Tbilisi: OSCE Commissioner launches inter-ethnic initiatives in Geor

OSCE Commissioner launches inter-ethnic initiatives in Georgia

The Messenger, Georgia
Feb 16 2005

An OSCE project to strengthen inter-ethnic relations in Georgia
is being launched by State Minister for Civic Integration Zinaida
Bestaeva, the OSCE announced on Tuesday.

The new initiative ‘Management of Inter-ethnic Relations’ was
developed by the OSCE High Commissioner on National Minorities (HCNM)
and aims at deepening inter-ethnic relations throughout the country
and particularly in the region of Samtskhe-Javakheti, home to a large
ethnic Armenian community.

According to the OSCE at a series of seminars and workshops, regional
and national civil servants, community leaders and NGO representatives
will address the complex topic of minority integration, will gain
greater awareness of inter-ethnic issues and will develop positive
practical strategies.

A four-day seminar opening on February 14 marked the start of the
two-year project. Two experts from Kyrgyzstan are participating in
the seminar, which is implemented by the Tbilisi-based Foundation
for the Development of Human Resources.

Tbilisi: President to students: build the private sector

The Messenger, Georgia
Feb 16 2005

President to students: build the private sector

Presenting cabinet at university, Saakashvili praises new Georgian
version of Windows, defends criticism of opponents

By Nino Kopaleishvili

The political ball is in the students’ playing field, stated President
Mikheil Saakashvili as he presented the new cabinet of ministers at
Ivane Javakhishvili Tbilisi State University on Tuesday.

The government members, who are set to be approved by Parliament on
February 17, met with the university students to answer any questions.

The students were emboldened with the president’s words that in
case the ministers failed to gain the young people’s trust, he would
seriously reconsider the candidates.

“I want you to ask all the questions you have,” he told the university
audience on February 15, “Now all the power goes to you, to the
Georgian students and youth. Here is the ball, and here is the
playing field.”

In his speech Saakashvili called on the students to create an active
society and to become engaged in the private sector to support a
thriving economy in the country.

“Now is the time that those who are shrewd and smart to step forward,”
said the president, stressing that the new government and a new tax
code supports enterprises.

“All students should think about entering the private sector.
Certainly the best should come to the state offices but the best
should go to the private sector as well. This is very important
because private sector creates the economy,” he said.

Talking at the university the president also referred to the reforms
that are under way in the education sector. According to him the
government is ready to invest money to improve the level of education
in the country.

“The reform of education is mainly putting investments in the education
sphere. We will work on this as a fundament because without money
there is no high-quality education,” he said.

“In four years all Georgian schools should be computerized and
given access to the internet,” the president said, highlighting the
announcement on Tuesday that Microsoft is working with the Tbilisi
IT-company United Global Technology (UGT) to create an official
Georgian language version of the operating system.

“Today Microsoft made a presentation of the first Georgian language
[Microsoft software] and we should do everything toward this
direction,” said Saakashvili. As he stated, the project would cost
the government USD 40 million “We will allot this money by all means,”
he promised.

On Tuesday Saakashvili once more stressed his will to create an active
multi-ethnic society in Georgia that is ready to work hard for a better
future and does not demand too much care from the government. As he
explained, Georgian society remains occupied with an obsolete mentality
and considers that it is the government who should initiate activities.

“We [the people] should lay the groundwork to an active society,”
he said. “The population can take the reins of their fate into their
own hands.”

In his didactic speech at the university Saakashvili also talked about
the ethnic tolerance, and the multi-ethnic society that is struggling
for a better future in Georgia.

“We have Azeris who are proud of Georgia. We have Armenians who are
proud of Georgia, and I am sure we will have many more Abkhaz who
will be proud of the fact that they are in Georgia and they are a
part of the country,” said the president.

Saakashvili also commented on his harsh statement that last week in
Parliament that New Rights Opposition leader MP David Gamkrelidze was
“jerking around.” The president’s statement was severely criticized
in media, and Saakashvili defended himself saying that there is a
place for harsh expressions in a democratic state.

“I am sorry but democracy is not when only one person can speak and a
poor government tolerates it and never responds. We already had such
a government,” stated the president.

“Democracy is something where everyone can express his opinion, among
them the most radical opinions, but finally people will decide who
is right and who is not,” he added.

As for the question and answer portion, Georgian media covered little
of the interaction except for State Minister Kakha Bendukidze telling
one student that he expected a “more intelligent” question.

ANKARA: PM should visit the ‘Turks’ exhibition

Turkish Daily News
Feb 16 2005

PM should visit the ‘Turks’ exhibition

Mehmet Ali Birand:
Wednesday, February 16, 2005

When the Europeans think about Turks, the first things that springs
to their minds are images of mistreatment, torture, violation of
rights or domestic and foreign military interventions. Most of the
news they see coming out of Turkey is full of negative information.

In cultural terms, they see us as almost non-existent.

At a time when we face such a mammoth image problem, as luck would
have it, a world-renowned artistic institution, London’s Royal
Academy of Arts, is holding an extremely popular exhibition entitled:
“Turks.”

The exhibition is an account of our past.

It is a step-by-step journey across the milestones of Turkish
history, and it is currently amongst the most talked about cultural
events in Europe.

People have started to take an interest in Turkey and Turkish
culture as a result of our dealings with the E.U. combined with the
lure of the prestigious Royal Academy it has caused a wave of
interest.

The exhibition was due to have been opened by Prime Minister Recep
Tayyip Erdoðan himself. The Turkish prime minister was supposed to
visit Britain for the day and the event would have been a significant
public relations victory for Turkey.

Some people in Ankara (I was told it was the Foreign Ministry, but
I don’t want to believe that) objected to this.

They told Erdoðan: “Sir, when you arrive, either the British prime
minister, or the foreign secretary at the very least, should be with
you during you visit the to the exhibition to demonstrate respect for
a visiting head-of-state. However, if they are not there, it would be
seen as most improper for you to visit the exhibition alone.”

Can you just imagine the mentality of such a recommendation? This
important exhibition is to be visited and our bureaucrats are only
thinking about official protocol rules. Instead of telling Erdoðan:
“You can meet the British prime minister or the foreign secretary
some other time, but this exhibition really can’t be missed,” they
prevented him from going at all. Meanwhile, the exhibition has turned
out to be a resounding success.

People are flocking from all over Europe to visit it. According to
figures given to me, around 10,000 people visit it a day. They plan
to take the exhibition to Paris and then New York afterwards.

Ankara just remains silent on the subject.

The Turkish Administration didn’t give a single cent to the
exhibition. Thank god the private sector was more mature and provided
funding to make sure it happened.

The exhibition will finish at the end of March.

What we would expect is Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoðan to make
the time to visit it before it closes. It would provide a tremendous
boost to promoting this country abroad. He should go to London on a
prearranged visit with every newspaper notified beforehand. It should
become a real occasion.

Just ignore the absence of Tony Blair.

Erdoðan must understand the boost to public awareness such a visit
would bring.

Why shouldn’t Pamuk say what he thinks?

Extreme nationalist media outlets have made novelist Orhan Pamuk
their new hate-figure.

He implied that Turks killed Armenians and Kurds and this has
caused a commotion.

Who is Pamuk?

He is an internationally renowned Turkish novelist. He was
celebrated in this country up until recently and is one of the first
individuals people remember when they talk about Turkey. He is not an
official state spokesman or a government representative. In other
words, his words carry no official weight. He is just talking about
his own opinions.

What the reason behind this attack?

Don’t people have the right to say what they think, no matter
whether they’re right or wrong? Will Turkey be sent to the
International Court, just because Orhan Pamuk made these allegations?
Will the United Nations use Pamuk as a witness and demand
compensation from Turkey?

No.

If you don’t agree with what Pamuk’ opinions, just say it. Why this
“lynching mentality?”

Gentlemen, this is the gap between us and the rest of the civilized
world (by which I mean the western world, especially the EU). We are
yet to fully embrace freedom of expression. We have adjusted most of
our laws in line with the Copenhagen criteria to be closer to Europe,
but now that I reflect on it, we as a people are still very far from
adopting an attitude compatible with theirs.

We need to get used to respecting differences of opinions, no
matter how irritating they are.

I don’t agree with what Pamuk said, but I defend his right to say
them.

What was done to him is a shame.

It is outdated.

–Boundary_(ID_J2mkWZ3QsQfr/FNWVmRt8Q)–

Ezidis: Ezidi children are forced to study Islam in Turkey

Kurdish Media, UK
Feb 16 2005

Ezidis: Ezidi children are forced to study Islam in Turkey

16/02/2005 Ezidis
The recent practice of Turkish state against Ezidis in
Viransehir-Urfa is evidencing the Turanist barbarism experience from
history.

As we learned through the press, Ezidi children are forced to study
Islam as a compulsory course in Oglakci village of Viransehir in Urfa
province. This fact is evidencing Turkish state’s assimilating policy
against other ethnic and religious groups in general and Ezidis in
particular. Although Turkish state has accepted “secularism
principle” in its constitution, it has been contradicting this
principle since the set up of this state and has been maintaining
Ottoman Empire’s politics of forcing everyone to be Muslim.
The existence of these practices is evidencing Turkish state’s
non-sincerity, ridiculousness, especially in a period of EU
membership discussions. Aziz Nesin – a Turkish intellectual, also
mentioned this fact. This practice and mentality should be exposed
and prevented through legal actions.

Under Ottoman Empire, Ezidis were accepted as “pagan”, therefore were
deprived of all their legal rights and exposed to massacres. Turkish
State is inheritor of such a barbaric heritage and hasn’t transformed
at all but has persistently accepted Ezidism as a religion and
therefore acted for killing, assimilating Ezidis. That is why; the
number of Ezidis is so few in North Kurdistan.

Turkish state is demanding many cultural rights for Turkish citizens
who are living in Europe including religion, mother language courses.
On the other hand, it is not allowing any rights for Kurds, Ezidi
Kurds, Alevi Kurds or any Christian groups living within borders of
Turkey. So, how can Turkish state integrate with the modern world?
Turkish state cannot even stand with freedom of nations within
neighbor countries and is trying to maintain the statuesque by making
threats. (Meaning freedom of Kurds in Iraq-NB) All these practices of
Turkish state evidences that it is not only a colonist but also an
actor of instability in the region.

Once more, we would like to thank to all our brothers-sisters from
Kurdistan who helped in pronouncing/publicizing this fact and
supported us by not leaving alone.

We strongly condemn this recent practice of successors of Ittihat and
Terakki who murdered millions of Armenians, Kurds and Ezidis from
Kurdistan. We declare that we will not give up our democratic fight
and call all sensitive-humanist people for collaboration.

On behalf of a group of Ezidi academicians:

Xemdar Sero
Eziz Hiseyni
Eli Hevdiyan
Xelef Dirêj

–Boundary_(ID_UvmVVSxr1Xf+DA0ZpPj/sQ)–

Is nothing sacred?

Belfast Telegraph, UK
Feb 16 2005

Is nothing sacred?

It’s the holiest of Christian sites – the place where Jesus was
buried. But the Church of the Holy Sepulchre has become a
battleground where priests fight and monks stone each other. Victoria
Clark reports on an ungodly turf war.

16 February 2005

Father Athanasius’s Texan drawl sounds as steady as ever down the
phone from Jerusalem but the tale he’s recounting is hair-raising:
“… I refused to close the door to our chapel and then the Greeks,
priests and deacons and acolytes attacked the Israeli police standing
by the door and I was pushed away and fell down, and someone was
kicking me, and more police arrived…”

My Catholic friar friend eventually explains that this latest
explosion of Christian-on-Christian violence in the Church of the
Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem occurred on 27 September last year, on
the Orthodox Feast of the True Cross. Although it happened four
months ago, the authors of the crime – Greek Orthodox churchmen –
have not yet been brought to book.

The Church of the Holy Sepulchre – the sanctified home to the site of
Christ’s crucifixion, as well the tomb he vacated three days later –
is no stranger to violent bloodshed. Christian denominations have
been violently contesting each others’ rights to occupy every last
inch of this holiest of holy places since shortly after the the first
church was built on the site around AD330.

Soon it will be Easter, and the vast 12th-century Crusader church
will host more services, processions and ceremonies than at any other
time of the year. That means more friction and more occasions for
violence. “From Catholic Palm Sunday on 20 March to the Orthodox Holy
Fire ceremony on 23 April is a five-week danger period for us,”
Father Athanasius says. “I’m really scared someone’s going to get
killed.”

While I was in Jerusalem investigating the contribution the world’s
Christian powers have made to the world’s most intractable conflict,
I witnessed two major fights between churchmen and many minor ones.
The first, on Holy Saturday in 2002, involved the Greek Orthodox
patriarch, Irineos I, and an Armenian priest, who were supposed to be
co-operating in the ritual surrounding the Orthodox “miracle” of the
Holy Fire. Many Orthodox Christians believe that on the Saturday
before Easter every year God descends in the shape of a flame
spontaneously ignited inside the shrine of Christ’s tomb. On this
occasion, behind the closed doors of the shrine, the two churchmen
fell out over whether tradition demanded that they both “receive” the
Holy Fire at once, or whether the Greek patriarch must take
precedence.

Impatient, the Armenian improvised his own “holy fire” with the far
from miraculous aid of a cigarette lighter. In a space no bigger than
a couple of telephone boxes, an ungodly tussle ensued. The patriarch
blew out his companion’s candle and somehow lost a shoe. The Armenian
was badly bruised when two Greek monks and then two Israeli police
stormed the shrine.

The second incident, in July that year, landed 11 monks in hospital.
The argument was over whether or not an elderly Egyptian monk should
be permitted to sit under a eucalyptus tree on the Ethiopians’ roof
terrace. “This is an invasion,” a young Ethiopian monk named Solomon
insisted a month before the battle. “Today he sits here on his chair.
Tomorrow, another Copt will come with his chair and perhaps a table.
One day the Egyptians will claim that they have the right to be in
this courtyard, and they will take our monastery!”

The affair escalated from haughty stares at the snoozing Copt to a
battle in which stones and metal railings were deployed. The Copts,
whose monastery overlooks the Ethiopians’ roof terrace, came off
best.

The Israeli authorities responded to the first incident by deploying
a thousand police in the square of the Old City on the morning of the
Holy Fire ceremony of 2003. George Hintlian, a pillar of the city’s
Armenian community, a historian and an expert in matters concerning
the Christian holy places, was expecting another dust-up. He told me
that “we Armenians don’t want a fight, but we can have people ready
to take up strategic positions around the church”.

After the battle of the chair, the Israelis installed CCTV cameras in
the Ethiopians’ roof terrace. For all the Israelis’ patient shuttling
between the two communities in search of a resolution, one had not
been found by Christmas 2003. Two Israeli police were still escorting
the old Copt to his post under the Ethiopians’ tree every morning.

Jerusalem’s rulers, whether they were the Ottoman Turks for 500 years
until 1917, the British of the mandate period until 1948, or the
Israelis thereafter, have often mocked and marvelled at the bitter
feuds of the Christians in their favourite holy place, but all have
tried to limit the causes of friction.

No fewer than six different kinds of Christian enjoy grossly unequal
shares in the use and management of the church. Lording it as
representatives of the oldest and richest church of the Holy Land and
heirs to the glories of Byzantium are the Greek Orthodox, who control
about 40 per cent of the church’s territory and contents. At the
other end of the scale is the tiny community of Ethiopians who
inhabit a cluster of little huts on their rooftop terrace, directly
above the ground that they believe King Solomon gave to their Queen
of Sheba long before Jesus was even born. They can be heard to
complain that “in Western Europe, dogs and cats have a better life
than we have here”.

The Catholic Franciscan community that Father Athanasius belongs to
only won a foothold in the 14th century, after payment of a hefty
bribe, but it is now the second-greatest power. The wealth and
influence acquired as merchants in the Ottoman Empire have elevated
the Armenian Oriental Orthodox to third position, while the Egyptian
Copts make do with one tiny chapel. The Syrian Jacobites, who boast
what Father Athanasius calls the “badly beat-up Chapel of Joseph of
Arimathea”, are almost as underprivileged as the Ethiopians.

The shared shrine of the tomb and the ambulatory encircling it are
the flashpoints. Twice, the protrusion of a Coptic doormat an extra
two inches into the ambulatory has ignited violent argument.

On the occasion of the battle described by Father Athanasius, a
procession was taking place in a shared area of the church, near the
shrine. The 140th head of the Greek Orthodox Church in Jerusalem,
Patriarch Irineos I, was magnificently robed and holding aloft a
cross containing a relic of the one on which Christ was crucified.
Behind came a small army of hymn-singing churchmen, and then a larger
crowd of Orthodox pilgrims. All was going well until the open door of
the Catholic Franciscans’ side-chapel caught the patriarch’s eye. He
instructed his retinue to see to its closure.

Father Athanasius happened to be standing by the offending door.
Politely, he refused to oblige. Then, about 40 Greek clergy resorted
to force. Ten Israeli police positioned in front of the chapel (they
are on routine duty in the church to prevent precisely such
confrontations) were attacked. In the 21-minute brawl, one of them
lost three teeth. Father Athanasius was knocked to the ground and
kicked. Twenty-five Israeli police were needed to calm passions, and
at least three Greek monks were arrested.

By chance, two video recordings of the procession and its unscripted
battle-scene exist, filmed by locals hoping to sell copies of the
ceremony to Orthodox pilgrims. The Franciscans have decided to
present this evidence to a higher authority; only the Israeli
government can resolve a dispute this serious. “But we are still
waiting for their response,” Father Athanasius says. “Yes, I know
they’ve got more important things to think about right now, but time
is short. I can’t tell you how embarrassing this is for all the Holy
Land churches. In fact, we only want it publicised because Easter is
coming. Something has to be done.’

In the four years I have known him, Father Athanasius has tended to
play down hostilities in the holy places. In the spring of 2000, he
assured me that the three great powers of the church had solved 90
per cent of their disagreements, and it was only the lesser powers
who were still disgracing their faith. “Things only tend to go wrong
these days when, let’s say, the Copts behave like kids reaching for
the candy jar,” he had joked. “You slap them down, but they creep
back and try again.”

We had chuckled over minor ruckuses, like the one about the Greek
Orthodox and Armenians and Catholics competing for the privilege of
repairing a manhole cover that happened to straddle the meeting point
of their three territories. He had told me how jealously the Greeks
guarded their right to clean the church’s lavatories.

But there is no trace of his Texan humour now. A tiny sign that the
Greek Orthodox are not feeling chastened by their autumn misdemeanour
scares him: Father Athanasius strongly suspects that, without
consultation, the Greeks have filled in the cracks in the shared slab
of stone on which Jesus was anointed before burial. “They say they
didn’t do it, that pilgrims did it, but what kind of pilgrim goes
around with a supply of cement and a palette knife?”

For the other side, I telephone a friend, a Greek Orthodox bishop.
Even if he can’t account for the workings of his patriarch’s mind
last September, Bishop Theophanis is a good guide to the prevailing
mood among the city’s Greek Orthodox clergy.

Speaking from his bungalow on the roof terrace of the Greek
patriarchate, next door to the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, he
offers no excuse. “Frankly,” he says, “it was an act of provocation
from our side.” But he cannot resist a dig at the Franciscans. “I
have to tell you that those Catholics can sometimes behave like
Crusaders here and they’re not good at respecting us Orthodox as the
first Christian church of the Holy Land – but still, Irineos was
silly and Athanasius behaved quite correctly.”

Bishop Theophanis warns against judging any church by its personnel:
“The Orthodox Church is much bigger than that. Man is always weak and
silly. The Catholics are great ones for confusing the man and the
institution…” When I protest that lives may be at stake now, that
patriarchs are notoriously difficult to remove and that Irineos is
only 64, Bishop Theophanis heaves a sad sigh: “If he lasts another 20
years, we can forget about a Greek Orthodox patriarchate in
Jerusalem.”

That a usually phlegmatic Texan is raising the alarm about Eastertide
violence, and a proud Greek is contemplating the collapse of the
city’s fifth-century patriarchate, is some indication of the
seriousness of the situation. While the Palestinian issue has hogged
the spotlight, few have focused on the sideshow in the Church of the
Sepulchre. But it is starting to matter a great deal to anyone who
thinks Christianity should retain a stake in the land where it was
born.

There is talk now of resuming the “road map” to peace. Sooner or
later, the burning question of Jerusalem’s status will have to be
raised and attention focused on every inch of that city, as well as
the West Bank and Gaza. The Israelis are already seeking ways to
secure as much as possible of the city for themselves ahead of a
final settlement. And who could blame them for asking themselves why
the Greek Orthodox patriarchate continues to own so much prime
property, including the land on which their Knesset is built, and why
the Armenian Quarter accounts for one-sixth of the Old City, and why
the Catholic Franciscan holdings make up another large fraction…

If the guardians of the Christian holy places are turning on each
other more violently than ever, that’s probably because they feel
more threatened and vulnerable today than they have for a century.

‘Holy Fire: the battle for Christ’s tomb’ by Victoria Clark is
published on Friday (Macmillan, £20)

–Boundary_(ID_QWM7VvuUI6QecoswY6YdjA)–

Mitterrand hits the big screen, directed by Robert Guediguian

Mitterrand hits the big screen
By Charles Masters

Reuters, UK
Feb 16 2005

BERLIN (Hollywood Reporter) – French movies rarely have taken the
country’s politicians as subject matter, but “Le Promeneur du Champ
de Mars” — screening in competition at the Berlin Film Festival —
breaks with that tradition, giving an often-intriguing glimpse of the
final months of President Francois Mitterrand.

Mitterrand heralded France’s first Socialist administration in 1981
and ruled uninterrupted until 1995. He died the following year of
prostate cancer, aged 79.

Based on a book by journalist Georges-Marc Benamou, “Le Promeneur” is
told through the interaction between the president and an idealistic
young reporter (played by Jalil Lespert) trying to fill the gaps in
the life of this most enigmatic of political figures.

Michel Bouquet delivers a masterly performance as Mitterrand,
injecting equal measures melancholic reflection and dry humour as he
comes to terms with his impending death and makes a final bid to
polish his political legacy. But despite the accuracy of this filmic
portrait, the movie no doubt will have limited appeal beyond those
with a keen interest in French political history, critics argue.

The film’s director, Robert Guediguian, said the idea was to use the
master-pupil structure to illustrate a point about the failure of
socialism in France to be transmitted from one generation to another.
“The film is absolutely not about political power,” he said.

Guediguian is dismissive of the fact that his film fails to probe
many of the darker areas of Mitterrand’s life, the latter years of
which were marked by accusations of corruption. “To exercise power is
necessarily to compromise,” Guediguian said, arguing that this
happens regardless of political hue.

The film does examine the degree of Mitterrand’s support for the
wartime Vichy regime, which collaborated with the Nazis. Guediguian
said much of what was said about Mitterrand was manipulated by his
right-wing opponents, and that allegations of anti-Semitism are
“completely unfounded.”

Another episode in the movie shows that the president had the young
journalist tailed, which echoes Mitterrand’s fairly casual use of
surveillance, including phone taps. “I don’t excuse it. It’s inherent
in power. There is no state that doesn’t have a secret service,”
Guediguian said.

Ultimately, what interests him is the disappearance of what he sees
as true socialism in France. “If you want socialism, there has to be
a rupture with capitalism,” Guediguian said. “And I say that even
here in Berlin.”

Next up for Guediguian is a movie that will reunite him with his
family roots in Armenia because it follows two people from the
Armenian Diaspora returning from his hometown of Marseilles to the
land of their origins. The film will star regular collaborators
Ariane Ascaride and Gerard Meylan and is set to shoot in the summer.

Reuters/Hollywood Reporter

Beirut: Sunnis call for Hariri’s son Bahaa to take on his politicalm

The Daily Star, Lebanon
Feb 16 2005

Sunnis call for Hariri’s son Bahaa to take on his political mantle

Observers consider him the best substitute for his father, as the
eldest son and a successful businessman

By Nada Raad
Daily Star staff
Wednesday, February 16, 2005

BEIRUT: One day after the assassination of former Prime Minister
Rafik Hariri, Sunnis called for his son, Bahaaeddine, to replace him
in May’s parliamentary elections.

Crowds of Hariri’s Sunni supporters gathered at the site of the
assassination in front of the St George Hotel in downtown Beirut
shouting for Bahaa to fill the political vacuum left by his father’s
murder.

One of the crowd said: “We want Sheikh Bahaa to run for elections and
continue the path of his father. We want Syria to withdraw before the
parliamentary elections and the government, the Cabinet and
especially President Lahoud to resign.”

Commenting on the possibility of Bahaa heading up a list in this
year’s elections, Beirut MP Nabil de Freij, a member of Hariri’s
parliamentary bloc said: “Hariri’s family will have to decide on such
an issue, which won’t happen before the obituary ends.”

Lebanese political analyst Hilal Khasham added: “Bahaa could run for
the elections next may and become an MP, but it is very difficult for
him to fill his father’s shoes in the short-run.”

Despite Bahaa’s current focus on business, observers consider him the
best substitute for his father, as the eldest member of the family
and a successful businessman.

Khasham said: “Although Bahaa is currently distant from politics, the
sudden death of his father will force him to show interest in the
affairs of the state and continue his father’s path.”

He added: “Leadership in Lebanon is often inherited, it’s the reason
why the absence of any prominent political figure is always filled by
their children.”

But other observers said family fears for the safety of Bahaa if he
entered politics could well count for more than any political
pressure to follow his father and rule out a career in politics.

The aftermath of Hariri’s assassination has also raised questions
about whether the government will press ahead with this year’s
elections, which most observers believe the opposition is set to win.

But Interior Minister Suleiman Franjieh insisted yesterday the
elections would “take place on schedule.”

The Sunni leader’s death also raises questions as to whether the
opposition will remain united after losing one of its most
charismatic figures.

Hariri was ready to provide financial and moral support to the
opposition, particularly in areas with a minority of Christian and
Druze voters, such as some northern areas and the Bekaa.

Also, Hariri was ready to enter the electoral battle in Beirut, where
the authorities had managed to tailor an electoral law proposal that
would decrease his representation in Parliament.

Hariri had extensively announced that he would run in Beirut’s second
electoral district, where the government planned to win nine seats,
as it placed the majority of voters from the Shiite and Armenian
communities, two sects that support the government.

His death also leaves his parliamentary bloc of around 15 MPs facing
an uphill battle in the election, although some observers feel the
bloc will be able to harness a protest vote following Monday’s tragic
events.

Meanwhile, leading opposition member Chouf MP Walid Jumblatt
reiterated his response to fears that Hariri’s death might quell
opposition criticism of Syria.

He said: “I accuse them directly. This regime, backed by the Syrians,
this regime of terrorists, terror, succeeded yesterday in eliminating
Rafik Hariri.”

Meanwhile in a massive demonstration in Sidon, where the majority of
residents are Sunnis, protesters shouted anti Syrian slogans.

Political heir?

The son of the late Rafik Hariri, Bahaaeddine Hariri, who is in his
late 30’s, has already followed his father’s footsteps in the world
of business, carving out a successful career outside of the family
fold, but still retaining a role in some of his father’s companies.

After graduating from Boston University in 1990, Bahaa moved to Saudi
Arabia and worked at Saudi Oger, his family’s construction and
development company.

Hariri left the firm to start his own business, but continues to
serve on Saudi Oger’s board and executive committee. Bahaa is also
chairman of Al-Abdali Project in Jordan, which along with state-owned
corporation Mawared and Saudi Oger, is working to rebuild the city
center of Amman.

He is also president and CEO of Exceed SA, another of his ventures
and the owner of Horizon, a company specializing in real estate and
development projects in Lebanon.

He has involvement in the banking sector, serving on the Board of the
Arab Bank and the Banque de la Mediterranee. Hariri chairs the board
of his father’s newspaper, Al-Mustaqbal, and is also the chairman of
two soccer clubs in Lebanon.

BAKU: Armenians in Garabagh to be granted Azerbaijan citizenship aft

Assa-Irada, Azerbaijan
Feb 16 2005

Armenians in Garabagh to be granted Azerbaijan citizenship after
occupied lands are freed – Deputy FM

Baku, February 15, AssA-Irada

The Armenian population, who will continue to live in Upper Garabagh
after liberation of the occupied lands of Azerbaijan, will be granted
Azerbaijan citizenship, Deputy Foreign Minister, the President’s
special envoy on the Upper Garabagh conflict Araz Azimov has told
the local ATV channel.

“In this case, official Yerevan must not be concerned over the fate
of Armenians living in Garabagh, as Azerbaijan does not wage a war
against its citizens,” he stressed.

Azimov underlined that 30,000 Armenians are currently living in
Azerbaijan, whose security are being highly ensured. “The Azerbaijanis,
who were driven out from the occupied lands, must definitely return
to their homes under international legal norms,” he said. Commenting
on the issue of ensuring security of Armenians in Garabagh, Azimov
underlined that it is possible only on one condition that “the
territorial integrity of Azerbaijan is restored”.*

ANKARA: Armenians and Turks Speaking the Language of Love

Armenians and Turks Speaking the Language of Love

Zaman Online, Turkey
Feb 16 2005

“He looks at the tree – does not see the tree – sees himself
Looks at the road – does not see the road – sees himself
Looks up – there are stars in the sky
And looks at the mirror – does not see himself
Says hi”

Armenian poet Zahrad, whose real name was Zareh, proves in his poem
that not seeing anyone else except ourselves prevents us from seeing
others.

I got acquainted with a young man sitting next to me while I was
going to the United States. His family was sitting on the other three
seats just next to him. After he spoke a few words, he said that he
was an Istanbul Armenian and the conversation deepened: “I used to
hate Turks while living in Turkey. My family sent me to a university
in the U.S., as they did not want me to get involved in the events.
This is because I used to begin talking by saying, “I am an
Armenian,” and I used to take offense at everything and suspect
everything.”

While talking to G., who was frustrated by thinking that the
privileged ones were Turks, I perceived how much he felt himself like
a Turk. It was not a racial effect but a cultural effect in meaning.
He told me how he has been saved from the hatred feeling in the
United States: “I had an opportunity to obtain information for the
first time. The U.S. structure, that consists of different races and
cultures softened me a lot. For the first time, I learned from the
intellectual structure here that the claim of the [so-called]
Armenian genocide was not true as I had thought.”

That is, a foreigner did not do what official history did. I wonder,
how patriotic is the nationalism, which has not been able to explain
this? He speaks Turkish with his son. His pretty one-year-old
daughter cannot speak, yet. His wife also came to Istanbul and she
admired it. In short, the family speaks Turkish not Armenian. It is
very obvious that we swim in a pool of a joint culture. The family,
that cannot do without coming to Turkey several times a year,
recently discovered Bodrum. Saying, “I live in California, what will
I do with the sea?” G. is now a buff of Bodrum. He adds that although
one of his Armenian friends in the U.S. was born there, he speaks
Turkish with his grandmother.

“The presence of some fanatical Armenians did not lessen the love for
Anatolia,” says G. He also says that he became a good religious man
after the birth of his son.

After one or two weeks I met an Armenian from Ferikoy in Santa
Monica. Arte settled there 18 years ago. He does business with China
and Korea. And he adds, “China is so rich that it can feed the entire
world.” I tell him about my impressions, “China: The Sleeping Giant,”
I wrote in 1992, and he makes the following explanation on textile,
“The U.S. textile industry, which opened its doors to Korean and
Chinese textile, has collapsed. ”

Arte often comes to Istanbul because he says that he misses it and
tells me one of his memories: One of our friends died. Two men were
waiting near the coffin while the deceased was lying on the musalla
[the stone on which the body is placed for washing before being put
in the coffin, according to Islamic rites]. Then it was my turn and I
began waiting. The only Armenian friend of my Turkish friend was me.
Then my friends made fun of me. They said, “Go to the mosque and
pray.” I said, “Yes I can, what is wrong with that? Is our God not
the same? What happens if I enter a mosque and take out a cross? I do
not consider myself a stranger.”

How many Turks are there who consider themselves strangers to this
culture? Is it important that this attribution was made by a writer
or something else? They are the ones who dogmatize without getting up
from their seats, and travel to the cities in their country under
police escort, they are not much of my fellow citizens like those
above.

“The white whale swims freely and opens the way with the grudge of
Captain Ahab,” says writer Moby Dick. With his hatred Ahab hangs on
the back of Moby Dick. The wound cannot be healed with hatred in the
name of veracity. Children of this culture know how to embrace each
other in spite of the official history.

French film brings dead president to big screen

French film brings dead president to big screen
By Charles Masters

Hollywood Reporter
02/16/05 00:03 ET

BERLIN (Hollywood Reporter) – French movies rarely have taken the
country’s politicians as subject matter, but “Le Promeneur du Champ
de Mars” — screening in competition at the Berlin Film Festival —
breaks with that tradition, giving an often-intriguing glimpse of
the final months of President Francois Mitterrand.

Mitterrand heralded France’s first Socialist administration in 1981
and ruled uninterrupted until 1995. He died the following year of
prostate cancer, aged 79.

Based on a book by journalist Georges-Marc Benamou, “Le Promeneur” is
told through the interaction between the president and an idealistic
young reporter (played by Jalil Lespert) trying to fill the gaps in
the life of this most enigmatic of political figures.

Michel Bouquet delivers a masterly performance as Mitterrand, injecting
equal measures melancholic reflection and dry humor as he comes to
terms with his impending death and makes a final bid to polish his
political legacy. But despite the accuracy of this filmic portrait,
the movie no doubt will have limited appeal beyond those with a keen
interest in French political history.

The film’s director, Robert Guediguian, said the idea was to use
the master-pupil structure to illustrate a point about the failure
of socialism in France to be transmitted from one generation to
another. “The film is absolutely not about political power,” he said.

Guediguian is dismissive of the fact that his film fails to probe
many of the darker areas of Mitterrand’s life, the latter years of
which were marked by accusations of corruption. “To exercise power
is necessarily to compromise,” Guediguian said, arguing that this
happens regardless of political hue.

The film does examine the degree of Mitterrand’s support for the
wartime Vichy regime, which collaborated with the Nazis. Guediguian
said much of what was said about Mitterrand was manipulated by his
right-wing opponents, and that allegations of anti-Semitism are
“completely unfounded.”

Another episode in the movie shows that the president had the young
journalist tailed, which echoes Mitterrand’s fairly casual use of
surveillance, including phone taps. “I don’t excuse it. It’s inherent
in power. There is no state that doesn’t have a secret service,”
Guediguian said.

Ultimately, what interests him is the disappearance of what he sees
as true socialism in France. “If you want socialism, there has to
be a rupture with capitalism,” Guediguian said. “And I say that even
here in Berlin.”

Next up for Guediguian is a movie that will reunite him with his
family roots in Armenia because it follows two people from the
Armenian diaspora returning from his hometown of Marseilles to the
land of their origins. The film will star regular collaborators Ariane
Ascaride and Gerard Meylan and is set to shoot in the summer.

Reuters/Hollywood Reporter