GEORGIA: ETHNIC ARMENIAN MP, NGO CONCERNED ABOUT TENSION IN SOUTHERN PROVINCE

Imedi TV, Tbilisi
15 Mar 06

Hamlet Movsesyan, an ethnic Armenian member of the Georgian parliament,
has expressed concern about recent tension in ethnic Armenian populated
areas of the Samtskhe-Javakheti province in southern Georgia. He said
that local people were worried about ethnic Armenian officials who do
not speak Georgian being replaced by ethnic Georgians. The head of the
Multiethnic Georgia non-governmental organization, Arnold Stepanyan,
also an ethnic Armenian, has said that the teaching of Georgian has not
been mandatory in ethnic Armenian areas for the past 15 years and it
is “unreasonable” to require local people to speak the language. The
following is the text of a report by Georgian Imedi TV on 15 March:

[Presenter] Complaints by MPs in Armenia and ethnic Armenian MPs in
the Georgian parliament are starting to resemble each other. Some
want political autonomy while others want cultural autonomy for
Samtskhe-Javakheti.

What did the MP for Akhalkalaki [town in Samtskhe-Javakheti, scene
of recent protests and riots] want to say to the president, why do
Armenians not speak Georgian, and is the national minority being
discriminated against because of that?

[Uncaptioned ethnic Armenian protester in Akhalkalaki, in Russian]
This happened before. You probably know that this already happened
in 1991. Do they want a repetition of that? We can do that, no problem.

[Correspondent] In 1991 [as heard] separatist statements were first
made in public in Tskhinvali and Sukhumi. The conflicts in South
Ossetia and Abkhazia have still not been resolved. The Javakhk
organization does not rule out the possibility of history repeating
itself in Samtskhe-Javakheti.

Noyan Tapan news agency reported a statement by someone called
Madoyan [Razdan Madoyan, member of the Javakhk council]. There
are two ways events could develop: this could either become another
Nagornyy-Karabakh or another Naxcivan, Madoyan says. Javakhk believes
that, if necessary, Armenia should send troops to Javakheti.

[Beso Jugheli, Georgian MP addressing parliament speaker Nino
Burjanadze] Kalbatono [polite way of addressing a woman] Nino, have
you spoken to Akhalkalaki constituency MP Hamlet Movsesyan? Hamlet
Movsesyan is asking for a meeting with the president.

[Correspondent] What did Hamlet Movsesyan want to say to the
president? The Akhalkalaki MP feels that many problems have
accumulated, the most important of which is that knowledge of the
Georgian language is a requirement for appointment to official
posts. The Akhalkalaki MP himself does not speak Georgian.

Another thing that concerns people there is the appointment of
Georgians in the region who do not speak Armenian. The local Armenians
are angry not so much at not being able to communicate with them as
the restriction of their rights.

[Hamlet Movsesyan, in Russian] The local people still do not speak the
state language, unfortunately. For that to happen needs time. Local
people are, of course, worried about Armenians being dismissed and
replaced with Georgians.

[Correspondent] Today Armenian MP Albert Bazeyan told journalists in
Yerevan that Javakheti should have cultural autonomy.

Van Baiburt, [an ethnic Armenian] member of the Georgian parliamentary
majority, says that Bazeyan’s call for cultural autonomy is a
mistake. He believes that Armenians in Georgia have had an unwritten
cultural autonomy in Georgia for a long time.

He has already apologized on behalf of Armenians for the riots
in Javakheti [on 11 March]. He does not like the analogy between
Nagornyy-Karabakh and Javakheti.

[Baiburt] Comparisons between Javakheti and Nagornyy-Karabakh are
completely without foundation. It is such a crude, crazy thing to
say. These are not so much anti-Georgian statements as they are
anti-Armenian and against Armenia.

[Correspondent] The situation in Javakheti reminds the head of
Multiethnic Georgia [NGO] of the American film Home Alone. That is how,
in his opinion, Samtskhe-Javakheti was abandoned 15 years ago.

[Arnold Stepanyan, captioned as head of Multiethnic Georgia] Fifteen
years ago we forgot about one of our regions at home. Now we have
suddenly realized that this child is there. We have forgotten,
however, that this child has grown since then. Samtskhe-Javakheti
has effectively been developing in autonomous mode.

What did we expect when we were sacking judges in Samtskhe-Javakheti,
what did we expect when we were sacking customs officials?

[Correspondent] The main problem appears to be that they do not speak
Georgian. The head of the NGO believes that it is unreasonable and
illogical now to require the knowledge of something that has not been
mandatory in education over the past 15 years.

Movsesyan, Baiburt and Stepanyan today agree that it is not so
much separatism as social problems that are behind the conflict
in Javakheti.

CONFUSION AS POLICE CONFRONT ARMENIAN

The Nation (Kenya)
Mar 15, 2006

One of the Armenian brothers at the centre of claims and counter
claims by the Government and Orange politicians yesterday refused
to allow police into his rented home and rebuffed their attempts to
persuade him to record a statement.

Mr Artur Margaryan told the squad of eight police officers who went
to his home in Runda, an upmarket Nairobi estate, that they should
either arrest him or produce a search warrant before he could cooperate
with them.

The police, headed by Runda police station boss Jeremiah Langat,
left the house after receiving a telephone call from a senior officer
ordering them to return to their base.

The eight had gone to House 977 on Glory Road, off Runda Grove, as
an advance team to provide security for detectives investigating the
activities of Mr Margaryan and his brother, Mr Artur Sargsyan.

Mr Margaryan was to have been interviewed by Nairobi deputy
provincial CID chief Isaiah Osugo, who was appointed last week by
police commissioner Mohamed Hussein Ali to investigate claims by
Lang’ata MP Raila Odinga that the brothers were mercenaries.

Mr Osugo did not go to the house after his advance team was denied
entry.

However, Mr Margaryan later emerged from the compound and chatted with
journalists as Mr Langat, his deputy and three armed police officers
in uniform returned to the house. When Mr Margaryan saw the officers,
he cut short his impromptu Press conference and called someone on
the mobile phone who rushed to open the compound gate.

During his brief talk to the journalists outside his gate, Mr Margaryan
confirmed the police had gone to his house in the morning and that
he would neither leave nor allow the police into the house unless
they had either an arrest warrant for him or a search warrant.

Mr Margaryan repeated his claims that he had in the past met Mr
Odinga. He said it was between December 13 and 15, last year in Dubai,
when he allegedly gave him the equivalent of Sh100,000 in UAE currency
(dirham), to spend as he wished.

He said his brother would be returning to Kenya next week.

He went on: “I will go to court as well as demand protection from
the Government because it was my right to ask for protection.”

Mr Margaryan acknowledged that his company Brotherlink International
Ltd had entered into a contract in January this year to rent the
house. His company was involved in various businesses including car
imports, electronics and real estate.

He further denied having ever visited State House or having met any
senior police officers.

Meanwhile, State House last night warned Mr Odinga against dragging
the presidency into the mercenary claims.

It said in a statement that allegations that the two men alleged
to be mercenaries had visited State House on two occasions in the
recent past were part of a “propaganda war” by Mr Odinga and other
politicians in the ODM .

Asked who allowed him and his brother to hold a Press conference at the
VIP lounge at the Jomo Kenyatta International Airport, Mr Margaryan
claimed it was the journalists themselves who had diverted them to
the lounge as they were walking to the first class lounge.

But when journalists, some of whom were at the Press conference
protested they did not have such powers, he contradicted himself,
saying it was his lawyers Mr Antony Macharia and Mr Fred Ngatia who
had arranged the Press conference.

Mr Macharia, who had arrived earlier, declined to comment. He
also refused to say where or when a Press conference promised by
Mr Margaryan would take place saying he could do that only after
receiving instructions from him.

Asked to explain why his brother’s particulars were missing from the
passenger manifest on the flight he claimed he had taken from Dubai to
Kenya, he said all passengers from Arab countries used their mothers’
names and not their own or their fathers’.

He promised to avail the manifest during the forthcoming Press
conference.

After his brief chat with the journalists, Mr Margaryan returned to
his compound and later drove off in a dark blue Subaru whose number
plates were hidden behind strips of cardboard. He was accompanied by
a woman who on Monday he claimed was his bodyguard.

Distributed by AllAfrica Global Media. (allafrica.com)

POLITICAL GROUP URGES ARMENIA TO ACT AMID TENSION IN SOUTHERN GEORGIA

Noyan Tapan news agency
14 Mar 06

Yerevan, 14 March: The Javakhk council [political group demanding
autonomy for ethnic Armenians in the southern Georgian region of
Javakheti, referred to by the group as Javakhk], which comprises
15 public organizations, has appealed to the Armenian government
to pay proper attention to the problems of Armenians in Javakhk and
recognize the political component of this problem. This was set out
in a statement issued by the council on 14 March.

“Encouraged by the total indifference of the authorities of
the Republic of Armenia, Georgian circles have become even more
unrestrained,” the authors of the statement say. Recent anti-Armenian
steps in Georgia have included the dismissal of judges of Armenian
origin on the pretext of them having no knowledge of the Georgian
language, the opening of an eparchy of the Georgian church on the
territory of Armenia [as received] and the killing of an Armenian
youth in Tsalka.

“Without ruling out the possibility of a third party, including
Azerbaijan and Turkey, having been involved in provoking and
instigating these Anti-Armenian steps, the Javakhk council considers
the authorities of Georgia and the Georgian Orthodox Church to be
the main culprits. A share of the responsibility is borne by the
authorities of the Republic of Armenia, who have done nothing to help
resolve the problem of Javakhk,” the statement says.

“The core of the Javakhk problem is political. As long as Javakhk’s
political status is not clarified and Javakhk does not have guarantees
that Armenians will not be victimized, these issues will be impossible
to resolve,” council representative Razdan Madoyan said.

According to him, an overwhelming majority of Armenians in Armenia
are concerned about the problem of Javakhk because they understand
that it cannot be viewed in isolation. “On the one hand, it is the
question of Hay Dat [Armenian cause] and, on the other, it is the
question of Armenia’s physical survival because Javakhk is currently
the only possible link to Europe. We understand that if Armenians
leave the area, they will be replaced by Turks, which means that
Armenia will be complete blockaded,” he said.

Madoyan sees two possible scenarios: this will develop into either
another Naxcivan or another Karabakh. In his words, if Armenia wants
to continue its existence in the region as an independent state,
it should manage to preserve everything Armenian that remains there.

According to council representatives, Armenia should, if necessary,
send troops into Javakhk. Asked if Armenia was capable of fighting on
two fronts, council representative Gagik Ginosyan replied that this
would be a fourth front for Georgia. He said that one should not be
afraid of war if there was a threat of the motherland and national
dignity being lost and that Javakhk’s case was about the physical
survival of the republic of Armenia.

Armenia: Opposition leaders sought Sh3b loan

Standard, Kenya
March 14 2006

Below is the written statement read by Artur Sargsyan.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

My name is Artur Sargsyan. I have just arrived from Dubai. I was last
in Kenya on 25th February, 2006.

During the last few days I have been greatly troubled by reports
emanating from your local press to the effect that I am a mercenary
and that I was part of the gang that raided the Standard Group. These
accusations are entirely false hence the decision to come to Kenya
today.

The truth of the matter is as follows: My brother, Artur Margaryan
and I have vast business ventures in Dubai where we ordinarily
reside. We also have various investments in several other countries.

Late last year we came to Kenya to seek business investment in the
Hotel Industry and general trade. Upon arrival, we were introduced to
local politicians including Hon Raila Odinga and Hon Kalonzo Musyoka.
A request was made to us to finance an anticipated vote of No
Confidence against the President. The sum, which was requested, was
Sh3 billion. We declined to finance the exercise as we do not engage
in local politics in all the countries where we have investments.

I must nevertheless state that Hon Raila Odinga also requested a loan
of $1.5 million, which I advanced to him on the basis that he will
repay the debt by mid January, 2006. He has not repaid the debt to
date.

My uncle is the President of the Republic of Armenia and I am a
Presidential Candidate. I am appalled by the baseless accusations in
your Press.

Your political leaders should not be peddlers of falsehood and the
Press should not merely publish sensational but senseless stories
which can damage the reputation of persons whose only interest in
your country is to invest in legitimate trade. I have come to your
county today to clear my name and to demand my money that Hon Raila
Odinga owes me. I will also have an opportunity to discuss this
matter with my lawyers.

Signed by: Artur Sargsyan
JKIA, Nairobi
13th March, 2006′

IMMEDIATE RELEASE
Contact: Laurel Lambert, KCET
(323) 953-5246

~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Tomikka Anderson
Publicity Associate
KCET
323-953-5308 phone
323-953-5678 fax
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

KCET TO PREMIERE ‘LE GENOCIDE ARMENIEN’ (‘THE ARMENIAN GENOCIDE’) AT
9 PM ON MONDAY, APRIL 17 – ‘MY SON SHALL BE ARMENIAN’ TO AIR MONDAY,
APRIL 24 AT 9 PM

KCET has scheduled its premiere of “Le Genocide Armenien” (“The
Armenian Genocide”) the 2005 documentary by French filmmaker Laurence
Jourdan, for 9 pm on Monday, April 17. (The film had originally
been slated to air at 10 pm). The English-narrated documentary will
be premiering for the first time on American television. Also in
April, KCET has scheduled an encore of “My Son Shall Be Armenian” by
Armenian-Canadian filmmaker Hagop Goudsouzian to air Monday, April 24
(9 p.m. to 10:30 p.m.)

“We have received very positive feedback regarding our airing of
‘Le Genocide Armenien’ and we are choosing to air it earlier in the
evening to create the opportunity for a larger audience to view this
important production,” said Mary Mazur, KCET executive vice president
or programming and production. “We feel the comprehensive storytelling
of the documentary and its educational content will be appreciated
by a broad range of KCET viewers.”

“My Son Shall Be Armenian” follows the journey of filmmaker Hagop
Goudsouzian, who, accompanied by five Montreal men and women of
Armenian origin, returned to the land of his ancestors in search
of survivors of the genocide of 1915. Through the moving testimony
of those centenarians and the funny and touching accounts of his
fellow travelers from the New World, Hagop Goudsouzian has crafted a
dignified and poignant film on the need to make peace with the past
in order to turn toward the future.

Additional information about the films and filmmakers is available
on KCET.org.

# # #
From: Baghdasarian

ASBAREZ ONLINE
TOP STORIES
03/15/2006
TO ACCESS PREVIOUS ASBAREZ ONLINE EDITIONS PLEASE VISIT OUR
WEBSITE AT <;HTTP://WWW.ASBAREZ. COM

1) Photos of Demolished Armenian Cemetery in Nakhichevan Published
2) Andrew Goldberg to Discuss His Genocide Documentary on KFI Radio
3) Anniversary of Talaat Pasha’s Death Marked in Yerevan
4) State Dept. Again Refuses to Directly Comment on Reports of Amb. Evans’
Recall
5) Turks in France to Protest Genocide Monument in Lyon

1) Photos of Demolished Armenian Cemetery in Nakhichevan Published

(PanArmenian/A1Plus)–The Armenian Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA)
circulated
photos of the former Armenian cemetery in Julfa, Nakhichevan, which shows that
it has been completely demolished by Azerbaijan.
According to a statement released by the MFA, “By 2005 only 3500 out of
10,000
Armenian khatchkars remained standing in Old Julfa. These 3500 monuments were
demolished by Azeri soldiers.”
After fully eliminating the remnants of the khatchkars (cross-stones) and
removing them from the cemetery, several eyewitnesses have reported that Azeri
soldiers began using the cemetery as a military shooting range.

2) Andrew Goldberg to Discuss His Genocide Documentary on KFI Radio

–ArmeniaTV announces it too will broadcast documentary

LOS ANGELES–KFI 640 AM, the largest talk radio station in the country, has
invited director/producer Andrew Goldberg to discuss issues surrounding his
upcoming PBS documentary [The Armenian Genocide] with John Ziegler. Goldberg
will appear for a 45 minute segment on the John Ziegler show, which airs every
weeknight from 7:00 PM-10:00 PM, on Thursday, March 16.
According to KFI, their decision to invite Andrew Goldberg on the air was due
to the many recent high-profile issues surrounding the film, and most recently
an article in the Los Angeles Times. According to the KFI producer “Free
speech
issues are the bread and butter of our show, so naturally this issue is
something we’re looking forward to exploring in depth.”
[The Armenian Genocide] is the story of the first Genocide of the 20th
century–when over a million Armenians died at the hands of the Ottoman Turks
during World War I. This unprecedented and powerful one-hour documentary,
airing April 17th on PBS was written, directed and produced by Emmy
Award-winning producer Andrew Goldberg of Two Cats Productions, in association
with Oregon Public Broadcasting.
In an “act of solidarity,” Armenia’s largest television broadcaster, Armenia
TV, announced that it will be airing Goldberg’s documentary in exactly the
same
time slot and date as the PBS broadcast in the US.
Two Cats Productions, which produced the film, has waived all costs and
donated all broadcast rights for the film to Armenia TV.
Canadian Broadcaster TV Ontario has also acquired the rights to the film and
stated they too will be showing the film in April.
“That so many millions of people across the world will be seeing the film in
April, and that so many will do so at the same time as the PBS Broadcast,
really affirms for us that we did the job we set out to do. Our goal was
clear,
we wanted to tell the story of the actual events of the Genocide and to make
clear on national, and now international television, that this event was
Genocide, and cannot be denied,” said Goldberg.

3) Anniversary of Talaat Pasha’s Death Marked in Yerevan

YEREVAN (Combined Sources)–The anniversary of the assassination of Armenian
genocide perpetrator Talaat Pasha was marked by over 200 people Wednesday at
the unveiling of a Soghomon Tehlirian monument in Yerevan.
ARF Supreme Body of Armenia representative Armen Rustamian was present at the
ceremony and said, “This event that happened 85 years ago had a great
impact on
the fate of the Armenian nation. Tehlirian’s example has been educating our
present and future generations.”
Rustamian went on to explain the importance of the day and underlined the
efficiency of the plan “Nemesis,” named after the Greek Goddess of vengeance,
meant to punish the main organizers of the Armenian genocide.
On March 15, 1921, one of the main perpetrators of the Armenian genocide,
Talaat Pasha, was gunned down in Berlin by then 24 year old student Soghomon
Tehlirian. A Berlin court later acquitted Tehlirian and posthumously convicted
Talaat.
“Punishing a genocide perpetrator is never a crime,” Rustamian said, adding
that Turkey should realize this.
Rustamian noted that “the demand of the Armenians was fair” and the trial
held
in Germany proved that.
Rustamian also noted that along with Talaat, other organizers of the
genocide,
Enver and Jemal, were also assassinated following the Armenian Revolutionary
Federation’s decision to carry out the “Nemesis” operation.

4) State Dept. Again Refuses to Directly Comment on Reports of Amb. Evans’
Recall

WASHINGTON, DC–For the fourth time in the last week, the State Department’s
official spokesperson has failed to directly respond to questions raised by
journalists during the Department’s daily press briefing about reports that
the
US Ambassador to Armenia, John Marshall Evans, has been recalled due to his
truthful statements about the Armenian genocide, reported the Armenian
National
Committee of America (ANCA).
“It’s certainly disappointing seeing State Department officials hiding behind
their spokesperson to avoid directly answering questions about whether
Ambassador Evans is being recalled because he had the courage to stand up
against what effectively amounts to a ‘gag-rule’ preventing our nation’s
diplomats from speaking truthfully about the Armenian genocide,” said ANCA
Executive Director Aram Hamparian.
ANCA Chairman Ken Hachikian, in a March 8 letter to Secretary Rice, wrote
that, “If, in fact, the State Department has taken punitive steps against
Ambassador Evans, you should fully and openly explain your policies and
actions
to the American people. If, on the other hand, the Department has not taken
any
such steps, you owe it to the American people to affirm that it is not the
policy of the United States of America to punish its diplomats for speaking
the
truth about the Armenian genocide.”
Questions concerning Ambassador Evans were raised on March 8 and 10 and again
on March 13 and 14. Each time journalists asked for official comments about
Ambassador Evans’ reported recall. Reflecting the growing frustration among
journalists over the lack of a clear response to their inquiries, a member of
the State Department press corps publicly described the answers provided by
the
official spokesperson as “a bit of a dodge.”
The growing controversy surrounding reports of Ambassador Evans’ recall has
resulted in separate letters being sent to Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice
from ANCA Chairman Ken Hachikian and Representative Frank Pallone (D-NJ), the
Co-Chairman of the Armenian Issues Caucus, as well as formal Congressional
inquiries by Representatives Adam Schiff (D-CA) and Grace Napolitano (D-CA).
Speaking last year to an Armenian American gathering at the University of
California at Berkeley, Ambassador Evans said, “I will today call it the
Armenian genocide. . . I informed myself in depth about it. I think we, the US
government, owe you, our fellow citizens, a more frank and honest way of
discussing this problem. Today, as someone who has studied it~E there’s no
doubt
in my mind [as to] what happened. I think it is unbecoming of us, as
Americans,
to play word games here. I believe in calling things by
their name.” Referring to the Armenian genocide as “the first genocide of the
20th century,” he said: “I pledge to you, we are going to do a better job at
addressing this issue.” Evans also disclosed that he had consulted with a
legal
advisor at the State Department who had confirmed that the events of 1915 were
“genocide by definition.”
Within days of his remarks, Ambassador Evans was apparently forced to issue a
statement clarifying that his references to the Armenian genocide were his
personal views and did not represent a change in US policy. He subsequently
issued a correction to this statement, replacing a reference to the Genocide
with the word “tragedy.”
Later last year, the American Foreign Service Association (AFSA), in
recognition of his honesty and commitment to principle, decided to honor
Ambassador Evans with the “Christian A. Herter Award,” recognizing creative
thinking and intellectual courage within the Foreign Service. AFSA states,
“The
purpose of the [award] is to encourage Foreign Service career employees to
speak out frankly and honestly.” Sadly, as Washington Post staff writer Glenn
Kessler revealed on June 9, AFSA withdrew its award following pressure from
“very serious people from the State Department” just days before Turkish Prime
Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan traveled to Washington, DC to meet with
President
George W. Bush.
The full text of the four exchanges are provided below:

1. MARCH 8, 2006 ­ DAILY PRESS BRIEFING (WASHINGTON, DC) SEAN MCCORMACK,
SPOKESMAN

QUESTION: [. . .] Why did you recall your Ambassador to Armenia, Mr. John
Evans? Are you going to replace him?

MR. MCCORMACK: I’m not aware that we have recalled anybody — our Ambassador
to Armenia.

QUESTION: Not in Germany, in Armenia.

MR. MCCORMACK: What’s that? I’m not aware that – I believe that he’s still
serving as Ambassador in Armenia.

2. MARCH 10, 2006 ­ DAILY PRESS BRIEFING (WASHINGTON, DC) TOM CASEY, ACTING
SPOKESMAN

QUESTION: Is the U.S. Ambassador to Armenia having his time there cut short,
maybe his career? A couple of Congressmen have asked Secretary Rice about it
and apparently have not gotten an answer.
He’s supposed to have suggested that Armenians were the victims of genocide,
which doesn’t happen to be Bush Administration policy.

MR. CASEY: I think Sean addressed this a couple of days ago.

QUESTION: I think it’s been brought up — further up to date. If you could
—

MR. CASEY: I don’t have anything beyond what he said on it. I’ll look into it
for you and see if there’s any changes in —

QUESTION: He said that ambassadors serve at the privilege of the President

MR. CASEY: Yeah. And as far as I know, he’s . . . still ambassador. I’m not
aware that anything’s changed that situation.

QUESTION: You can’t — well, all right, if you don’t have anything further.
(Inaudible.)

MR. CASEY: I think, Barry, I will — yeah, I’ll look into it for you. I
haven’t gotten an update on it, but I’ll try and see if there’s something and
we’ll post an answer for you.

QUESTION: And also if somebody ghosted an answer from the Secretary to Mr.
Schiff and the other Congressmen.

MR. CASEY: Okay. I’ll let you know. Let’s go back here. Oh, to you guys first
and then we’ll come over to this side.

3. MARCH 13, 2006 ­ DAILY PRESS BRIEFING (WASHINGTON, DC) TOM CASEY, ACTING
SPOKESMAN

QUESTION: Is the Ambassador of Armenia being — having his career shortened
because he spoke out against genocide in Armenia?

MR. CASEY: Barry, I know we promised you an answer on that one on Friday.
Still don’t have it and I’ll get something for you this afternoon.

QUESTION: You mean his future hasn’t been decided yet?

MR. CASEY: Not that I’m aware of.

QUESTION: I think it has.

MR. CASEY: I believe you think it does.

QUESTION: No, I do believe it does and so do — and I have reason to believe
it does and I know there are at least two members of Congress who believe it
does. No, I just think the State Department is having difficulty finding words
to announce his premature retirement.

MR. CASEY: No. We owe you an answer on that.

QUESTION: Thank you.

MR. CASEY: I’ll get it for you. Yes, Saul.

[. . .]

QUESTION: And one on Armenia. Representative Frank Pallone in a strong
statement expressed his extreme disappointment with regards of the Department
of State decision to rid finally Ambassador John
Evans from Armenia as a retaliation for statements he made in recognition of
the Armenian genocide in Los Angeles by Ottoman Turks. And it was reported
that
already you have decided to replace him. Could you please clarify for us what
is going on exactly this particular moment of this issue?

MR. CASEY: That was the question Barry asked. We owe you an answer and we’ll
get you one.

QUESTION: Is the same answer.

MR. CASEY: Yeah. It’s the same issue; it will be the same answer.

QUESTION: Is there an ambassador on post in Armenia right now?

MR. CASEY: Yes, there is.

QUESTION: Is his name Evans?

MR. CASEY: Yes, it is.

QUESTION: Does he have suitcase packed?

MR. CASEY: Not that I’m aware of.

QUESTION: But when you do announce this, would you kindly tell us the
difference between what happened and genocide?

MR. CASEY: I think —

QUESTION: Because U.S. policy is there was no genocide.

MR. CASEY: Our policy on this issue is well known. It was reported in a
presidential statement and, yeah, I don’t have anything to add to it.

4. MARCH 14, 2006 ­ DAILY PRESS BRIEFING (WASHINGTON, DC) ADAM ERELI,
SPOKESMAN

QUESTION: Mr. Ereli, on the DOS [Department of State] Web site, regarding
yesterday’s taken question about U.S. Ambassador to Armenia John Evans’
status,
you have put quote, “genocide,” unquote, in quotes. I’m wondering why, if you
can say so.

MR. ERELI: I think because it was referring to remarks that somebody made.

QUESTION: Do you know whether John Evans was recalled or whether he’s been
recalled due to his speech on Armenian genocide?

MR. ERELI: I think the question was answered in the – that was answered in
the
question posted.

QUESTION: Should DOS [Department of State] employees have been advised not to
use the term, quote, “genocide,” unquote, when discussing the extermination of
the (inaudible)?

MR. ERELI: No, I think our guidance on that is the same. And we posted that
guidance last week.

QUESTION: Is it not true that Mr. Evans’ 35-year diplomatic career will be
shortened because of the remarks he made, saying that … genocide?

MR. ERELI: I think the question was answered in the – that was answered in
the
question posted.

QUESTION: Had DOS [Department of State] employees been advised not to use the
term, quote, “genocide,” unquote, when discussing the extermination of the 1
­1/2 million . . .

MR. ERELI: No, I think our guidance on that is the same. And we posted that
guidance last week.

QUESTION: Is it not true that Mr. Evans’ 35-year diplomatic career will be
shortened because of the remarks he made, saying that Armenians were the
victims of genocide, since the U.S. government
or the State Department doesn’t believe what happened was genocide? It doesn’t
fit the definition of genocide?

MR. ERELI: I really don’t have anything more to add to what we posted.

QUESTION: Well, what you posted yesterday was a bit of a dodge.

MR. ERELI: No. I think it’s the situation as it is. (CROSSTALK)

QUESTION: There is very strong reason to believe, in Congress and elsewhere,
that this man is going to lose out; he’s going to be brought home early
because
of what he said.

MR. ERELI: Look, I’d like to be able to — Ambassador Evans is our ambassador
and he continues to exercise that honor and privilege. And he takes it
seriously; we take it seriously. And I really don’t have any more to add to
that.

5) Turks in France to Protest Genocide Monument in Lyon

(Zaman)–Several Turkish organizations in France have organized a protest on
March 18 against the construction of an Armenian genocide monument in Lyon,
France.
After two years of political debate, construction of the monument has begun
despite Turkish attempts to stop it. The Council of Turkish Culture
Associations in Rhone-Alpes resorted to the French courts to stop the
monument,
but did not succeed.
Turkish organizations are also angered that the French built a Komitas
genocide memorial in Paris in 2001, but have not found an appropriate place to
build a statue of Ataturk despite Turkey’s efforts for years.
The Armenian genocide monument in Lyon will be located in the heart of the
city’s historical center.

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and not Asbarez Online. ASBAREZ ONLINE does not transmit address changes and
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(c) 2006 ASBAREZ ONLINE. All Rights Reserved.

ASBAREZ provides this news service to ARMENIAN NEWS NETWORK members for
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Turkish laws put to the test

Lawyer leads effort to prosecute citizens critical of the state

The Wall Street Journal
March 14, 2006
Page A6

By PHILIP SHISHKIN

ISTANBUL, Turkey — Kemal Kerincsiz dreams of a day when Turkey will reclaim
its Ottoman-era greatness, become a regional superpower and turn away from
both the European Union and the U.S. But for now, the nationalist lawyer
would be happy to see Hrant Dink thrown in jail.

Last year, Mr. Dink, the editor of the Istanbul-based Armenian weekly Agos,
was found guilty of denigrating the Turkish state in one of a string of
cases instigated by Mr. Kerinsciz. The self-proclaimed defender of the
Turkish state has dusted off old articles in the Turkish penal code to force
prosecutors to put Mr. Dink and others on trial. Mr. Kerinsciz has
instigated cases against Orhan Pamuk, an acclaimed Turkish novelist, and
against the organizers of an academic conference. He has even tried, without
success, to get a Dutch member of the European Parliament punished for
criticizing Turkey’s armed forces.

The maverick lawyer’s quest to restrict free speech has undermined Turkey’s
effort to burnish its democratic credentials, exposing the residue of the
country’s authoritarian past at a time when Ankara is trying to change its
ways to join the EU. Mr. Kerincsiz is part of a nationalist movement that is
trying to pull the country in the opposite direction and away from Western
alliances — with the U.S. as well as Europe.

Mr. Kerincsiz’s limited success, despite tireless efforts, suggests Turkey’s
civil-society movement has advanced. But critics say the country needs to do
more to rid itself of archaic prosecutorial tools. “In our penal code, it’s
considered a crime to criticize the state, the army, the parliament,” says
Mr. Dink, the Armenian newspaper editor. “But in a modern democracy, you
should be able to criticize these institutions.”

Moving Westward

While Turkey faces at least a decade of tough negotiations before it can
join the EU, the country already has changed many of its laws and traditions
to conform with Europe’s democratic requirements. Ankara has given greater
civil rights to its ethnic minorities, abolished the death penalty, limited
the role of the military in state affairs and shelved a law that would have
criminalized adultery.

Turkey is well along the path of political and economic integration with the
West. Indeed, Turks in general favor closer ties to Europe: While opposition
to the EU has increased, some 63.5% support EU membership, while 30% oppose
it, according to a poll last year by the Pollmark agency. The nationalists
aren’t giving up without a fight, though, and they have succeeded in putting
the government on the defensive.

“We don’t need the European Union — it will divide us and hinder us from
becoming a regional power,” Mr. Kerincsiz says. Recalling how the Western
powers divided the Ottoman Empire after World War I, in which the Turks
fought and lost on the German side, he adds, “The West hasn’t changed its
policy toward Turkey since then.”

Eye on Elections

With Turkey’s next general election scheduled for 2007, the nationalists are
appealing to anti-Western sentiment that is always present in parts of
Turkey’s mostly Muslim society. “The Valley of the Wolves, Iraq,” a hit
fictional movie released earlier this year, shows U.S. soldiers killing
women and children at an Iraqi wedding, while a recent novel imagines a war
between Turkey and the EU.

Seven years ago, Mr. Kerincsiz founded an association of nationalist
lawyers, whose membership has since grown to 800 members in Istanbul alone.
The association’s long-term goal: a Turkey-led confederation stretching from
the former Ottoman provinces in the Balkans to the Turkic republics of
Central Asia. “You have to have big goals in life,” says Mr. Kerincsiz, a
lanky and energetic 46-year-old who was an honors student in law school.

But it is his immediate strategy — prosecuting words and deeds he considers
damaging to the Turkish republic — that has pulled the association from the
nationalist fringe into the center of a debate on what the modern Turkish
state should look like. His first high-profile strike came last year when
two Istanbul universities teamed up to organize a conference on Armenians in
Turkey, one of the most controversial issues in the country’s history.
Armenia says the Ottoman government orchestrated a genocide of the Armenian
population during World War I. Turkey denies that what took place was a
genocide, arguing that thousands of Turks died too in a brutal conflict.

Taking on Universities

Mr. Kerincsiz, who says he doesn’t recognize Armenia as an independent
nation, complained to an Istanbul court, fearing the conference was a
foreign plot to force Turkey to admit to a genocide, open the door to
compensation claims and weaken the Turkish state. He urged the court to
investigate the academic credentials of the participants and their sources
of funding. The judges instructed the two universities to suspend the
conference. The organizers eventually managed to hold the gathering by
moving it to a school that wasn’t covered by the ruling.

The flap over the conference spawned a lively debate in the Turkish media.
Murat Belge, a professor of comparative literature, wrote a column in the
Radikal newspaper accusing the court of trampling the law by banning the
academic gathering. To drive his point home, he recounted a disparaging joke
about judges.

Mr. Kerincsiz then got prosecutors to haul Mr. Belge, along with four other
columnists, to court, claiming they had insulted the court. That, he said,
would be a crime under Turkish laws banning the denigration of the state and
its institutions. The laws date to the early days of the Turkish republic,
when the government sought to strengthen the young state against separatist
influences. The laws have never been removed from the books, though they are
rarely enforced by the government.

The court hearing last month quickly descended into chaos. Mr. Kerincsiz and
his nationalist lawyers yelled at the judge and lashed out at the presence
of foreign observers at the trial, participants said. The judge had to
remove one unruly lawyer from the courtroom. “The irony is that our case
starts with the premise that some people had insulted the court,” Mr. Belge
says.

Image Problem

Mr. Kerincsiz’s most famous attack — against Mr. Pamuk, for mentioning
during an interview the killings of Armenians and Kurds in Turkey — failed
when the court dropped the case against the novelist.

Turkey’s foreign minister, Abdullah Gul, has acknowledged anti-free-speech
laws are tarnishing the country’s image. Yet the government has shied away
from changing any of them. And that has only encouraged Mr. Kerincsiz, who
says he aims more for political impact than legal victories. His association
has even joined a quixotic campaign to kick the Greek Orthodox Patriarchate
out of Turkey, accusing it of attempts to set up a Vatican-style state
within a state.

For Mr. Dink, the Armenian newspaper editor, the consequences of Mr.
Kerincsiz’s nationalist quest aren’t hypothetical. In 2004, Mr. Dink wrote
an article urging Armenians “not to fight with the ‘Turk’ anymore” because
the animosity creates poisoned blood. The nationalists read the article to
mean that the Turkish blood itself is poisoned and took Mr. Dink to court.

He received a six-month suspended sentence, which he appealed. When he
criticized the judgment in print, the nationalists sued him again for
insulting the court. “I’m going to leave the country if the higher court
doesn’t overturn the judgment,” says Mr. Dink, who was born and raised in
Turkey. Of Mr. Kerincsiz, he says: “He’s always there trying to chase me.”

Write to Philip Shishkin at [email protected]
.html

An Outward Show of Political Influence

Gary Nalbandian’s band of Southland donors has gotten badges and titles from
law enforcement officials. Critics say it smacks of impropriety.

Los Angeles Times
March 13, 2006

By Stuart Pfeifer and Lance Pugmire, Times Staff Writers

On paper, Gary Nalbandian would appear to be an influential figure in
Southern California law enforcement.

He has served as director of the Los Angeles County Sheriff’s Homeland
Security Support Unit, the Riverside County Sheriff’s Executive Council and
the Bureau of Justice for the San Bernardino County district attorney’s
office.

But Nalbandian is not a professional cop. The only paid law enforcement
position he has held is as a volunteer reserve deputy with the Los Angeles
County sheriff – salary, $1 a year. His real job is running a tire store in
Glendora.

He is, however, a major political fundraiser for Southern California law
enforcement officials. Over the last nine years, Nalbandian has tapped a
network of businessmen and acquaintances, most of them from the Armenian
community, to raise tens of thousands of dollars in political contributions
for Los Angeles County Sheriff Lee Baca, Riverside Sheriff Bob Doyle and San
Bernardino County Dist. Atty. Mike Ramos.

The three officials subsequently authorized the issuance of badges,
identification cards or other official-looking credentials for many of the
donors, designating them members of groups including Baca’s “Homeland
Security Support Unit,” Doyle’s “Sheriff’s Executive Council” and Ramos’
“Bureau of Justice.”

The law enforcement officials insist the credentials were appropriate, since
the men did important volunteer work aiding crime victims, translating
Arabic-language documents for investigators and facilitating anti-terrorism
activities.

But critics say the granting of badges and titles to political supporters
creates the appearance that they are rewards for donations.

“We were getting a lot of new members and, believe me, they were not coming
to see new faces or to eat the food,” said Vahe Maranian, the owner of a La
Crescenta auto electric shop and a former member of Doyle’s Executive
Council.

“They were there for the badges.”

Although the badges issued by the Riverside County Sheriff’s Department and
the San Bernardino County district attorney’s office are not identical to
those used by sworn officers, they bear similar stars or other symbols and
official department names. It is a misdemeanor in California to distribute
badges to the public that are likely to be confused with real law
enforcement badges.

Doyle and Ramos said they believed their badges were so different from those
used by sworn deputies that they did not violate state law, but both men
have subsequently asked Nalbandian to disband the law enforcement support
groups and return the badges and identification cards.

Baca gave badges only to the dozen or so members of Nalbandian’s group who
went through training to become level-three reserve deputies, volunteers who
help sworn officers with routine tasks. But he authorized department photo
identification cards and official name tags for many of the others.

The donors and insiders who received the badges or identification have given
more than $150,000 since 1997 to political campaigns for Baca, Doyle and
Ramos.

The biggest contributions went to Doyle, who received at least $93,000 from
Nalbandian’s group between January 2002 and June 2005 – more than 20% of
his fundraising total during that period.

Steve Remige, president of the Assn. for Los Angeles Deputy Sheriffs, said
issuing badges and law enforcement credentials to politically connected
insiders is an insult to sworn deputies and officers.

“You work, you sweat, at times you bleed for that badge,” Remige said. To
give badges to people who didn’t go through academy training “is a slap in
the face to the general law enforcement community,” he said.

Doyle said he told Nalbandian to collect the badges in July because he
wasn’t utilizing the groups’ services and because he was warned at a
conference about the ethical problems of issuing badges to civilians.

Doyle said the badges were in no way a reward for campaign contributions. “I
can’t tell you who has specifically given me the money among that group, and
I can tell you I have never made any promise to anyone in regard to campaign
money,” he said.

In a series of interviews for this article, Ramos offered conflicting
accounts of his role in issuing the badges.

In December, Ramos said Nalbandian was wholly responsible for making and
distributing the badges for his Bureau of Justice, which was set up to
support and assist Ramos’ office.

“Nothing came from me. I think Gary went out and got badges for the Bureau
of Justice and I put a stop to it. It was giving the wrong impression they
were employees of the district attorney’s office,” Ramos said.

But in an interview last month, Ramos said he had refreshed his memory by
reviewing his files and now recalled authorizing the badges. He also said he
and Nalbandian went badge shopping together shortly after his 2002 election
victory.

Ramos said he asked Nalbandian to return the badges in October 2003 because
he came to realize “it looks horrible” to award badges to campaign donors
and that the name “Bureau of Justice” sounded too much like a real police
organization.

Baca, on the other hand, said he has no intention of shutting down the group
Nalbandian heads for him, the Homeland Security Support Unit, or asking its
roughly 50 members to return their identification cards, which resemble
those that sworn deputies carry in their wallets.

“We could be the next [city] that’s attacked. I know one thing, Los Angeles
is on the list. We’re a priority target. I’m not going to wait for the
federal government’s bureaucracy,” Baca said. “I’m going to build a network
that’s so strong that any terrorist that thinks they can fly under the radar
screen in Los Angeles County, it ain’t going to happen. Gary Nalbandian
understands how to do that.”

Baca also defended his issuing of official identification to Nalbandian’s
volunteers. “What are you going to do with a name badge? What are you going
to do with an ID card that’s going to cause someone to help you?” Baca said.

At least three men who received the credentials, including Nalbandian,
displayed them or mentioned their positions in encounters with police or
security officials, in some cases raising concerns of misuse, according to
documents and interviews.

Nalbandian presented a police lieutenant with a business card identifying
him as a Los Angeles County sheriff’s commander when he went to the Arcadia
police station in September after receiving news that an acquaintance had
been arrested for shoplifting.

Believing, because of the card, that Nalbandian was a top sheriff’s
executive, the lieutenant allowed Nalbandian into a secure area of the
station to await the woman’s release.

Although the woman received no special treatment, Arcadia Police Chief Bob
Sanderson said that the card made him believe that Nalbandian was seeking an
“unspoken favor.” Sanderson said he was concerned enough to report the
incident to Baca’s staff.

Nalbandian defended his involvement in the Arcadia arrest. He said he
presented his business card simply as a courtesy, as he does to “every
person I meet.” He said his first words to the Arcadia lieutenant were: “I’m
not here for no favors. I want to help the family bail her out.”

Homeland Security Support Unit member Raffi Mesrobian displayed both his Los
Angeles sheriff’s ID card and his Riverside sheriff’s Executive Council
badge to state agents serving a search warrant at his Glendale naturopathy
office during a Medi-Cal fraud investigation last year.

A state Department of Justice investigator wrote in his report that the
identification card “did not distinguish whether Mesrobian was a sworn peace
officer, a civilian employee or volunteer.” Mesrobian is not a reserve
deputy and has had no law enforcement training.

“In fact … the official photo identification card would suggest that
Mesrobian was a deputy or official of the Sheriff’s Department instead of an
unpaid volunteer or member of a support council,” Special Agent J. Timothy
Fives wrote in his report.

Mesrobian, who has not been prosecuted, said he made a bad decision.

“I’m really sorry for showing them the badges,” Mesrobian said. “The only
thing I thought was, ‘Is there anything I can do to help? I’m a member of
the sheriff’s advisory council.’ ”

Nalbandian said he suspended Mesrobian from the Homeland Security Support
Unit and revoked his credentials after learning of the incident.

Riverside County Sheriff’s Executive Council member Vahe Maranian said his
badge gained him entry to a secure area at Burbank Airport in 2003.

After first being told that he would have to wait at baggage claim for his
elderly parents, Maranian said, “I let them know I was with the Executive
Council of the Riverside County sheriff. I showed my badge, and they let me
in – right inside, I passed right through security.”

Maranian said an airport security supervisor then allowed him to wait at the
gate for his parents.

“The simple reason they let me through was that I was with the Executive
Council of the Sheriff’s Department,” Maranian said. “I wasn’t some
stranger. Those [airport security] supervisors aren’t stupid. They know who
they’re dealing with. That supervisor felt comfortable with my spirit, and
that badge I had was not a phony. It was real and numbered. To get that from
the sheriff means you get respect.”

Not all members of Nalbandian’s group felt comfortable displaying their
credentials. Artour Khachatrian, a Glendale dentist who contributed $10,000
to Doyle’s 2002 campaign, said he kept his badge in a drawer at his home and
never used it. He said he was concerned that the badges would eventually
become an issue.

“I knew, sooner or later, this conversation would happen,” Khachatrian said.
“Too many people were having badges…. Too many regular people like me, a
simple dentist, can use those badges in many different ways.”

Nalbandian’s rise in the law enforcement world would have seemed unlikely in
1984, when he sat in a San Bernardino County jail cell, accused of trying to
buy stolen cigarettes to sell in the Colton gas station he and his brother,
Tanos, operated at the time.

The brothers were charged with attempted possession of stolen property – a
misdemeanor – for allegedly paying an undercover police decoy for the
stolen smokes, according to court records and interviews. Nalbandian’s
brother pleaded no contest and was sentenced to probation. The charges
against Nalbandian were dismissed.

Nalbandian, a Lebanese immigrant and not a native English speaker, said the
case was the result of a misunderstanding.

“They came in and told my brother they’re going to sell him some hot
cigarettes…. In Lebanon, hot is the coffee that we drink and the Pepsi is
cold. That’s what we know, hot and cold,” Nalbandian said. “I wasn’t
involved in anything, except he [Tanos] asked for the money and I gave him
the money.”

A squarely built, energetic man of 42, Nalbandian said his childhood dream
was to work in law enforcement. His store is covered with photos showing him
and elected officials ranging from Baca to President Bush.

Nalbandian moved to the United States from Lebanon in 1982 and worked a
series of jobs in the automotive industry before opening his Glendora tire
store in 1993.

During Baca’s first campaign for sheriff in 1997, Nalbandian introduced
friends and acquaintances to the candidate and organized grass-roots
fundraisers. Members of Nalbandian’s groups have donated more than $30,000
to Baca’s campaigns, according to records.

After his election, Baca invited Nalbandian to apply to become a volunteer
deputy. After undergoing 64 hours of training, the tire salesman was named a
reserve and given a badge and a uniform.

Reserve deputies are asked to serve 20 hours per month for $1 a year.
Level-three deputies like Nalbandian do not go on patrol or make arrests but
handle such tasks as crowd control or transportation, said Capt. Joe Garza,
who supervises the department’s reserve program. He said that Nalbandian,
whom Baca made an honorary “commander,” will soon begin also doing
translation for the sheriff.

Baca’s staff has approved concealed-weapons permits for Nalbandian and for
Gary Jerjerian, owner of a wheel company and assistant director of the
Homeland Security Support Unit.

In 2001, Nalbandian became active in campaigns for Ramos and Doyle. After
their elections, the two law enforcers handed out badges to members,
including many donors, of groups they authorized Nalbandian to start.

Ramos said he also provided Nalbandian with an electronic copy of his
signature to use on official correspondence and named him “chief” of the
Bureau of Justice. The tire salesman registered his Crown Victoria, the same
model driven by many police and sheriff’s executives, in both his own name
and that of the Bureau of Justice, according to DMV records. Nalbandian said
“the guys,” members of his volunteer group, paid for the $25,500 vehicle.

Several members of Nalbandian’s volunteer groups said they were asked to pay
$1,000 initiation fees and were charged $100 monthly dues, often in cash, at
dinner meetings in a Pasadena meeting hall.

Nalbandian said the fees were for membership in a social club called the
Executive Council of Southern California, and were not a requisite to
getting a badge. He declined to say what happened to the money that was
collected by the club.

“What we do is personal with the club. It’s nobody’s business,” he said.

Several members said they were not aware of the Executive Council of
Southern California. They said they paid to attend dinner meetings in
Pasadena and discussed the affairs of the Riverside Sheriff’s Executive
Council and the Homeland Security Support Unit.

Former members of the Riverside group gave The Times copies of Sheriff’s
Executive Council meeting agendas reporting that $6,850 had been raised in
January 2004 and $6,600 in March 2004.

Asked why agendas would say that thousands of dollars had been raised by the
council, Nalbandian shrugged and did not respond. At another point, he said
they could be computer-generated forgeries.

Rick Hamilton, owner of Sun Badge Co., now based in Ontario, said Nalbandian
paid for Riverside and San Bernardino county badges in cash, which he
carried in a small purse.

“Every time we made badges for him, it was a rush,” Hamilton said.

Baca said he was concerned about some of Nalbandian’s actions, including the
fact his business cards didn’t make clear that he was a reserve and not a
regular deputy. But the sheriff said he’s willing to face criticism to do
what he thinks is best for public safety.

“I’m taking a risk in having volunteer support groups,” he said. “I know
that. I’m not afraid of the risks. The benefit of saving lives from
terrorism requires a certain amount of risk.”

(INFOBOX BELOW)

Nalbandian’s influence

In 2002, San Bernardino County Dist. Atty. Mike Ramos authorized tire
salesman Gary Nalbandian to set up the Bureau of Justice, a group of
businessmen, most of whom had donated to his campaign. The following men
were then issued badges and identification cards:

Name Rank Occupation Donation to Ramos
____________________________________________ ________________________________
___________
Gary A. Nalbandian Chief Tire store owner 0
Gary H. Jerjerian Assistant Chief Wheel company owner $7,800
Ramzi Bader Deputy Chief Electronics company owner $1,200
Joe Samuelian Deputy Chief Street-sweeping company owner $6,000
Avo Papazian Deputy Chief Auto body shop owner $1,000
Joe Mehanna Commander Former vice president, Ford dealership $200
Fadi Chakbazof Commander Controller, bus company 0
Andre Skaf Commander Investment advisor $1,000
Hovig Yeghiayan Commander Watch repairman $1,000
Jan Qualkenbush Lieutenant Tow company owner $1,250
Salim Missi Lieutenant Former official with a natural food company $2,500
Nick Muradyan Lieutenant Tire company president $2,000
Vatche Kasumyan Lieutenant Real estate broker $1,800
Mike Heusser Lieutenant Former Ford dealership owner $300
Sarkis Harmandayan Lieutenant Jeweler $2,000

Sources: Campaign finance disclosure statements, Sun Badge Co., interviews
with Bureau of Justice members

PHOTO CAPTION – FUNDRAISER: Gary Nalbandian, left, L.A. County Sheriff Lee
Baca and Dimitri Yazbek at the Homeland Security Support Unit’s scholarship
dinner last November. Baca said he has no intention of asking the group’s
roughly 50 members to return their ID cards.
(Francine Orr / LAT)

me-nalbandian13mar13,0,7532369.s
tory

EMBASSY OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
NEWS RELEASE
1 AMERICAN AVENUE
YEREVAN, ARMENIA
TELEPHONE (+374 10) 464700
FAX (+374 10) 464742
E-MAIL: [email protected]

March 14, 2006

Regarding U.S. Ambassador John Evans

On March 13, U.S. Department of State Acting Spokesman Thomas H. Casey
responded to a question regarding the status of U.S. Ambassador to
Armenia John Evans.

Question: What is the status of US Ambassador to Armenia Evans? Was
he recalled for statements acknowledging the Armenian “genocide”?

Answer: U.S. Ambassadors serve at the pleasure of the
President. Ambassador Evans and his capable team have the full
confidence of the Administration.

Iran Started a Clandestine War in the Caucasus and Central Asia

13.02.2006
Ulugbek Djuraev, AIA Central-Asian section

Iranian Minister of Intelligence and Security Gholam-Hossein
Mohseni-Ejeie During the last two months, Tehran’s secret services
have boosted their work in the countries of the Southern Caucasus
and Central Asia, AIA high-ranking source in the Ministry of Foreign
Affairs in one of the Central-Asian countries inform. According
to him, relevant data is received “through the internal channels
of counterintelligence, and to some extent from our diplomatic
missions in a number of neighboring countries of Central Asia and the
Southern Caucasus”. In this context, security servicemen even held a
“prophylactic conversation” last week with the employees of the MFA
central apparatus. The diplomats were notified about the rise in
activity of Iranian secret services. As a consequence, a new, more
severe regime of control and report about any contacts between the
MFA employees and the official or private representatives of Iran
was tacitly introduced.

Methods

According to information that our source has at hand, within the
economic and scientific delegations from Iran, lately there are more
and more those having connection to Iranian Ministry of Intelligence
and Security.

Moreover, in January – February this year, secret servicemen working
in the region under the cover of diplomatic and economic missions
boosted their activity as well. Simultaneously, there were cases
when the representatives of Iranian companies showed interest in
strategic and military facilities that have nothing to do with
their professional activity. This phenomenon was registered as an
“occasional” emergence of the Iranians, as a rule equipped by photo
or video cameras, near such facilities (for instance, near the US
military base in Kyrgyzstan), or in their talks with local officials,
representatives of private companies, and journalists.

At the same time, Iranian military intelligence makes efforts to boost
its cooperation with the similar bodies in Armenia and Turkmenistan. As
far as the former is concerned, this task is mainly entrusted to
the military attaché of Islamic Republic in Yerevan, Colonel Bizhan
Hamzeil Hashame. The same mission in Ashkhabad is carried out by the
officers of the Iranian General Staff.

Goals

As one could expect, the regional activity of Tehran’s secret services
concerns mainly the South-Caucasian and Central-Asian politics of
the USA.

> > From the point of view of confidential information, Iranian > >
representatives pay most attention to the regional contacts of the
Americans in political and military sphere, in particular – to the
Pentagon, CIA, and NATO officials’ visits to the countries of the
region. The Iranians also have a particular interest in all contacts
of the employees of the local US embassies, and in the activity of
US academic circles and humanitarian foundations.

Iranian special services’ primary purpose is to collect information
about possible use of the states in the region for military,
intelligence, and propaganda activity of the USA against the
Ayatollahs’ regime. In addition, Iranian secret servicemen, same way
as the diplomats, have to work with the local elites, to guarantee
neutrality of the South-Caucasian and Central-Asian governments in
case of an operation against Iran. In a number of states, and in
particular in Azerbaijan and Armenia, special attention is paid to
work with journalists.

Central Asian Back Land

A lot of tendencies in South-Caucasian and Central-Asian politics serve
Tehran’s interests. First of all, it is Armenia’s and Georgia’s growing
aspiration to end their dependence on the Russian energy supplies,
as well as weakening of the Western influence in Uzbekistan and
Kyrgyzstan in course of the last two years. Moreover, Tehran widely
exploits regional elites’ concerns that destabilization in Iran might
negatively impact on the economic and political situation in their own
countries (either as a result of joint economic projects’ dismantling
(in particular in energy and transit trade sphere), or as a result
of the regional ethno-political map’s recast).

Regardless of positive aspects in the regional situation (from Iran’s
point of view), Tehran shows concern as to a possible American economic
and political pressure upon the South-Caucasian and Central-Asian
republics. Nor lesser concern of the Iranians is caused by a
situation when it is enough for the Americans or the Israelis to
“play” on personal economic interests of certain rulers and their
entourage, in order to change the geopolitical priorities of the
whole states. Iranian leadership, for example, views Turkmenistan as
an important strategic partner in Central Asia. However, the Iranians
show concern about the influence that the Israeli businessman Yosef
Maiman (head of Merhav company, and former Mossad officer) has on the
President Niyazov. Tehran representatives are sure that this influence
is based mainly upon extremely rich gifts and profitable commercial
services that the Israeli businessman renders to the President himself,
and to his confidants.

Situation in almost all the other Central-Asian countries does not
cause any Iranian concern. According to the Iranians, Kazakhstan
and Uzbekistan are too much tied to Russia and China, economically
and politically, to cooperate with the USA. Even is Astana, in
order not to spoil its relations with Washington, is ready to have
formal contact with Pentagon, Tashkent won’t agree to do it after
the American-Uzbek confrontation that followed the Andijan events in
May 2005. Neighbouring Tajikistan, though taking advantage of the US
generous economic aide (in 2005, it totalled in about $60 million),
won’t support the Americans in case of any operation against the
Ayatollahs, because of its traditionally close ties with Iran. This was
vividly demonstrated during the last visit of the President Rahmonov
to Tehran that took place in January, in the midst of confrontation
between Iran and the West. While his Afghani colleague cancelled his
visit to

Emomali Rahmonov meeting with Mahmoud Ahmadinejad

Tehran, the Tajik President made it clear to everyone that he is not
going to give up strategic partnership with the Ayatollahs.

However, while Dushanbe’s loyalty is not questioned by Tehran, the
situation with Kyrgyzstan hides a potential threat to Iran. The
President Bakiev, who came into power last year as a result of
an overturn, initially quite rapidly endeared the Iranians. His
announcements as to the necessity of the American military base
withdrawal from the Kyrgyz territory served as a pretext to such
positive attitude. However, as soon as Washington showed readiness
to agree additional financial aide to Bishkek ($200 million), the
Kyrgyz leader momentarily satisfied all the American wishes. Thus,
it was not incidentally that Tehran paid special attention to the
fact that in the budgetary project for the new financial year the
White House reduced financial aide to all the CIS countries, except
for Kyrgyzstan and Ukraine.

The Iranians fear that these and if needed – additional means will
allow Pentagon to use its Kyrgyz base not only in the Afghan campaign,
but also to carry out operations against the Islamic Republic. Tehran,
in its turn, tries to hold its own bargain with Bishkek. As was
announced two months ago by the new Iranian Ambassador in Kyrgyzstan,
in addition to the loan that was agreed in autumn 2004 (50 million
euro), his government is ready to agree this republic 200 million
euro more, on the most advantageous terms.

The Caucasian Front

In the context of a potential Iran-American conflict, the Southern
Caucasus represents a considerably bigger danger to the Islamic
Republic, rather than the countries located to the east of the Caspian
Sea. Out of five Central-Asian republics only Turkmenistan borders
Iran, while in the Caucasus it has common border with two of the
three states of the region – Azerbaijan (611 km. long) and Armenia
(35 km). Moreover, northern Iran and neighboring Azerbaijan form a
unique ethno-cultural space – a historical living area of Azerbaijan
ethnos (30 million of its adherents live in Iran and 8 million in
Azerbaijan). Since the beginning of the 1990s, Baku openly – and from
the middle of the last decade – secretly, has patronized activists of
the separatist movement of the Iranian Azerbaijanis. A common border
connecting these two states, residents of one nation settled from both
sides, and also the traditional friction between Baku and Tehran,
have created favorable conditions for using the “Azerbaijani card”
for destabilization in Iran.

As it is known, this month Condoleezza Rice asked the consent of
Congress for allocation of an additional $75 million for subversive
actions in the Islamic Republic. In this connection, the White
House and Langley see a special value in the ethnic factor (Persians
hardly make up more than half of the Iranian population). However,
plans for provocation of interethnic tension in the Islamic Republic,
with a view toward a possible overthrow of the Ayatollahs’ regime,
can be realized only with the revival of Azerbaijani separatism,
as its potential supporters form the largest ethnic minority in Iran.

The threat from the northwest in many respects is caused by the fact
that the USA has much more influence in the Southern Caucasus than
in Central Asia.

Georgia, ruled by a graduate of Colombia University in New York,
Mikhail Saakashvili, serves as the main American bridgehead in the
region. In its foreign policy as a whole, and in particular concerning
Tehran, Tbilisi is guided exclusively by Washington. The events of the
end of the previous and beginning of the current month bear eloquent
testimony to that. Despite his aspiration to end power dependence
on Russia, under American pressure Saakashvili refused the import of
Iranian gas. Currently the Pentagon considers the Georgian territory
the most suitable bridgehead for US Air Force operations in case of
military conflict with Iran.

Owing to the extreme strain in relations with Moscow, and the refusal
of cooperation with Tehran, Tbilisi has almost deprived itself of an
opportunity to reject Washington’s claims on the usage of Georgian
airfields. In fact, today America is the main and almost the only
patron of Georgia on the issue of integration into international
economic institutions, cooperation with NATO and the EU, and also in
solving the South Ossetian and Abkhazian conflicts. This month, the
ambassador of the Islamic Republic in Tbilisi, Hossein Aminian Toosi,
expressed confidence that “the Georgian government will not agree to
the use of its territory in military actions against Iran”. However,
in the present situation, such a statement is just another testimony
to the true fears of Tehran.

As for Azerbaijan, the situation is not so unequivocal, as in the
Georgian case. However, it does not relieve Baku of Tehran’s suspicions
about possible cooperation with Washington. Ilham Aliyev from first
day of his rule was compelled to maneuver between two geopolitical
blocs competing for influence in the Southern Caucasus. On the
one hand, Azerbaijan is clamped from the south and the north by
the large regional powers – Iran and Russia. Both neighbors have
many opportunities to destabilize the situation in the republic, in
particular, using the separatist moods of the Lezghins in the north
(Moscow), and the Talish minority, and also the pro-Iranian Islamic
elements in the south (Tehran). These threats force Baku to reckon
constantly with the wishes of the Kremlin and the Ayatollahs. On
the other hand, commercial interests of the Azerbaijan ruling elite
are closely connected to the western, in particular American, oil
companies, and that, in its turn, provides the USA with rather weighty
influence in this republic. Besides, though the White House is not
interested in destabilization in Azerbaijan, (this was especially
evidenced by the American reaction to the November elections to
the local parliament), at any moment it can change its position. If
Aliyev-junior appears too intractable, or is going to refuse flatly to
cooperate with the Pentagon on the Iranian direction, Washington would
have an opportunity to support actively the Azerbaijan pro-Western
opposition, using a technique already tried in the other CIS countries.

The fact that Aliyev really understands the threats from his closest
neighbors and transatlantic partners is confirmed by the events
of this month. On the one hand, the key figures in the Azerbaijan
Government declare over and over again that the republic’s territory
“cannot be used for a hypothetical US attack on Iran” (the Head of
Defense Ministry Safar Abiyev) and that “this question is not on
the agenda and cannot be on it” (the Head of the Ministry of Foreign
Affairs, Elmar Mamedyarov). On the other hand, Aliyev gave his final
consent to placing in Azerbaijan of the two American radar stations,
one of which will be directed toward Iran. The same month, the
Iranian Ambassador in Baku, Afshar Soleymani, declared that Tehran
“completely trusts the Azerbaijan leadership’s assurances on the
impossibility of using the territory of the republic for military
actions against Iran”. However, if such confidence were absolute,
there would be no reason to speak of it publicly.

Armenia is considered the only strategic partner of the Islamic
Republic in the Southern Caucasus. The Iran-Armenian partnership is
stipulated by the confrontation of Yerevan with Baku and Ankara,
and also by permanent tension between Teheran and Baku. The value
of connections with Iran is dictated for Armenia, first of all,
by the prospect of ending up with dependence upon power supply from
Russia through the Georgian territory. Now this task is one of the
prioritized, from the point of view of Yerevan, against the background
of diversion in January of the North-Caucasian gas pipe, and the
forthcoming increase in prices of Russian gas in April. Besides, a
strategic partnership with Iran appreciably strengthens the position
of Armenia in the Karabakh conflict.

In the regional strategy of Teheran, the importance of connections
with Yerevan is stipulated by interaction in the field of security. It
especially concerns the efforts of the Ayatollahs’ regime to prevent
spreading of American military-political influence in the Southern
Caucasus.

In this context, the main support for the Islamic Republic from the
Armenian side is provided by the representatives of the military
command. They see in the Iranians a valuable ally in case of renewal
of military actions against Azerbaijan (if negotiating process
will finally fail). However, the political leadership of Armenia
prefers to limit relations with Iran to questions of power and trade
cooperation. Official Yerevan does not wish at all to look like an
ally of Tehran, against the background of growing criticism over the
Iranian nuclear program from the side of the USA and the EU.

Crisis in relations with Russia also compels Armenia to distance
itself from excessively close partnership with the Islamic
republic. Firstly, in its rapprochement with Ankara in 2004-2005,
Moscow did not even try to take care of the interests of its only
South-Caucasian ally. Secondly, despite the harshest consequences for
the Armenian economy, Russia unequivocally decided to raise prices
for gas exported to this republic starting in April of this year. The
Armenians are especially angered with one irritating circumstance,
that soon they will have to pay for Russian gas exactly as much as
Ukraine and Moldova, which have pro-Western orientation and undermine
positions of the Kremlin on the post-Soviet space. Thus, the actions
of Moscow force Yerevan to search for new foreign policy partners.

It would seem that a natural choice in such a situation should become
even greater strengthening of partner relations with Iran. However,
many representatives of the Armenian establishment are afraid that
in that case, Yerevan risks remaining with nothing. If the military
conflict between the USA and Islamic Republic would take place, and
Armenia won’t turn away from its southern neighbor, and as a result
will suffer twice. On the one hand, its relations with the West will
worsen, and, on the other, all the joint Armenian-Iranian projects
will be cut short, harming first of all Armenian plans on acquiring
energy independence from the Russian sources.

Against this background, Tehran’s fears that the United States will
take advantage of this situation are quite reasonable. Guaranteeing
the Armenians economic assistance and support in the Karabakh question,
the Americans can try to draw them to their side before the beginning
of the Iranian campaign.

The fears of Teheran are supported by data on the activity during
the last months of some influential representatives of the Armenian
Diaspora in the USA, supporting Yerevan’s reorientation on Washington.

Priorities of Iranian Intelligence

An analysis of the situation in Central Asia and the Southern Caucasus,
in view of potential threats to the national security of the Islamic
Republic, allows determining key directions of regional activity of
the Iranian secret services.

They have two main tasks in Central Asia. The first consists
of neutralizing American – Israeli influence on the leadership
of Turkmenistan. An important role in reaching this goal may be
played by the creation of optimum conditions for strengthening the
Iranian-Turkmen economic cooperation, following the personal interests
of the highest leaders of this republic.

The second task consists of gathering information on military-political
contacts of Kyrgyzstan with the USA, and also data on any changes in
staff and technical activity at the American base in this republic. It
is possible, that in the case of a conflict, a complex of preventive
measures directed toward the breakdown of activity of this base will
be prepared.

Activity of the Iranian special services in the Southern Caucasus
represents a greater value for the Islamic Republic’s security
than their actions in Central Asia. Most likely, for work in this
direction the greatest means are to be allocated and the best staff
of the Iranian special services is to be used.

Besides, they have much stronger positions in the southern Caucasus
than in Central Asia. It is stipulated by several factors. A large
community of Iranian political emigrants are living in Azerbaijan
(by various estimates, about 200 – 300 thousand) and many Iranian
students are studying in the local high schools (last year their
number exceeded 200). The Iranian secret services actively use both
for their own ends. Besides, on the territory of Azerbaijan, Tehran
oriented Islamic radical elements operate.

In neighboring Georgia, intelligence structures of the Islamic Republic
also get the assistance of some representatives of the local Muslim
community (its number reaches about one million, and almost half
of them are ethnic Azerbaijanis). In parallel, representatives of
the Iranian secret services closely cooperate with their Armenian
colleagues, primarily in the Azerbaijani direction. Thus, today in the
South – Caucasian region, rather favorable conditions for performance
of the tasks, which stand before the intelligence community of Tehran,
are created.

In Georgia the main task of the Iranian special services consists of
tracking the activity of the Pentagon and the course of the work on
restoration of the airfields built during the Soviet period, which are
suitable for military purposes. In this connection, the carrying out
of sabotage actions directed to the disruption of repairs is possible.

In Azerbaijan, the main task of the Iranian special services consists
of prevention, by all means, of using territory of the republic in
military actions against Iran. Various measures in this case can be
undertaken: from influencing public opinion through mass media, up
to diversions and acts of terrorism against American and governmental
facilities, and also attempts to destabilize the republic with the help
of radical Islamic elements and the Talish national minority. It all
depends on the degree of probability of an American – Iranian military
confrontation, and the readiness of the Azerbaijan authorities to
assist the United States. In any case, the confidential services of
Teheran will pay greater attention to the Iranian political emigrants
who live in Azerbaijan, their contacts with fellow tribesmen in
the native land, and also with the representatives of American and
Azerbaijani intelligence.

In Armenia the main task of the Iranian special services consists in
preventing in every possible way the reorientation of the republic
to the West. This can be promoted by activating contacts with
the local mass media and politicians, and also by strengthening
the pro-Iranian lobby in the business and military circles of the
republic. In parallel, the secret services of Tehran should trace
the activity and visits to the republic of representatives of the
Armenian Diaspora from the USA and the countries of Western Europe.

The Regional War of Special Services

Activating of the Iranian secret services might very well provoke
a similar response on behalf of the USA, and, as a consequence,
of traditional contenders for influence in the region – Russia and
Turkey, and also of China in Central Asia. Inveterate territorial
disputes between the republics, which have arisen from the ashes
of the former USSR, and also numerous interethnic and religious
contradictions are a fertile field for a war among the intelligence
services in the Southern Caucasus and in Central Asia. As a result,
a new spark of secret confrontation between the leading participants
of the “Great Game” will inevitably cause even greater aggravation of
an already tense situation in the region. It is quite possible that
the whole chain of the allegedly non-connected dramatic events of
the last weeks (as, for example explosions on the Russian – Georgian
gas pipeline or interethnic collisions in Northern Kyrgyzstan),
is actually a result of an already unraveled clandestine war.

–Boundary_(ID_48QbL27F0zaXdG5a0KyjLA)–