Tatul Margaryan Replaces Arman Kirakossyan as ROA Ambassador to USA

TATUL MARGARYAN REPLACES ARMAN KIRAKOSSYAN AS ARMENIAN AMBASSADOR TO
UNITED STATES

YEREVAN, MARCH 19. ARMINFO. Armenia’s President Robert Kocharyan
decreed today to dismiss Arman Kirakossyan from the post of Armenian
Ambassador to the United States and to replace him by Tatul Margaryan.

Margaryan was born in Kapan Apr 16 1964. In 1985 he graduated from
Yerevan Agriculture Institute. In 1989 he studied in Washington and
London. In 1991-1994 he was assistant to Armenia’s vice president, in
1994-1998 advisor at the Armenian Embassy to the US. In 1999 he was
appointed advisor to Armenia’s Foreign Minister, in June 2000 deputy
FM. In 2002-2003 he was special representative of Armenia’s president
to the talks for the Karabakh conflict settlement.
From: Baghdasarian

Ex Chair of Parl Commission for Foreign Relations Pleads Not Guilty

EX CHAIRMAN OF PARLIAMENTARY COMMISSION FOR FOREIGN RELATIONS PLEADS
NOT GUILTY OF NEGATIVE CONTENT OF PACE REPORT ON NAGORNY KARABAKH

YEREVAN, MARCH 19. ARMINFO. The former chairman of the commission for
foreign relations of the Armenian parliament Hovhannes Hovhannissyan
pleads not guilty of the negative content of Terry Davis’ report on
Nagorny Karabakh.

He says that it is not he but the dull and passive foreign policy of
the Armenian government that is to blame for the anti-Armenian
report. “I am on friendly terms with Terry Davis, but having no oil
Armenia might offer democratic society to the West while today the
country is facing totalitarian rule, corruption, censure, misery and
lack of any propaganda work,” says Hovhannissyan.

Goran Lenmaker Final Report on NK to be ready by Spring OSCE Session

FINAL REPORT OF SPECIAL REPRESENTATIVE OF OSCE PA GORAN LENMARKER ON
NAGORNY KARABAKH WILL BE READY BY THE SPRING SESSION OF OSCE PA

YEREVAN, MARCH 19. ARMINFO. The final report of Special Representative
of OSCE PA Goran Lenmarker on Nagorny Karabakh will be ready by the
spring session of OSCE PA. According to the Azerbaijani newspaper
Echo, a member of the Azerbaijani parliamentary delegation Eldar
Ibrahimov said after March 17-18 meeting of Armenian and Azerbaijani
MPs with Goran Lenmarker in Brussels. He said that Azerbaijani MP
informed Lenmarker of the last information “on the occupied
territories, on living conditions of refugees, on the activity of
separatist regime in Nagorny Karabakh, as well as on the recent
frequent violations of cease-fire regime on the front line.” At the
same time, Ibrahimov expressed hope that all these data would be
reflected in Lenmarker’s report. The content of the report has not
been made public yet.

As it was report earlier, the Azerbaijani delegation promises to exert
all the efforts in order that Goran Lenmarker’s report reflects the
provisions of Atkinson’s report adopted by PACE and resolutions. In
July an annual session of OSCE PA will take place in Washington and
Lenmarker’s report to be presented there. If the above provision is
included in the report, Ibrahimov says that the adoption of
resolutions wherein Armenia will be recognized “occupant” will become
easier. According to the source, yesterday, members of the Armenian
and Azerbaijani delegations met with Representative of NATO Secretary
General on South Caucasus Robert Simmons. At that meeting, Azerbaijani
MP Sattar Safarov informed Simmons that cease-fire regime on the
front-line is violated every day by Armenia, several Azerbaijani
officers were killed and several were taken hostages. In his turn,
R.Simmons stated that he would bring these facts to NATO Secretary
General. Simmons expressed desire to bopth delegation that Nagorny
Karabakh conflict is resolved on the basis of international legal
norms. It should be noted that Vice Speaker of the Armenian Parliament
Vahan Hovhannissyan headed the Armenian delegation. However, he did
not mentioned any details.

The birth of genocide

WoonsocketCall.com

The birth of genocide

MICHAEL HOLTZMAN, Staff Writer03/20/2005

PROVIDENCE – The template for genocide in the modern era happened in 1915 to
the Armenian people in their homeland of the Ottoman Empire, an acclaimed
author on this subject shared with an education-minded audience last week at
Rhode Island College.

Former President Theodore Roosevelt called the annihilation of 1-1½ million
Armenians “the greatest crime” of World War I, said Peter Balakian, a
Colgate University English professor and author of “The Burning Tigris: The
Armenian Genocide and America’s Response.”

Balakian, the keynote speaker, and other scholars and writers addressed an
audience of teachers, students and participants during a “genocide
symposium” of workshops titled “Remembering Our Past, Educating Our Future.”

Organizers distributed to teachers a California curriculum guide on human
rights and genocide, the first in the country focused on the Armenians as a
case- study of victims in the 20th century. World history teachers in the
San Francisco Continued from Page A-1

Unified School District prepared it.

“I think this history is in the process of an exciting recovery,” said
Balakian, likening this relearning to previous rebirths of African American,
Native American Indian and women’s history in recent decades.

He and other presenters encouraged educators to find opportunities to teach
about the Armenian and subsequent modern genocides.

Decades of continued Turkish government denial of the Armenian genocide
remains a potent weapon for keeping the event buried beneath world history.
At the same time, genocide scholars like Balakian say America retains “blood
on its hands” for its unacknowledged extermination of Native American
Indians tribes.

With Rhode Island one of a handful of states in the country to recently
legislate pursuit of teaching genocide and human rights issues — coupled
with the 90th anniversary of the Armenian genocide next month — Armenian
committees organized the symposium at RIC.

Crimes of these proportions, U.S. Sen. Jack Reed, (D-R.I.,) told about 100
people, “are usually perpetrated by ordinary people. The people who actually
do it are not too much different than us,” he said.

Reed cautioned that Americans would not necessarily be different under
similar wartime circumstances. “We, individually, have a responsibility to
resist” atrocities like genocide, he noted.

In 1915, the most able-bodied Armenians in the Ottoman Turkish Army were
disarmed, thrown into labor camps and gunned down by their military
comrades. But an even more insidious, systematic extermination followed,
Balakian said.

On the night of April 24, 1915, and the following day, about 250 of the
cultural and community leaders in the capital city of Constantinople
(present-day Istanbul) were rounded up and tortured by the Turks. Most of
them were killed, reported Balakian, who in his award-winning memoir “Black
Dog of Fate” traced his own family roots to this genocide.

“After April 24 it would be easy to carry out the genocide program, for many
of the most gifted voices of resistance were gone,” Balakian wrote.
Subsequently, thousands of other Armenian leaders were quickly rounded up
and killed throughout the country.

He likened the killing the Armenian soldiers and intellectuals by the
Turkish government during World War I to “cutting out the tongue” and
“chopping off the head.”

The women, children and less able men became easy prey for a purpose Adolf
Hitler would openly emulate during his extermination of six million European
Jews during the Holocaust of World War II.

As the Nazi Armies invaded Poland, on Aug. 22, 1939, Hitler reportedly told
his commanding generals that any criticism of his planned genocide would
bring execution by firing squad. “Who, after all, speaks today of the
annihilation of the Armenians?” Hitler said.

The Holocaust has been followed in this century by Cambodian dictator Pol
Pot in the 1970s killing and starving 1.8 million of his people, the Hutus
eliminating 800,000 Tutsi in Rwanda and 200,000 to 300,000 killed and 1
million homeless during the ongoing Sudanese genocide in Darfur. Yet the
Armenian genocide, Balakian said, “remains a seminal event.”

“It was the first time Americans were confronted with unfathomable numbers
of the murder of innocent, unarmed civilians,” he said.

When Balakian said half to two-thirds of the 2.5 million Christian Armenians
perished at the hands of the Turkish government, one listener asked if it
was the responsibility of teachers like himself to place this history into
its proper place in the classroom.

“How did this fall off the map?” asked Marco McWilliams, a junior African
American history major at RIC.

Terry McMichael, who teaches social studies at Cumberland High School, said
the symposium information and resources she’s gained would help bridge the
gaps in instruction she provides her students.

“I know the history of the genocide has been neglected in the history
books,” said McMichael. “I think this is important enough to spend a few
days on it. I know about the Armenian genocide. I’m interested in Middle
Eastern history.”

McMichael said she immediately acquired Balakian’s books and two about the
Armenian genocide written for young adults called “Forgotten Fire” and “The
Road from Home” that she’d use in her classroom. “I feel a strong duty to
teach them social responsibility,” McMichael said.

As testimony to that aim, she said after discussing with students the
genocides in Rwanda and elsewhere around the globe, she wrote a letter to
United Nations Secretary General Kofi Annan. She told him the United Nations
“was shirking its duties.”

“How can I teach my kids about the responsibilities of the U.N.?” she asked.

Beth Bloomer, a junior at Cumberland High who accompanied McMichael to the
symposium, said she’s enthusiastic about the Armenian genocide being taught
at her school. Her classmates, she believes, “will respond in a kind of awe
or shock that this was happening,” Bloomer said.

Her parents asked initially why she was going. “I’m into history and I want
to learn more about the world and people around us,” she said, “and how
other people survived.”

“In most history books, it’s not there,” agreed Lincoln High social studies
teacher Caroline Ricci.

“It’s originally a political issue,” said Ricci, who called the symposium
“very valuable.” If you’re at the forefront of a movement and are vocal, you
get your voice heard. And it took a long time to get their voices heard.”

Perhaps it takes a reading of the 400-page “Burning Tigris” and other
literature of the Armenian genocide to understand how it happened — and why
there have been so many obstacles to uncovering this critical piece of
history.

In a way, it’s stunning, because the history is well documented, Balakian
said. In 1915The New York Times published 145 stories, many on the front
page, about a “campaign of extermination” perpetrated upon upwards of 1
million of the Armenian people.

America responded with unprecedented aid to the “starving Armenians,”
sending more than $100 million at a time a loaf of bread cost a nickel.

As the horrors of the genocide unfolded, it was also a time that American
ambassadors in Turkey — most notably Henry Morgenthau — documented the
mass murders of Armenians in an effort to raise alarm and action back home.
Balakian said he used hundreds of those documents in the National Archives
in Washington, D.C. for “Burning Tigris.”

“It was a reminder of a time,” he said, “people in government wrote with
clarity and ethical purpose.” He said it was also shortly before America
adopted its new policies toward the Middle East in the pursuit of oil.

©The Call 2005

It came from beneath the Earth

boston.com

DOWNTOWN

It came from beneath the Earth

Photojournalist captures Big Dig
By Ron Fletcher, Globe Correspondent | March 20, 2005

Camouflage no longer defines Michael Hintlian’s wardrobe. The
photojournalist’s predawn groping for a pair of duck bib overalls, safety
vest, and hard hat has ended. Four thousand rolls of film later, his attire
differs once again from that of the Big Dig workers whom he spent seven
years chronicling unofficially. Morning musings now revolve around ideas
other than how to slip unnoticed into a crew of ironworkers or piledrivers.

These days, when he returns to the sites and sights he visited
thrice-weekly, it’s in the humdrum role of commuter.

”I’ll still take a few shots of the project from my car window as I’m
driving through town,” said Hintlian. ”Even though the bulk of the work is
done, there are still some interesting things going on. I can’t quite accept
that my work there is over. It’s like Frankenstein’s obsession, but one I
certainly don’t regret.”

>From 5,000 prints, Hintlian has culled 65 black-and-white shots that capture
the trials and triumphs of the country’s largest public works project. They
appear in the recently published book ”Digging: The Workers of Boston’s Big
Dig.” In images that convey the menace — and promise — of iron, steel, and
concrete, Hintlian has highlighted the faces, arms, hands, and torsos of
some of the Dig’s 5,000 workers. In them, you glimpse the living that takes
place between the taxing shifts.

”My core interest was exploring where work and worker meet,” said Hintlian.
He recalled the very first shot he took, an image that did not make it into
the book but remains a personal favorite.

”It was early in the project, back in 1997,” said Hintlian. ”This group of
ironworkers were doing some preliminary work, rigging a huge beam. I caught
this image of their arms — just their arms — coming into contact with the
wire cable and the steel column. That dazzled me. That opened the door.”

Hintlian’s previous work focused on the plight of Armenians after the
dissolution of the Soviet Union. With the Big Dig project, which initially
seemed like a welcome distraction from the grief and struggle throughout his
grandfather’s post-genocide homeland, Hintlian unearthed some common
denominators and evolved as a photographer.

”Photographers often struggle with the classification of their work: Is it
art? Is it journalism? Is it lasting or fleeting?” said Hintlian, 56.

”I’ve begun to see my work more in terms of history,” he said. ”I hope and
trust that I’m putting together a body of work that in 50 or 100 years will
add to our understanding of what happened in a particular place at a
particular time to particular people, whether it’s Armenia or downtown
Boston.”

A full-time photojournalist, Hintlian remains well aware of the momentous
events he missed during his subterranean days in Boston. ”I would have gone
to Afghanistan and Iraq,” said Hintlian, ”but I was too deep into this
project. Also . . . I was finding a voice and direction I’d been looking for
as a photographer. I was learning not to let my conscious mind get in the
way. . . . I can’t wait to return to Armenia with this new approach to what
I do.”

Though Hintlian now drives through the city in civilian clothing, he recalls
fondly his days among the hard-hatted workers.

”I had this, well, tool that weighed 19 ounces, while they handled tons of
steel,” said Hintlian. ”Still, we were both there to build something, bolt
by bolt or image by image.”

Michael Hintlian will discuss his Big Dig photographs at the Old South
Meeting House at 310 Washington St. Wednesday at 6:30 p.m. Admission is
free.

OSCE MG Co-Chairs Discourage Any Further Settlement of Territories

OSCE MG CO-CHAIRS DISCOURAGE ANY FURTHER SETTLEMENT OF TERRITORIES OF
AZERBAIJAN CONTROLLED BY NAGORNO KARABAKH

YEREVAN, MARCH 18. ARMINFO. Based on the report of the OSCE MG
Fact-Finding Mission the OSCE MG co-chairs discourage any further
settlement of the Azeri territories controlled by Nagorno Karabakh.

The co-chairs urge the parties to accelerate negotiations toward a
political settlement in order to inter alia to address the problem of
the settlers and to avoid changes in the demographic strucuture of the
region which would make more difficult any future efforts to achieve a
negotiated settlement.

In view of the extensive preparation that would be required before the
return of refugees and internally displaced persons could be possible
in the framework of the negotiated resoluton of the conflict the
co-chairs commend that the relevant international agencies reevaluate
the needs and finding assessments in the region inter alia for the
purpose of settlement.

In order to ensure the presentation of the cultural heritage and
sacred sites including inter alia, cemeteries, of the affected regions
the co-chairs urge the parties to allow for direct contacts between
the interested communities.

The co-chairs also urge the sides to develop practical measures to
build trust and confidence between the parties and the communities and
work with their publics to prepare the groundwork for a peaceful
settlement.

Taking into account the implications of the situation for the future
settlement of the Nagorno Karabakh conflict the co-chairs reserve the
option of further investigation and consideration of this issue for
the benefit of the Minsk peace process including fulfillment of these
recommendations.

From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

The wrongs and rights of minorities

The Economist
March 19, 2005
U.S. Edition

The wrongs and rights of minorities

Turkey has yet to face up to its diversity

THE country has moved some way towards meeting the Copenhagen
criteria for EU membership. It has abolished the death penalty,
saving the life of Abdullah Ocalan, the leader of the PKK, an
outlawed Kurdish organisation responsible for a guerrilla war through
much of the 1990s. It has revised the penal code (previously
unchanged since 1926) and reinforced the rights of women. It has
introduced a new law allowing broadcasting in any language, including
Kurdish. And it has brought to an end the random searches that used
to be common, particularly in the east. Now nobody can be searched
without a court order.

The government has also introduced an official policy of zero
tolerance towards torture, for which its police and security forces
became infamous in the West in 1978 with the release of “Midnight
Express”, Alan Parker’s film about a young American imprisoned on
drugs charges. The punishment for torture has been increased, and
sentences may no longer be deferred or converted into fines, as often
happened in the past.

But changing the law is one thing, changing habits is another. A
villager in the east who gets searched by the state police may still
not dare demand to see a court order. The police forces, it is said,
are being retrained, but the Turkish Human Rights Foundation (TIHV)
says that of 918 people treated at its centres in 2004, 337 claimed
they had been tortured. The comparable figures for 2003 were 925 and
340. The TIHV says that even in 2004, “torture was applied
systematically by police, gendarmerie and special units in
interrogation centres.” It claims that 21 people died in
“extra-judicial killings” during the year.

In its October 2004 report on Turkish accession, the European
Commission emphasised the need for further “strengthening and full
implementation of provisions related to the respect of fundamental
freedoms and protection of human rights, including women’s rights,
trade-union rights, minority rights and problems faced by non-Muslim
religious communities.”

>From its very beginnings the republic has been confused about
minorities. In his book, “Crescent and Star: Turkey Between Two
Worlds”, Stephen Kinzer, a New York Times journalist, wrote:
“Something about the concept of diversity frightens Turkey’s ruling
elite.” Officially the state recognises only three minorities: those
mentioned in the 1923 Treaty of Lausanne, signed after Ataturk’s army
had thrown out the occupying forces left over from the first world
war. The treaty specifically protects the rights of the Armenian,
Greek and Jewish communities in the country.

In the early years of the republic there were Kurds in parliament,
and the deputy speaker was an Alevi (a religious minority of which
more later). But after Kurdish uprisings in 1925 and 1937 were
brutally suppressed, the republic went into denial about its cultural
diversity. The word “minority” came to refer only to the Lausanne
trio, who were non-Muslims and indeed were increasingly perceived as
non-Turks. If you are a member of a minority in Turkey today you are,
almost by definition, seen as not fully Turkish.

The Kemalists’ narrow brand of nationalism has helped to suppress the
country’s sensitivity to minorities. At Anit Kabir, one of the huge
murals in the museum below Ataturk’s tomb depicts the Greek army
marching through occupied Anatolia in 1919, with a soldier on
horseback about to bayonet a beautiful Turkish girl. In the
background is a Greek cleric brandishing a cross and inciting the
soldiers. The picture caption explains (in English): “During these
massacres the fact that clerics played a provoking role has been
proven by historical evidence.” As anti-clerical as Ataturk was
(whatever the faith), it is hard to believe that he would have
approved of such a message.

Turkey has also found it difficult to face up to the Armenians’
persistent allegation that the massacres of 1915, in the maelstrom of
the first world war, were genocide. Gunduz Aktan, the head of an
Ankara think-tank and a former Turkish ambassador in Athens,
dismisses the claims as “Holocaust envy”.

The most troublesome minority in recent years has been the biggest of
them all, the Kurds. Where minorities are concerned, size does
matter. The Armenians, Greeks and Jews in Turkey today number in the
tens of thousands; the Kurds up to 15m. In the 15-year guerrilla war
in the east between the Turkish army and security forces and Mr
Ocalan’s PKK, some 35,000 civilians and troops were killed. Many more
villagers were displaced (some say perhaps a million), terrorised out
of their homes, often by fellow Kurds, and forced to move to cities
far away. But nobody really knows what proportion of the Kurds the
PKK stands for.

The more extreme Kurds say they want their own homeland – “Kurdistan”,
a word that provokes shivers in Ankara – to embrace their people living
in Iran and Iraq as well as in Turkey. The more moderate Turkish
Kurds want to be allowed to speak their own language, to be taught it
in school, and to hear it broadcast – all of which they are slowly and
grudgingly being granted. DEHAP’s party congress this year was
attended by Mr Ocalan’s sister and Feleknas Uca, a German member of
the European Parliament. Both addressed the meeting in Kurdish. The
Kurds’ cause has received extensive publicity abroad. Leyla Zana, a
member of the Turkish parliament imprisoned for ten years for
speaking in Kurdish in the parliament building, was released last
year after intense pressure from abroad. The Kurdish Human Rights
Project, a London-based charity, has been effective in bringing
Kurdish cases to the Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg.

Among them are thousands of claims for compensation for loss of
property as a result of the military incursion against the PKK in the
1990s. Such cases, however, can be heard in Strasbourg only if
domestic laws offer no prospect of compensation, and Turkey recently
passed a law “on damages incurred from terrorism and combating
terrorism”. The governor of Tunceli, a town close to mountains where
the PKK was particularly active, said recently that 6,200 people in
his province had applied for compensation under the new law.

The government is also making modest attempts to help Kurds who were
forcibly removed from their villages to return home. Incidents in the
east are now few and far between, even though last summer the PKK,
renamed Kongra-Gel, ended a ceasefire called after Mr Ocalan was
arrested in Kenya in 1999. The organisation said the government had
reneged on a promised amnesty to its members.

So has the Kurdish problem been more or less resolved? Not if you
listen to the many Turks who believe in conspiracy theories. Such
theories thrive in a society that still thinks transparency in public
affairs is an oxymoron. After the tsunami disaster in Asia on
December 26th last year, the American embassy in Ankara felt obliged
to issue an official denial of colourful Turkish newspaper reports
that the wave had been caused by American underwater nuclear
explosions designed to kill large numbers of Muslims.

The conspiracy theory about the Kurds goes something like this: Mr
Ocalan, although held in solitary confinement on a remote island in
the Sea of Marmara, still controls the larger part of the
organisation through visits from his brother, his sister and a
lawyer. Since his captors are said to be able to control what
messages he conveys in return for supplying him with cigarettes and
other favours, why would he end the ceasefire unless dark forces
wished to resurrect the Kurdish uprising? And why ever would they
want to do that? In order to undermine the EU negotiations by
reigniting civil war in the east, concludes the theory.

This may not be as absurd as it sounds. There are powerful groups
inside Turkey who see no advantage in joining the EU, and many Turks
believe in the presence of dark forces inside the state. Anyone who
doubts the idea of an état profond, a deep state – a combination of
military officers, secret-service agents, politicians and businessmen
that pull invisible strings – is silenced with one word: “Susurluk”.
This is the name of a town in western Turkey where in 1996 a Mercedes
car crashed into a lorry, killing three of its four occupants. These
proved to be an eerily ill-assorted bunch: a notorious gangster,
sought by Interpol, and his mistress; a Kurdish MP and clan chief
suspected of renting out his private army to the Turkish authorities
in their fight against the PKK; and a top-ranking police officer who
had been director of the country’s main police academy. What they
were doing together that night may never be known – the sole survivor,
the clan chief, claims to remember nothing – but it is sure to fuel
Turkish conspiracy theories for years to come.

There is another large minority in Turkey that has received nothing
like as much attention as the Kurds. Most Turks are Sunni Muslims,
whereas most Arabs are Shiites. But there is a group called the Alevi
who have lived in Anatolia for many centuries and who are not Sunni.

Their main prophet, like the Shiites’, is not Mohammed but his
son-in-law, Ali. Most of them maintain that their religion is
separate from Islam, and that it is a purely Anatolian faith based on
Shaman and Zoroastrian beliefs going back 6,000 years. Christian,
Jewish and Islamic influences were added later, though the Alevi
accept that the Islamic influence is the strongest.

Their number is uncertain, because no census in Turkey has asked
about religious affiliation since the early 1920s. At that time the
Alevi accounted for about 35% of the then population of 13m. Today
the best estimate is that they make up about a fifth of a population
that has grown to 70m, their share whittled down by the success of
the republic’s policy of “ignore them and hope they will assimilate”.

Many of the Alevi are also Kurds. The most predominantly Alevi town
is Tunceli, once a PKK stronghold and a place notably short of
mosques. The Alevi are not keen on them because Ali, their prophet,
was murdered in one. Their houses of prayer are called cemevi.

In the cities they tend to practise their religion in private. Kazim
Genc, an Alevi human-rights lawyer, says he discourages his daughter
from mentioning her faith because Sunni Muslims think Alevi rites
include sexual orgies and incest. Of the AK Party’s 367 members of
parliament, not one has admitted to being an Alevi.

The current government treats the Alevi as merely a cultural group,
not a religious minority. That way it can sidestep its legal
obligation to set aside space in towns and cities for religious
communities’ “places of worship”. When in May 2004 a group of Alevi
in the Istanbul district of Kartal asked for land to be allocated for
a cemevi, the local governor said they were Muslims and Kartal had
enough mosques already. Indeed it has: almost 700 of them. But there
is only one cemevi. The Alevi have taken the case to an Istanbul
court and are awaiting a hearing.

Another case has gone all the way to the Court of Human Rights in
Strasbourg, a journey that the Kurds have taken with some success. It
involves a student who is trying to establish his right to stay away
from compulsory religious classes in school on the ground that they
teach only Sunni Islam. The authorities may have to learn to come to
terms with yet more scary diversity.

A man of all seasons

The Economist
March 19, 2005
U.S. Edition

A man of all seasons

British theatre

PAUL SCOFIELD, who was superbly directed by Peter Brook in “King
Lear” in 1962, was first struck by the director’s ice-blue eyes.
Adrian Mitchell, a poet who was involved in an anti-Vietnam
propaganda play directed by Mr Brook, felt he was looking into eyes
of astonishing power. Michael Kustow, the staunch, loyal author of
this authorised biography, published just as Mr Brook turns 80,
refers to “ancient, glittering” eyes – like one of W.B. Yeats’s scholar
mystics.

Mr Brook’s right eye stares out of the British edition of this book.
As a defining image, it reflects other qualities: stubbornness,
wilfulness and mischief. After all, this is the stage director who,
in the 1960s, declared: “The theatre has to face the death of the
word.” Mr Brook has always courted controversy, though he does not
always like its consequences. Sir David Hare, an English playwright,
caused great offence when he described some of Mr Brook’s recent work
at his Centre International de Recherches Thétrales in Paris as an
exile’s “universal hippie babbling which represents nothing but a
fright of commitment.”

The great man, who is impatient with criticism and critics, will have
no quarrel with Mr Kustow’s sympathetic and comprehensive celebration
of a remarkable life in the theatre. It provides what the critics
will require – an accurate picture of what Mr Brook has done and said.
For example, Mr Kustow identifies an unlikely coupleof influential
figures: Georgi Ivanovich Gurdjieff, an eccentric Armenian-Russian
occultist, who, to express his philosophy generously, believed that
people sleepwalk through life and need waking up, and Jerzy
Grotowski, a Polish director, who, according to Mr Kustow, is a
“teacher in the tradition of the seer and the shaman.”

Mr Brook was born in west London on March 21st 1925, the son of
enterprising Russian-Jewish refugees. (His father’s pharmaceutical
company made a well-known laxative called Brooklax.) A precocious
child, he staged a puppet performance of “Hamlet” when he was ten,
describing it as being “by William Shakespeare and Peter Brook”. When
he directed “Hamlet” again 65 years later at the Bouffes du Nord – the
theatre in Paris to which he transferred his affections from London
when he was 45 – it was renamed “The Tragedy of Hamlet, adapted and
directed by Peter Brook”. This version was heavily cut and much
transposed. As Mr Brookexplained: “I don’t think Shakespeare’sgenius
shone through every detail.”

Mr Brook has always believed that he knows best, and there is strong
evidence that sometimes he is right – in his “King Lear” and “A
Midsummer Night’s Dream”, both for the Royal Shakespeare Company,
when he had no quarrel with Shakespeare’s genius. He also made a
memorable film adaptation of William Golding’s “Lord of the Flies”,
his revenge for an unhappy time at English public schools, and a
celebrated production of a Hindu epic, “Mahabharata”, which drew a
large multi-racial and multi-lingual audience.

Mr Brook provides a compellingaccount of his eclectic working methods
in a short book of lectures called “The Open Door”. Both his account,
and Mr Kustow’s, suggest that he is happiest with texts that he has
prepared himself. He has become his own stage designer and usually
chooses his own musical accompaniment. What he likes best is to roll
out a carpetunder a tree and perform for audiences, like children,
who have no knowledge of the conventions of the western theatre. Mr
Brook does not like theatres, or box offices, or the pragmatic London
theatre producers. He does admit that sponsors are necessary, but
“they must be enlightened”.

Perhaps this suggests that Mr Brook is in thrall to an idealistic,
other-worldly vision of the theatre. Mr Kustow reckons that his
singular achievement is to have breathed life into it. Only a churl
would disagree.

Jerusalem: When the vaults of the Armenians open

The Jerusalem Report
March 21, 2005

WHEN THE VAULTS OF THE ARMENIANS OPEN

by J.L. Barnett

In the summer of 1989, while walking with a heavy backpack through
the Old City, I met a man named Alfonso, who offered me help with my
bag, which was stuffed with old rugs and silks and fine burnished
copperware that I had bought in Damascus. Alfonso was a Franciscan
monk from Rome who had recently arrived in Jerusalem, at the end of a
five-year pilgrimage by foot from India. A man of short stature but
incredibly powerful build, Alfonso was the extrovert’s extrovert.

Over the strongest of Turkish coffees, Alfonso told me how he had
left his native Roman Church, less over doctrinal issues than social
and ethical considerations, and how in the end he had elected to
convert to Armenian Orthodoxy. He said he had felt at home in
Armenia, where he had lived for many months before coming to the Holy
Land. His quick mastery of the Armenians’ script and spoken language
was impressive, his knowledge of their history encyclopedic.

In the fifth and sixth centuries, rivalries between the Eastern and
Western churches, based in Constantinople and Rome respectively, led
to a dramatic and clear schism between the two. The Eastern churches
(Coptic, Ethiopian, Syrian and Malabar Jacobite and Armenian)
developed a monophysite view of Jesus – the belief that he was of one
composite form, both human and divine simultaneously, in much the
same way that body and soul are combined in man. This was formally
and eternally denounced as a heresy at the Council of Chalcedon, in
451, causing a fracture between the two Orthodoxies that exists to
this day.

The final break between the Eastern and Western churches came during
the Crusader period: In 1204, the marauding knights from the West
looted, sacked and destroyed Christian Constantinople, the center of
the Eastern faiths, an event that left a still-gaping wound in the
Christian world.

The Armenian Quarter is like a miniature fortress. It is surrounded
by a thousand-year-old wall that itself encases buildings that are
more like buttressed castles than residences, churches, convents,
libraries, shops and schools. Its architectural and spiritual focal
point is the Cathedral of St. James, a building of veritable
treasures and secrets. Named after two saints of the same name, both
said to have been martyred and buried on this site, it is the second
holiest site in the Armenian world, after the city of Etchmiadzin, in
Armenia itself. The latter is the place where Jesus was revealed to
Saint Gregory, the force behind making Armenia the first Christian
country, at the turn of the 4th century CE. Gregory became the first
spiritual leader of the church, the catholicos, and today, the city
continues to be his official seat.

James, the brother of Jesus (who has been much in the news in the
past two years, after discovery of an ossuary that was said to have
been inscribed with his name, and which was subsequently declared to
be a fake), is said to be buried under the high altar of St. James’s
Cathedral, and James the Apostle, brother of John the Evangelist, was
beheaded on this spot on the orders of Herod Agrippa in 44 CE. In a
glorious side chapel, covered from floor to ceiling with mother of
pearl, fayence, lapis lazuli and precious gemstones, his embalmed
head lies in a silken gold-thread sack, directly below an intricately
crafted silver grill.

Over the years, I have been taken through no fewer than 22 discreetly
hidden doors, which lead to rooms of all sizes, fanning out in every
direction from the central area of the cathedral. In this labyrinth
of side chapels, services take place at seemingly random times,
following a wonderfully varied musical tradition that includes
Eucharists, dirge-like incantations and joyful praise.

One recent evening, I received a phone call advising me to come
immediately to the church, a medieval structure built upon extensive
Georgian church remains that were in turn built upon Byzantine
remains. It was the Feast Day of Saint Macarius, one of the 10 early
Christians beheaded in Alexandria during the 3rd-century persecution
of Roman emperor Decius, and the patriarch, as he does sometimes, had
called for a full ceremonial procession.

The church’s main room, its floor covered with hundreds of
magnificent oriental rugs, was packed. Its beautiful blue wall tiles
glittered under the flicker of a myriad of candles, which hung from
enormous lanterns suspended from chains that disappeared into a
darkened domed ceiling.

Exactly 100 bearded, black-robed and hooded monks were lined up, in
dignified silence, acting as solemn sentinels for the forthcoming
procession, which commenced with three thunderous bangs on the stone
floor.

As the procession began – led by 24 monks in glittering cloaks, each
one carrying jewels worthy of a monarch – I understood that my
evening caller had done me a fine favor. The Glorious Treasury of
Saint Menas, one of the most valuable and jealously guarded in all of
Christendom, had been opened, its contents handed out for use in the
service.

Armenia was the first nation-state to convert to Christianity, in
301. Even before the conversion of the Emperor Constantine, Armenians
were making pilgrimages to Jerusalem. They became adept at never
taking clear sides with the various factions and faiths of the city.
Early Armenian patriarchs even journeyed to Mecca to ensure that
their rights in Jerusalem were protected by their Muslim overlords.
Thus, over the centuries, they have become the ultimate Jerusalem
survivors.

Never being in conflict meant that this community became a magnet for
enormous wealth from the large and cultured Armenian diaspora.
Additionally, tens of thousands of gifts have been bestowed upon the
Armenian Patriarchate by monarchs and military leaders, sheikhs and
caliphs, patriarchs and czars, aristocrats and pilgrims. Hence, the
illuminated manuscripts of the library-church of St. Theodorus
constitute one of the most important ancient Christian libraries in
the world; the treasury is the envy of the Vatican; the reliquary is
a virtual directory of the early saints; and perhaps most impressive
of all, there’s a sense of pride and majesty that make the Armenians
the princes among the seven principal patriarchates of Jerusalem.

That night, I was given a rare glimpse of some of the treasures being
used. (The only time they are regularly brought out of the locked
cellars beneath the cathedral where they are normally stored, is
during Holy Week.)

An exquisite cloak 12 feet long was worn by one church official, its
train held by six choir boys from Armenia – an 1804 gift from
Napoleon Bonaparte to the patriarch during his Middle East campaign.
It glinted with the famed Napoleonic honey bee symbols, made up of
diamonds and emeralds stitched on to each corner.

Next came 17 monks, each carrying a red velvet cushion upon which sat
a crown, tiara or diadem, and then dozens of other officials carrying
golden chalices, old silken fabrics, bishop’s miters from the august
heads of previous clerics, swords, shields and a whole panoply of
saints’ remains – a hair from the beard of Vincent, the patron saint
of vineyards; a toe bone of Crispin, guardian of shoemakers; the
mummified tongue of Ursula of Antioch, a saint invoked for those who
pray for a good death; the cranium of Dympra of Byzantium, patron
saint of the insane; the staff of Menos from Benevento, whose virtues
were praised by St. Gregory the Great; and finally, a tiny golden
vase said to contain milk from the breast of the Virgin Mary herself.

It was an awesome scene: the singing, the heavy smell of frankincense
being cast around the church by incense lanterns made of metalwork so
intricate it looked like lace; the costumes, the solemnity of the
procession, the dull thud of the wood and iron banging from outside.
(Bell-ringing is not practiced at St. James, in remembrance of the
Muslim ban on bells within Jerusalem until 1840. The ban followed the
enforced demolition of the Holy Sepulcher belfry in the 14th century,
meant to make the church lower than the nearby mosque’s minaret. A
bell-less belfry led to use in their place of wooden planks to summon
the Christian faithful to prayer, a custom the Armenians continue to
this day.)

But church services and mysterious ceremonies are not all there is to
the Armenian Quarter and its community. I see many likenesses between
the Jews and the Armenians. The latter are an old people, numbering
about 3 million worldwide, with their own language and culture, and
they too are masters of survival as a minority within an often
hostile host society. They are refined, cultured, sophisticated,
materially successful and always, wherever they are, with their
hearts stubbornly yearning for their ancient land.

As with the Jews, too, the suffering of the Armenians has been great.
April 24 is the Day of Remembrance for the Armenian Holocaust of
1915-1918, when millions were either massacred or forced into exile
by the Turks.

Those massacres brought the largest wave of Armenians to Jerusalem
since their original arrival in the 4th century. In the 1920s they
enjoyed a tremendous revival under British Mandate rule, when they
applied their famed skills in ceramic tile and pottery work to
decorating churches, synagogues and mosques alike. To this day,
Armenian pottery is one of the city’s most recognizable crafts.

Again like the Jews, this people treasures one thing above all else –
scholarship. The Armenian Quarter is home to many seminaries,
convents and monasteries, and there is constant traffic between
Jerusalem and the various Armenian communities throughout the world.

Most of the quarter’s 500 residents (along with Jerusalem’s 2,500
other Armenians) lead quiet practical lives in regular trades and
professions. All over Israel, the Armenian Church has real estate
holdings – they are reputed to be the third-largest landholder in
Jerusalem, after the Israeli government and the Greek church.

Within the Holy Sepulcher, in the Christian Quarter, the Armenians
are key power brokers, controlling chapels, objects and the vast
floor spaces between columns 8 and 11 and 15 and 18, out of a total
of 20 columns and pillars that support the great Crusader rotunda of
the church. This might seem trifling, but in the wider world of
Orthodox Christendom, these are crucial symbols of worldly power in a
church where every square foot is contested.

Some days ago I was back in the Armenian cathedral, having just
attended a service in another hidden corner of the quarter – the
Church of the House of Annas. Outside the house is a place of deep
significance for Armenians, for there grows an olive tree that they
believe is descended from the one Jesus was tied to when he was
scourged prior to the Passion.

As I stared at this ancient tree, Bishop Gulbenkian, one of the
quarter’s 12 bishops, came over. We talked of that summer 15 years
ago when Alfonso and I had wandered into the compound, and got to
know many of its residents so well. His Grace Gulbenkian informed me,
with some sadness, that Alfonso had returned the following year to
the fold of his mother church in Rome, after only a short dalliance
with Armenian Orthodoxy.

I left the compound through the Door of Kerikor, installed in 1646
and named for the patriarch of the day. As I left through the dark,
brooding, vaulted porch of the door, gates were banged and bolted
behind me as the quarter nestled down for the night.

Unlike the Old City’s other three quarters, the Armenian Quarter
jealously guards its privacy by remaining closed to visitors most of
the time. It does, however, open the doors of its cathedral at 3 p.m.
every day, when visitors can enter the compound for the magic and
drama of the afternoon Eucharist service. These few minutes in the
Cathedral of St. James will imbue all who see it with a sense of the
nobility of Jerusalem’s Armenians – a tolerant and refined people
with vast temporal and spiritual wealth, a tremendous sense of
history, wielding legendary power, but doing so with the greatest of
style and discretion. The Armenians are perhaps the embodiment of
what a venerable Jerusalem community should be.

Tehran: Armenia’s new envoy submits credentials to Kharrazi Tehran

IRNA, Iran
March 18, 2005 Friday

Iran-Armenia-Relation

Tehran

Armenia’s new envoy submits credentials to Kharrazi Tehran,

Appointed Ambassador to Tehran, Karen Nazarian, handed over his
credentials on Thursday to Iranian Foreign Minister, Kamal Kharrazi.

According to the Foreign Ministry’s Department of Information and
Press, Kharrazi termed as “valuable capital” the age-old relations
between the two countries, stressing that Iran and Armenia can
reinforce mutual ties by relying on those relations.

He said the development projects that Iran has implemented or still
has underway in Armenia indicate the “active relations” between the
two countries and highlighted the need to facilitate the activities
of Iranian traders and investors in Armenia.

Nazarian, for his part, described Iran-Armenia relations as strategic
and said Yerevan attaches a special significance to the expansion of
its relations with Tehran.

He further underscored Iran’s decisive role in the stability and the
developments of the region.