspicions

AP Worldstream
Feb 06, 2005

JIM HEINTZ

Georgians bid farewell Sunday to the late Prime Minister Zurab Zhvania
amid worries about the future of their struggling country and doubts
over the official explanation of his death.

Mourners by the thousands came to the capital’s recently opened Holy
Trinity Cathedral and filed slowly past Zhvania’s coffin, which was
covered with the Georgian national flag, as priests sang requiem
music. Among those who came to mourn were President Mikhail
Saakashvili and the man he replaced after leading opposition protests
in 2003, Eduard Shevardnadze.

Georgian Orthodox Church leader Catholicos Ilya II summed up Zhvania’s
political career, his death and the country’s prospects for progress
by saying “Joy is the origin of sorrow, and sorrow is the origin of
joy.”

After the requiem, Zhvania’s body was to be taken to Parliament for a
ceremony outside the legislature before burial in the Didube cemetery,
where some of Georgia’s most illustrious people are interred.

Zhvania, 41, was found dead early Thursday in the apartment of a
friend, who also died; both deaths officially have been attributed to
carbon-monoxide poisoning due to faulty ventilation of a gas space
heater.

Although such deaths are not uncommon in Georgia, where central
heating systems went out of service a decade ago amid the country’s
post-Soviet deterioration, many Georgians resist the official
explanation.

“There’s a lot about this that isn’t understandable,” said one of the
mourners, 68-year-old retired miner Mamanti Dzhakhaia. He noted that
both Zhvania and his friend were found dead sitting in chairs, whereas
carbon-monoxide victims usually succumb while sleeping.

He also questioned whether Zhvania’s security guards were
lax. Official reports say the guards broke into the apartment only
after being unable to reach Zhvania by cellular phone for a long
period, perhaps hours.

Although Georgian officials have repeatedly dismissed the possibility
of foul play, they also have asked help from the U.S. Federal Bureau
of Investigation in analyzing blood samples to determine Zhvania’s
cause of death.

Zhvania was a key figure in attempts to lift the country out of its
post-Soviet economic collapse and political turmoil. He was also one
of the leaders of the 2003 “Rose Revolution” protests that propelled
Saakashvili to power and brought down Shevardnadze.

Zhvania earned respect and affection from many Georgians and was seen
as a moderating balance to the sometimes-incendiary boldness of
Saakashvili, who was elected president in 2004.

“He will be hard to replace. All the other members of government will
have to work better than they have been doing,” said another mourner,
47-year-old agronomist Khuta Temularia.

Among the dignitaries traveling to Georgia for the funeral was
U.S. Senator Richard Lugar, chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations
Committee, who was designated by President George W. Bush to head the
U.S. delegation. Neighboring Russia, which has had tense relations
with Georgia over two separatist regions that have ties with Moscow
and over Saakashvili’s determination to cultivate closer relations
with the West, was sending a low-level official _ Transport Minister
Igor Levitin. World Bank President James Wolfensohn also was scheduled
to attend.

Lugar on Sunday hailed Zhvania as a man noted for “cajoling more than
haranguing” and praised the ambition of his policies to make Georgia a
fully functioning nation.

“He was saying, quite simply, that Georgia is not a barren, exotic
country where imported reforms can only take root as fragile specimens
in a carefully tended hothouse,” Lugar told reporters. “On the
contrary, ‘bring reforms’ he was saying, ‘bring sound administration,
bring rationality, bring democracy … we are ready for them’.”

Zhvania’s initiatives as premier included working to seek negotiated
settlements to the separatist tensions in South Ossetia and Abkhazia.

Zhvania’s death followed a Tuesday car-bombing that killed three
policemen in Gori, a Georgian city close to South Ossetia, prompting
speculation that both incidents were aimed at derailing the
negotiation process.

One Georgian parliament member said both events were the work “of
certain outside forces,” an apparent reference to Russia.

Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov sharply rejected the assertion.

Patriarch Receives French Speaker

Patriarch Receives President of French National Assembly

Lraper
Istanbul
5.2.2005

ISTANBUL (05/02/2005) – His Beatitude Mesrob II, Armenian Patriarch of
Istanbul and All Turkey, received His Excellency Mr. Jean-Louis Debré,
the President of the French National Assembly, on 4 February 2005,
Friday, at 19:30 hours, in the audience room of the Armenian
Patriarchate, Istanbul, Turkey. Accompanying the President were the
leaders of the French Opposition and Mr. Jean-Christophe Peaucelle, the
French Consul General in Istanbul.

The Patriarch greeted Mr. Debré as follows: `It is indeed a great honour
and pleasure to receive in our Patriarchate the President of the French
National Assembly. As one of the four hierarchical sees of the worldwide
Armenian Church, the Patriarchal See of Istanbul, continues to be a
witness to the Christian Armenian heritage, faith and culture since the
year 1461.

Our Patriarchate’s ties with the Republic of France are close. In fact,
the last Cilician Armenian King, Leo VI Lusignan, is buried in the
Cathedral of St. Denis in Paris. Most of the Armenians living in France
today also have their family roots in Anatolia.

Anatolia became the stage for tragic events ninety years ago. It is a
fact that hundreds of thousands of Armenian citizens lost their lives,
and of the Armenian population in the Ottoman Empire, only a small
proportion was saved from extinction. Not only were lives lost, but also
a local culture was uprooted from its natural milieu.

Both Turks and Armenians must now face their common history and must
look forward to a peaceful coexistence in the present and future world.
God has brought together the Turkish and Armenian peoples within the
same geographical area, as very close neighbours, and even as members
sometimes of the same family, whether in Anatolia or in the Caucasus.
All those concerned need to understand that there is no alternative but
to live in peace and tolerance with each other, and to expend every
effort in this direction.

This is why, together with all the other non-Moslem minorities in
Turkey, our Patriarchal See and the Turkish Armenian community support
the accession of Turkey into the European Union. As citizens of Turkey
we support this process, since all the laws of our country will thus be
upgraded; as non-Moslem minorities we support the process, since it will
give us equal opportunity before the law; as people of Armenian descent
we support the process, because it might bring the long-awaited peace
not only between Turkey and Armenia, but also amongst all countries in
the region.

It is with these sentiments, that I welcome you once again, reminded of
the words of the Gospel: ˜Peace on earth and good will amongst men of
good will! ”

Thanking the Patriarch for his welcoming remarks, Mr. Debré replied that
the French delegation was interested in whether Moslems and non-Moslems
enjoy equal opportunity in Turkey, which aspires to become an EU member.
Where are the non-Moslem clerics trained? Do ethno-religious minorities,
and also minorities not covered by the Lausanne Treaty, enjoy cultural
prerogatives? Are human rights respected, including those of women,
children and the minorities? How do the people of Turkey regard the
non-Moslems within and without Turkey? These, Mr. Debré said, were the
issues European parliamentarians were preoccupied with.

Patriarch Mesrob replied that the majority of Turkish citizens support
the membership of Turkey into the EU, knowing well that such an
integration presupposes much change in mentality and the legal system.
Many important reforms have been passed through the Turkish National
Assembly and once a full implementation is realised undoubtedly many
changes will occur in the country. `These are our thoughts and
expectations,’ the Patriarch said.

Mr. Debré, whose visit lasted about 45 minutes, thanked the Patriarch
for his reception, signed the book of honour and took leave of the
Patriarchal See together with the other members of the French National
Assembly.

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http://www.hyetert.com/haber3.asp?AltYazi=Haberler+%5C%3E+G%FCncel&amp

Music review trio makes it official, giving intimate performance

The Oregonian (Portland, Oregon)
February 2, 2005 Wednesday
SUNRISE EDITION

MUSIC REVIEW TRIO MAKES IT OFFICIAL, GIVING INTIMATE, SKILLFUL
PERFORMANCE

by DAVID STABLER – The Oregonian

Monday’s concert by Chamber Music Northwest at Kaul Auditorium was
both a reunion and a debut. The performers — David Shifrin, Ani
Kavafian and Andre-Michel Schub — have played together for decades,
but this concert was their debut as an official trio.

Known as the Kavafian-Schub-Shifrin Trio (KSS for short), they
brought both formidable skill and easy intimacy to four works:
Mozart’s “Kegelstatt” Trio, Robert Schumann’s “Fairy Tale Stories,”
Aram Khachaturian’s folk-filled Trio in G Minor and Bela Bartok’s
brilliant and robust “Contrasts.”

Such a program showed considerable range within the relatively small
repertoire for piano, clarinet and violin (and viola, as Kavafian
demonstrated).

How fitting that Mozart wrote his “Kegelstatt” Trio for friends, the
clarinet virtuoso Anton Stadler and his favorite piano student
Franzisca von Jacquin. Mozart himself played the viola. Shifrin,
Kavafian and Schub caught the work’s graciousness with small-scale
tone and effortless passing back and forth of the ornaments in the
first movement.

The only drawback was Schub’s tendency to play ahead of the beat,
robbing some of the music’s poise.

Schumann’s “Fairy Tale Stories” is a strange suite of pieces,
intermittently lyrical and vigorous. In texture and design it doesn’t
come up to the imaginative level of his early “fantasy” music (the
piano suite “Fantasiestcke,” for example), but the players gave warm
and vivid performances.

We rarely hear Khachaturian’s chamber music — he wrote mostly
concertos and orchestral works; anybody hear of the “Sabre Dance”? —
but the G Minor Trio is memorable for its tangy Armenian flavor.
Colorful and quixotic, it evokes East European folk music, with
snappy rhythms, modal scales and expressive ornamentation.

Apart from some heavy-handed chords from Schub that drowned out his
colleagues, the players gave a vibrant, exciting performance.

As Shifrin marks his 25th season as artistic director of Chamber
Music Northwest, it seemed appropriate that he play one of his
signature pieces: Bartok’s “Contrasts.” Longtime fans will fondly
recall previous performances he’s given of this terrific piece, but
still, Monday’s reprise sounded as fresh as ever.

In the first movement, a short introduction leads to a wild
18th-century Hungarian recruiting dance in which an army officer
prances about in order to entice young men into service. Shifrin took
off in the cadenza that ends the movement, exploiting the brilliant
run up the scale that ends with a piercing shout.

Kavafian switched to a second, deliberately mistuned violin for the
third movement as the players whirled through the irregular rhythms.
It was an exhilarating finish, and a great beginning to a new chapter
of chamber music.

Feast of St. Blaise lights way to Christ

Telegraph Herald (Dubuque, IA)
February 4, 2005 Friday

Feast of St. Blaise lights way to Christ; Catholics accept the
blessing for protection from throat illnesses

MADELIN FUERSTE

Dubuque

Students at St. Joseph the Worker School gathered for a time-honored
Catholic tradition Thursday.

They celebrated the feast of St. Blaise with the annual blessing of
the throat.

To those who have never seen it done, crossing two unlit candles over
the throat is a curious sight.

“It is one of those things that Catholics do that non-Catholics don’t
do,” said the Rev. Mark Ressler, in his first year at St. Joseph the
Worker Catholic Church in Dubuque.

Students said this is a prayer service they look forward to.

“With all the colds and flu going around right now, and we even have
a couple of kids out today, it’s kind of important. It’s kind of
reassuring,” said eighth-grader Laura Davis.

St. Blaise Day is celebrated by Catholics worldwide.

Many of the students learned about St. Blaise by researching Catholic
history in class.

For eighth-graders in teacher Jane Northrup’s class, that meant
choosing a saint, learning about that person and writing a report.

“It was a creative way to learn about them,” said eighth-grader
Lauren Siegert.

Little is known about St. Blaise, who was Bishop Blaise of Sebaste in
Armenia in the 4th century. He lived at a time when Christians
endured great persecution. As the story goes, St. Blaise was warned
in a message from God to escape to the hills, and he took refuge in a
cave. He eventually was taken prisoner and returned to the governor.
On the way he encountered a boy choking on a fish bone and cured him.
Hence the tradition as it is practiced today.

The candles used in the service are blessed the day before during the
Feast of the Presentation of the Lord.

During Thursday’s prayer service, which was open to the public and
attended by St. Joseph’s first through eighth grades, Ressler said
the candles signified that “Christ is the light of the world.”

Those attending prayed for “protection from illness of the throat and
from colds, sore throats, flu and other sickness.”

The annual St. Blaise Day blessing of the throats was one of many
school activities taking place during Catholic Schools week, which
ends today.

GRAPHIC: Olivia Dodds, a second-grader at St. Joseph the Worker
School in Dubuque, has her throat blessed during a Mass on Thursday
celebrating the feast day of St. Blaise, the patron of throat
ailments.

Putney travel series starts with focus on Armenia

Brattleboro Reformer (Vermont)
February 3, 2005 Thursday

Putney travel series starts with focus on Armenia

On Thursday, Feb. 3, from 7 to 8:30 p.m., Peter Dixon will show
slides and talk about his journey through and insights into Armenia
and its people.

The event will take place at the new Putney Public Library, and is
the first in a six-event travel series, “Bringing the World Back to
Putney,” offered by the library.

The annual winter series highlights the travel and good works of
residents from the Putney area, and gives the public a chance to
share in their journeys and insights.

Armenia, a county full of forests, rivers, canyons, castles and
monasteries, is a land of hidden treasure that is almost unknown to
the world. The Armenian people, mostly cut off from the outside
world, are eager to demonstrate to foreign visitors their traditional
hospitality and pride at their survival.

Dixon, of Westminster, worked for three-and-a-half months as a dairy
foods consultant for the USDA in Armenia in 2000. He traveled
throughout this intriguing country of dramatic beauty and
heart-wrenching challenges long enough to get a sense of its peoples,
culture and geography. Dixon’s work as a dairy specialist brought him
in contact with cheese makers and small business owners throughout
Armenia, which has a rich tradition of agriculture and cheese making.

Upcoming “Bringing the World Back to Putney” events include
presentations by local residents about their travels to Mt. Kailas,
Tibet [Feb. 17], Jordan [March 3], Botswana [March 17], Pine Ridge,
S.D. [March 31], and China [April 7]. All events are free and open to
the public.

For information, call [802] 387-4102, e-mail [email protected] read
about these events on

www.iPutney.com

Language of patriotism comes from the heart

Buffalo News (New York)
February 1, 2005 Tuesday
FINAL EDITION

LANGUAGE OF PATRIOTISM COMES FROM THE HEART

By BEDROS PETE ODIAN

In the early 1940s, I was contributing my modest bit as a weatherman
in the Army Air Corps to the defeat of Adolf Hitler and Emperor
Hirohito. Midway through the war, the Army issued a call for officer
candidate school for personnel who knew foreign languages.

This was in anticipation of military government during occupation
when the war ended. Displaced people would be interrogated to assist
them in getting settled. Enemy personnel would be questioned during
investigations of war crimes.

Although I enjoyed meteorology immensely, I felt I could contribute
to postwar occupation activities.

I gained fluency in Armenian through my immigrant parents. Like many
immigrants, they spoke their native tongue at home. They never
attended school. Yet, they valued education. In the afternoons, after
attending public elementary school, I attended Armenian class at the
Armenian church. The priest was usually the teacher. Other times, a
lay person conducted the class.

I appeared before the officer candidate board, made up of a colonel
and other officers. The interview included questions about the
structure of the Army and current events.

Well into the interview, the colonel noted in my application that I
spoke, read and wrote Armenian. He asked me where I learned the
language. I explained that I learned it as a child, speaking with my
parents and attending Armenian classes. The colonel asked, “Your
parents speak Armenian at home? Don’t they know this is America?”

The question shocked me. I was not sure whether it was to test my
threshold of anger or to observe how I enunciated my answer. It was
an improper question.

I weighed my options. Should I give a “politically correct” answer to
gain favor, or give a truthful answer that would surely doom my
chances? I chose the latter.

I explained that my parents knew better than any of us in the room
that this is America. They fled from persecution and came to America
to seek a better life. My father, who by then was a widower, was
operating a one-man grocery store, coping with wartime shortages and
price-control regulations.

He had two sons, me and my brother, who was in the airborne infantry
in Europe. Yes, sir, I said, my late mother and my father knew this
is America. They were always thankful for their freedom.

A memo arrived a week later saying that I was not considered officer
material. But I do not regret my response. I sought to convey the
very essence of America and everything I learned about our country,
the land of liberty and opportunity, since my birth in the United
States in 1921.

Years later, the School of General Studies of Columbia University
added several language credits to my transcript for Armenian.
University officials didn’t seem to care how I learned to speak
Armenian. To be charitable, perhaps the colonel lost sight of the
objective of the language program.

Two of my friends growing up in the ’30s, Miltie Shapiro and Jimmy
Pappas, also were from immigrant families. Miltie attended Hebrew
school at the local synagogue. Jimmy attended Greek school at the
local Greek church.

I can see the colonel now: Don’t they know this is America?

BEDROS PETE ODIAN lives in Amherst
From: Baghdasarian

Armenian opposition vows to continue parliament boycott

Radio Free Europe, Czech Rep.
Feb 6 2005

ARMENIAN OPPOSITION VOWS TO CONTINUE PARLIAMENT BOYCOTT

BODY:

Viktor Dallakian, secretary of the opposition Artaruriun parliament
faction, told journalists on 3 February that the parliamentary
opposition will continue the boycott it began one year ago but will
suspend that boycott to participate in debates on issues of crucial
importance, including compensating the population for the loss of
deposits in Soviet-era savings accounts, Noyan Tapan reported.
Dallakian further described as “a polite rejection” the response by
the ruling three-party coalition government to the opposition’s
proposals for compromise over the package of constitutional
amendments drafted by President Robert Kocharian. Earlier on 3
February, the three parties issued a statement welcoming the
opposition’s proposals. At the same time, the statement said the
opposition should not make its participation in discussions on
constitutional reform contingent on acceptance of its proposals,
RFE/RL’s Armenian Service reported.

From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

The scandal Kofi couldn’t cover up

SUNDAY TELEGRAPH(LONDON)
February 06, 2005, Sunday

The scandal Kofi couldn’t cover up
Evidence of double-dealing in the Iraq oil-for-food programme is
stacking up by the week as more and more of the United Nation’s
officials are being implicated. PHILIP SHERWELL in Washington and
CHARLES LAURENCE in New York report

BY PHILIP SHERWELL and CHARLES LAURENCE

It was just two weeks ago, in a rented suite of offices on the 15th
floor of an anonymous Manhattan office block, that Benon Sevan
finally discovered that his story would not hold. For months, the
burly, bristling Armenian-Cypriot, known within the UN for both his
bonhomie and bad temper, had insisted that the talk of oil deals with
Saddam Hussein and strange petroleum companies in Panama had nothing
to do with him.

On January 21, however, the former head of the UN’s Iraq oil-for-food
programme was confronted by proof of his deception by Paul Volcker.
The former Federal Reserve chairman is leading the UN’s investigation
into a scheme — established by the UN in April 1995 — from which
Saddam Hussein skimmed off about $2-billion and bribed foreign
allies. Its aim was to allow the Iraqi government to sell a limited
amount of oil to buy food, medicine and other essentials for its
people in the aftermath of the first Gulf War in 1991.

Mr Volcker’s interim report, delivered last week, not only contained
a damning verdict on the behaviour of Mr Sevan, an official long
defended by the current UN Secretary General, Kofi Annan, it also
threw an unexpected new focus on the role of Mr Annan’s predecessor,
Boutros Boutros-Ghali, as the unravelling scandal dragged in new
names.

The meeting was the 13th time that Mr Sevan had met the investigators
since the allegations of financial abuse were first raised by Claude
Hankes-Drielsma, a British banker who was advising the interim Iraqi
government in Baghdad. Although it was an open secret at the UN that
the oil-for-food scheme had been subject to surcharges and kickbacks
for years, Mr Annan had consistently refused to launch an
investigation until then.

On his first 12 visits, Mr Sevan refused to discuss the specifics of
the claims against him. But by this trip, the investigators had
obtained his full telephone records after clearing his office files
and computer disks (Mr Sevan had previously provided the “clean”
telephone data from his home). These records proved that Mr Sevan’s
claim to have spoken with Fakhry Abdelnour, the man who ran African
Middle East Petroleum Co (AMEP), the Panamanian oil dealership, only
once, by chance at an Opec meeting in Vienna in 1999, was
demonstrably false.

Senior former Iraqi officials had already told the commission that Mr
Sevan had solicited contracts for AMEP – claims that Mr Sevan denied,
saying he barely knew Mr Abdelnour, who also happens to be a nephew
of former UN Secretary General Boutros Boutros-Ghali. This new set of
telephone numbers showed several calls between the two men, who also
sometimes conducted back-to-back conversations with Fred Nadler, Mr
Boutros-Ghali’s brother-in-law. The former Secretary General’s role
in pushing the French bank preferred by the Iraqi authorities to
administer the programme’s accounts also comes in for close scrutiny.

But Mr Volcker and his fellow commissioners have become accustomed to
digging into the activities of Secretary Generals (past and present)
and their relatives. Their second report, due out next month, will
focus on the business links of Mr Annan’s son, Kojo, with Cotecna,
the Swiss company that won the UN contract to oversee oil-for-food
imports into Iraq in 1998. Kojo has said that he played no part in
Cotecna’s Iraq work; his father said that he did not have any idea
that Kojo remained on Cotecna’s payroll until a year ago.

Mr Annan had done his best to avoid ordering an inquiry, but the
Volcker findings may yet help save his job – for now, at least. The
UN is not a body in which the buck stops with the boss, and now, in
the belligerent form of Benon Sevan, there is a senior official to
blame.

He was not, however, the only UN official singled out for criticism
in the report and now subject to disciplinary proceedings: so, too,
was Joseph Stephanides, a fellow Cypriot who oversaw the selection of
the programme’s major contractors. The report said that the UN broke
its own competitive tendering rules when it chose Lloyd’s Register of
London, Banque Nationale de Paris of France and Saybolt, a Dutch
company, to implement the scheme. In particular, Mr Stephanides is
criticised for co-operating with British diplomats at the UN to
ensure that Lloyd’s Register, the 245-year-old inspection and risk
management group, won the contract to oversee imports into Iraq. A
lower tender was submitted by a French rival, but the UN decided that
the deal should go to Lloyd’s since BNP, the Parisian bank, had been
awarded another key contract.

Sir John Weston, the then British ambassador to the UN, said on
Friday that he was operating under “ministerial instructions” from
London in advising Lloyd’s Register on the best tactics to win the
contract. Suggestions that there was improper behaviour are based on
“ignorance of the practices of diplomatic missions”.

Lloyd’s Register is furious at being dragged into the row and says
that its reputation has been damaged badly by the release of UN
audits suggesting that it over-charged. David Moorhouse, the
executive chairman, also said that it was customary for British
diplomats to be helpful to British companies seeking overseas
contracts.

Carne Ross, the British diplomat in charge of Iraq policy at the UN
at the time, told The Sunday Telegraph that the scheme was “deeply
politicised” and “carved up” between member states. “It was our job
to lobby for British companies and we did so vigorously. Nobody in
Britain would have expected any less,” said Mr Ross, who resigned
last year. “That is the way the UN operates and it seems a little
harsh if Joseph Stephanides is carrying the can.”

The Volcker committee’s criticism of Mr Sevan was scathing. It
concluded that he had solicited and received oil allocations of
several million barrels on AMEP’s behalf, helping the company to earn
about $1.5-million. Saddam’s regime apparently believed he would help
it ease economic restrictions in return. The committee also said that
Mr Sevan failed to adequately explain the source of $160,000 of extra
income between 1999 and 2003 (he told them he was given the money by
an aged aunt who died in Cyprus last year after falling down a lift
shaft). The committee said that it “continues to investigate” whether
he “received personal or financial benefits” for soliciting the oil
deals for AMEP.

Even after the publication of the interim Volcker report, Mr Sevan’s
status with the UN remains strangely blurred, and UN officials seem
to have remarkable trouble defining it. Does he still have diplomatic
immunity? Yes. Has he retired? Yes, but he still has the status of a
contract employee, at $1 per year, maintaining his immunity. Does he
have a pension? Yes, but it is not yet being paid.

Last week, Eric Lewis, a Washington lawyer issued a spirited defence:
“Mr Sevan never took a penny.” He said that the commission had
“succumbed to massive political pressure” to find a scapegoat.

There was no sign of Mr Sevan at his Manhattan apartment block
yesterday. When The Sunday Telegraph tracked him down last year as he
visited his aunt in a Cyprus hospital, he rejected all suggestions of
impropriety and claimed that he would be vindicated.

Even if Mr Annan escapes censure in Mr Volcker’s next report, he is
not out of the woods. There are also five US congressional
investigations into the oil-for-food scandal and UN mismanagement (as
well as two criminal inquiries being conducted by federal and New
York prosecutors). And in Republican-controlled Washington, where
many politicians consider “United Nations” to be dirty words, the
Secretary General’s role still faces intense scrutiny. Nile Gardiner,
a fellow at the Heritage Foundation, an influential conservative
think tank, who has studied the scandal, said: “The UN continues to
display breathtaking arrogance with regard to the oil-for-food
scandal. The organisation does not seem to recognise the extent to
which it has been damaged by this. Five major congressional
investigations are looking at the role of Kofi Annan and any of them
have the potential to force his resignation.”

The Volcker findings have provided fresh ammunition for prominent
American critics of the UN. “I am reluctant to conclude that the UN
is damaged beyond repair, but these revelations certainly point in
this direction,” said Henry Hyde, the Republican chairman of the
House International Relations Committee, one of the investigating
panels.

At the UN, the fightback is being led by Mark Malloch Brown, the
eloquent British official who Mr Annan recently promoted to his chief
of staff with a brief to “renew” the organisation. “Benon Sevan has
been a lifelong colleague and a dear, dear friend,” he said. “But
these are extremely serious charges of wrongdoing and no one will be
shielded from prosecution. If there are criminal charges, the UN will
fully co-operate and waive diplomatic immunity of staff members,
whoever they are.” Mr Malloch Brown said the Volcker report was
“encouraging” and a “step in the right direction”.

But, he said, the report showed that the UN bureaucracy would have
done better at controlling Saddam’s oil-for-food schemes if they had
been allowed to do their jobs without the interference of the “member
nations”, particularly those on the Security Council. The report also
said that the major source of Saddam’s illicit money was not
kickbacks but oil smuggling to Jordan and Turkey, to which the US and
Britain turned a blind eye because the two countries were allies.
“Back off — that’s the message to the member states,” Mr Malloch
Brown declared. “They should look to the mote in their own eye
because what has been revealed is a process of politicisation.”

The famously haughty Mr Boutros-Ghali was even blunter in his
response after the report detailed how he “acquiesced” to the Iraqi
authorities in the choice of BNP as the programme’s banker, despite
apparently stronger competitive bids from others. According to Sir
John Weston, he did not get a second term, because he was not
regarded as a good enough secretary general to deserve a second term.
Sir John said of him: “I think he was an honourable public servant.
But he had a number of shortcomings. One of them was that he was a
singularly poor manager.”

The former Secretary General, reached by telephone in his Paris
apartment soon after the interim report was published, insisted that
he had done nothing improper. He called the allegations “silly” and,
in a telling remark, dismissed the Volcker investigators as
“ignorant” about the UN system.

In fact, the investigators have become all too well-informed about
how the UN system operated – and the rest of the world is now
learning fast. -Additional reporting by Ed Simpkins and Damien
McElroy

Dark Continent

The Jerusalem Report
February 7, 2005

DARK CONTINENT

by Paula Slier

As the world recalls Auschwitz, a museum in Rwanda looks to the
Holocaust’s themes of grief and hope

Paula Slier Kigali, Rwanda

The air is hot and sticky. Unpaved, red-earth streets wind past tiny
stone houses with corrugated-tin roofs that peep out from behind
one-room shops selling everything from raw meat to imported
chocolates. An occasional modern-looking two- or three-story building
punctuates the poverty. This is Kigali, capital of Rwanda, population
400,000.

A decade after the genocide in which close to a million people – over
a tenth of the population – were killed in a hundred days, Rwanda is
still struggling to rebuild itself. Most of the dead were members of
the Tutsi ethnic group and moderate members of the rival Hutu group;
most of the murderers were Hutus.

As the world prepares to mark the 60th anniversary of the liberation
of Auschwitz on January 27, a Jew visiting this sprawling city is
almost automatically drawn to a hilltop overlooking it, where the
Kigali Genocide Memorial serves as a reminder. Opened in April 2003,
it is situated next to mass graves in which more than a quarter of a
million victims are buried. Its pale pink walls and modern two-floor
structure are surrounded by memorial gardens where visitors are
invited to sit and reflect.

The ground floor of the museum documents the genocide and includes a
large chamber in which glass cabinets exhibit skulls, bones, clothing
remains and photographs of victims. Signs in French, English and the
local language, Kinyarwanda, cater to the hundreds of local and
foreign visitors each day. Upstairs, an exhibition entitled “Wasted
Lives” tells the story of other genocides, among them the murder of
the Hereros in Namibia in 1904, the Armenians in 1915-18, the
Cambodians in 1975-79 and most recently, Muslims and Christians in
the Balkans. Two rooms are devoted to Nazi Germany and the
extermination of the Jews, with special reference to the Treblinka
death camp, where almost the same number died as in Rwanda.

The themes of the museum resonate deeply for any Jew, including the
brutal horror of the murders, the inaction of the international
community, the need for education, reconciliation and rebuilding, the
mandate to care for survivors, the desire to honor the heroes who
saved innocent lives and, perhaps, the difficulty of dealing with the
genocide except as a nearly endless series of separate,
heart-wrenching details.

Two British brothers, Stephen and James Smith, are largely
responsible, through their organization, Aegis, the Genocide
Prevention Research Initiative, for the museum’s final configuration.
Hired by the Rwandan government to create and operate it for three
years (when it is expected to be self-sustaining and will be run by
the Kigali municipality), the Smiths were asked to base the
institution on the Beth Shalom Holocaust Memorial Center they created
near Nottingham in northern England. And that museum, in turn, was
inspired by the brothers’ visit 10 years ago to Yad Vashem in
Jerusalem.

In their early 20s at the time, they returned home and converted
their parents’ small non-denominational Christian conference center
in the Nottinghamshire countryside into a historical museum that
houses a permanent exhibition on the Holocaust, along with seminar
and film rooms, a library and bookshop. “We realized that the
Holocaust is not just a Jewish problem,” says younger brother James
Smith, Aegis executive director, now 35 and married to a Rwandan
genocide survivor he met while working in Rwanda. “It has
consequences for us all.”

Ironically, as the Nottingham Holocaust center was preparing to open
in 1994, the genocide in Rwanda and ethnic cleansing in Bosnia
highlighted the failure of the international community to either
predict or respond effectively to these new tragedies. “Our responses
to genocidal threats are characteristically reactive and too late,”
Smith notes.

Julien Apollon Kabahizi, the Aegis country manager in Rwanda, lost
four members of his immediate family and most of his extended family
in the genocide. He, too, criticizes the international community for
its inaction 10 years ago and is anguished over his country’s
difficulty in coming to terms with its past. He points out that many
of the schoolchildren coming through the museum – a large number of
them children of survivors or perpetrators – know little about the
genocide beyond what their parents have been willing to say. Although
every year, during the three months in which the genocide occurred,
media focus becomes intense, the genocide is not yet part of the
school curriculum, largely because educators are uncertain how to
present the material.

Emmanuel Mugenzira, 48, lost his entire family during the genocide.
Slightly hunched over and almost emaciated, Mugenzira stares across
the vacant school yard in the southern town of Murambi, where 50,000
people were killed. Left for dead himself by the killers, he still
has a deep bullet scar on his forehead. The government told Tutsis to
go to the schools for safety – but the government was Hutu, and
thousands of Tutsis were killed while hiding in classrooms.

“Most of the killers were my neighbors,” Mugenzira recalls. “They
burned my house, they looted everything I had. I am the only Tutsi
living in Murambi now, and I am scared. But they can’t kill me, I’m
already dead. I come here every day to look after my family.” In a
reaction that echoes that of many Holocaust survivors, particularly
right after the war, he adds, “I wish I had died with them.”

As in other genocides, there are not only victims and perpetrators
but also “righteous gentiles.” Marck Msabimana, a Hutu married to a
Tutsi and a former soldier in the Rwandan army, risked his life to
save his wife and her family. “I kept on telling Tutsis to come and
hide in my house, especially the ones who were my wife’s friends. I
hid them under the bed, in the ceiling, in the cupboard. The first
time the Hutus came looking, there were 40 people in my house. I was
very scared hiding them, especially when I found out that outside,
people were collecting money to pay someone to kill me because they
suspected me.” They had collected 26,000 Rwandan francs (about $ 50),
he recalls, but the killer wanted 30,000.

National reconciliation remains a crucial issue in Rwanda. Unlike
Jews, who could leave Europe after the Holocaust, Tutsi survivors
must live with their former killers, including neighbors and even
family members. They know that not all the Hutus regret what occurred
and that some may still dream of a world without Tutsis, as the Nazis
dreamed of a world without Jews. Except for the hope that the
brutality will not erupt again, many survivors in Rwanda would find
it difficult to go on with their lives. Msabimana says he is
convinced that another genocide could never again happen in Rwanda,
that the lessons of the past have been learned – but he offers no
reasons for his hope.

For Emmanuel Muvunyi, the 33-year-old director of the department of
education’s student financing agency, his department’s efforts to
include genocide in the required school curriculum are part of
ensuring a peaceful future for Rwanda. Fluent in English and
passionate in his speech, Muvunyi, who participated in a month-long
educational program in Israel in 2002, insists that the lessons of
the Rwandan genocide are the same as those of the Holocaust: that
racism must be fought and that the intervention of international
organizations is crucial.

But he sees important differences between the Rwandan experience and
the Holocaust. “In Rwanda, the genocide was faster and there was the
deliberate negligence of the United Nations,” he says. After World
War II, the Allied powers mounted the Nuremberg trials, but the era
of public tribunals to deal with war criminals was short, and many
murderers were never prosecuted. In Rwanda, “gacaca” (literally,
“sit-on-the-grass”) village courts are being held all around the
country to try the more than 80,000 alleged killers still in the
country’s prisons.

An estimated 2 million Hutus fled to the Democratic Republic of
Congo. While many may merely fear Tutsi reprisals should they return,
others are armed members of Hutu militias who dream of returning to
Rwanda to continue the killing.

Ezra Birinjira is a Hutu pastor who infiltrated back into the
country, after four years in a Congolese refugee camp, in a group
caught by Rwandan troops. He denies having killed anyone and insists
that he fled the country only out of fear of Tutsi revenge. “I came
back so that I could reach my home. Then I surrendered,” he says.

After his capture, he was required, as are all Hutu returnees, to
take part in a course, organized by the National Unity and
Reconciliation Commission (NURC), to learn “how to follow the rules
of the new Rwandan government and not to start segregating” Hutus
from Tutsis. Established in March 1999 by an act of parliament, the
NURC hopes that national unity and reconciliation can be developed
through social and economic projects. Among its initiatives are
programs throughout the country that bring together survivors with
perpetrators who have served time in jail.

Just under 8 million people live in Rwanda now, 90 percent of them
engaged in subsistence agriculture. A fledgling democracy with few
natural resources, landlocked and with only tea and coffee as
important exports, it is a nation that was constructed by Western
powers. Before colonization by Belgium began in 1916, Hutus and
Tutsis lived side by side in peace. But the dynamics of colonization,
with Europeans manipulating and using the tribes to entrench their
own power, created festering inequalities and jealousies that erupted
when the country’s Hutu president was killed, his plane shot down,
presumably by Tutsi conspirators, in April 1994. Within hours, Hutus
avenging his death began killing both Tutsis and moderate Hutus, who
represented political opposition.

Jews coined the phrase “Never Again!” as a refusal, after the
Holocaust, ever to submit again to the centuries of persecutions and
pogroms that had led to it. But in Rwanda the phrase is commonly used
in a more universalistic sense. For example, survivor Kabahizi, the
Aegis representative, asks, “When they said ‘Never Again!’ after the
Holocaust, was it meant for some people and not for others?” His is
both a cry of grief for what happened to his own people and an
accusation against those who could have helped but did not.

James Smith, too, understands the phrase to refer to a commitment
undertaken long ago by the international community that genocide will
never occur again. “The genocide in Rwanda and ethnic cleansing in
Bosnia threw into relief the failure of the international community
to either predict or respond effectively to these unfolding
tragedies,” Smith said in a telephone interview. “We have no model to
prevent genocide,” he muses, “just principles about our
responsibility to protect.”

It is estimated that 200 million people were murdered by
state-sponsored targeting of civilians in the last century. Another
million lives are at risk today in Sudan. A hillside overlooking the
poverty-stricken city of Kilgari holds the most recent testimony to
both human ferociousness and human hope.

SIDEBAR

Making the Choice to Heal

Tali Nates’s father was a Schindler survivor; her mother fled Warsaw
in the early 1930s. From childhood, says the Tel Aviv-born mother of
two, she felt a calling to pursue a profession that taught the
consequences of intolerance. Now 43 and living in South Africa, where
she lectures and facilitates anti-prejudice and human-rights
workshops, Nates, blue eyes flashing as she speaks and one hand
continuously flicking back curls of reddish-orange hair that keep
falling into her face, remains passionate about the mission she set
for herself long ago.

“I felt a connection between the genocide in Rwanda and the
Holocaust,” she says. “I hoped that by exploring and understanding
man’s immense cruelty to his neighbors, I would perhaps find the key
to educating future generations not to harm one another.” For seven
years she headed the education department at the privately funded
Foundation for Tolerance Education in Johannesburg, a project that
used the experiences of apartheid, the Holocaust and the Rwandan
genocide to teach universal lessons of tolerance, acceptance and
human rights. She has trained hundreds of teachers and thousands of
students in South Africa and now assists with teacher-training
programs in Rwanda; she expects to run seminars this year for the
Rwandan Ministry of Education and the Kigali Memorial Center.

“Rwanda was a Holocaust,” she says. “It was a Holocaust in Africa, in
a place the world didn’t know or care about. It happened to people
who were different and ‘less important’ than ‘us.’ For me, the
Ntarama church (where some 4,000 Tutsis were murdered with grenades
and machetes) felt like Auschwitz. But do we need to compare the two
genocides? They both ended in the silence of millions who could still
have been with us. And after every genocide the world says, ‘Never
Again!’ Until the next time, that is.”

Nates moved to South Africa in 1985 to marry a South African she met
while he was visiting Israel. In 1994, when the genocide was
happening in Rwanda, she recalls watching it “helplessly” on the news
in suburban comfort. “When I lectured about the Holocaust to
students, I always devoted a few lessons to the world’s reaction – to
how little was done. And here I was, living in a world that was doing
nothing about another mass murder. I felt that I betrayed my
grandmother and aunts who were murdered in Belzec if I stayed
silent.” At the Foundation for Tolerance Education in 1998, she
decided to create a “tolerance program” about Rwanda. Rwandan
survivors and refugees in South Africa helped her put together a
program “about people’s choices – the perpetrators, bystanders,
victims and rescuers – and the consequences of those choices,” she
explains.

Last year, she visited Rwanda at last. “I am alive because another
man in another time made a choice and rescued my father. This was a
different country, a different time, different circumstances – but so
many things were familiar and similar. Holding hands with one of the
survivors who lost all her family in the genocide, I felt we were
sisters.”

P.S.

Iran denies responsibility for Georgian PM’s death

Agence France Presse — English
February 6, 2005

Iran denies responsibility for Georgian PM’s death

TEHRAN

Iran moved Sunday to deny any role or responsibility in the death of
Georgian prime minister Zurab Zhvania, killed by carbon monoxide
fumes from a heater made in the Islamic republic.

“Many such heaters were exported to Georgia, and many are being used
in Iran.

But nobody has ever died,” insisted foreign ministry spokesman Hamid
Reza Asefi. He said reports on the circumstances of the death
“indicate a faulty installation”.

“Of course we feel sorry over the death of the Georgian prime
minister, and we have sent a message of condolence,” Asefi said. “It
was a sad accident. We have good relations with Georgia and we were
truly saddened.”

The 41-year-old prime minister, who was due to be buried later
Sunday, was found by his bodyguards slumped over a table in an
apartment on the outskirts of Tbilisi early Thursday — sending shock
waves through the former Soviet republic.

He appeared to have succumbed to carbon monoxide fumes from an
inadequately ventilated room heater — manufactured by the Nik-Kala
heater factory in Karaj, a satellite city of Tehran.

Also denying any responsibility was Ali Soleimani, Nik-Kala’s
managing director.

“Not only the Georgians but most residents of the new republics do
not have the culture of using gas heaters,” Soleimani told the Shargh
newspaper.

“The Georgian and Russian officials are the ones to blame. We have
published manuals in Armenian and Russian giving the right
instructions. We have emphasized that the heaters are to be installed
by our representatives in those countries.”