Armenia and Azerbaijan Discussing a Swap of Exclaves

John Hovhannisian
Jamestown Foundation
Nov 29 2023

November 28, 2023 04:16 PM 

(Source: Le Monde diplomatique)

On November 28, Alen Simonyan, head of Armenia’s National Assembly, told journalists that “the ball is in Azerbaijan’s court” regarding peace negotiations between the two countries. He added, “Armenia fully supports the territorial integrity of Azerbaijan. … If desired, the peace agreement can be signed within the next 15 days if the government of Azerbaijan demonstrates [real] political will” (AzerNews, November 28). The international community has long insisted that the solution to the Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict lies in the restoration and recognition of the Soviet administrative borders between the two republics. Yerevan and Baku, under pressure from the West, have edged toward a solution along these lines, which would involve swapping their respective exclaves. Russia, however, is wary that such an arrangement could finally lead to a comprehensive peace agreement between the two sides, which could further disrupt Moscow’s influence in the South Caucasus.

The Armenian and Azerbaijani exclaves came about during Soviet times as a means of Moscow asserting and maintaining its administrative control. Until the disillusion of the Soviet Union, there were eight Azerbaijani exclaves inside Armenia subordinate to Baku and two Armenian exclaves inside Azerbaijan under Yerevan’s control, despite each being surrounded by the territory of the other. The exclaves were small: the Armenian ones totaled only 124 square kilometers, while the Azerbaijani ones totaled only 50 square kilometers, typically encompassing a single village or group of villages. This led to the exclaves being ignored by outsiders until now, though these regions have remained symbolically important to both Armenia and Azerbaijan (Stoletie, October 28; Newsarmenia.am, November 18; Gazeta.ru, November 24).

The former Armenian or Azerbaijani residents fled these exclaves in large numbers as the conflict intensified between Yerevan and Baku and military forces on both sides began to occupy these areas. Today, these exclaves contain few, if any, residents of the nationality that led to their creation due to the ongoing conflict over the past three decades. As a result, many believe that these exclaves must be returned to their original countries due to legal precedent and national pride. These supporters take heart from the insistence of the international community that a peace agreement between the two countries must be based on the restoration of the 1991 borders (Eurasianet, August 3, 2021; Window on Eurasia, August 7, 2021; Zerkalo, May 10, 2022)

The issue of transferring these exclaves is attracting increased attention both in the region and, to a lesser extent, internationally. Some observers stipulate that the status of these exclaves is closely tethered to any lasting peace agreement. Others worry that the restoration of these exclaves to their national status before 1991 or an exchange of the exclaves could destabilize the situation, possibly becoming the basis for future conflicts between Armenia and Azerbaijan. In a wider sense, the swapping of exclaves between Baku and Yerevan could set a precedent for the resolution of the status of 40 additional exclaves throughout the post-Soviet space. Thirty of these exclaves can be found in Central Asia, where they continue to spark violence.

Since the end of the Second Karabakh War in November 2020, the issue of what to do with Armenia’s and Azerbaijan’s exclaves has moved from the margins to center stage (YouTube, July 21, 2021; Kavkaz Uzel, November 3, 2021, December 24, 2021; Window on Eurasia, February 12, 2022). Azerbaijan’s restoration of full control over Karabakh has further elevated the need to fully resolve the situation. On November 24, Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan said as much and indicated that his earlier calls for the exchange of these territories would serve as the foundation for a broader peace agreement  (Zerkalo, June 14, 2021; TASS, November 24).

Russian and Armenian commentators suggest that Pashinyan’s statement and his continued promotion of an exchange of territory will inevitably undermine his position in Armenia. They argue that such sentiments could raise troubling discussions about future exchanges of territory within the South Caucasus, including the revival of talks about the transfer of control over the Zangezur (Syunik) Corridor from Armenia to Azerbaijan. Additionally, Moscow is anxious that the swapping of exclaves could become a dangerous precedent for the resolution of other border disputes in Central Asia and, more generally, in the post-Soviet space (Vzglyad, November 25). Pashinyan has put himself in an increasingly untenable position politically, in which he is being heavily criticized by those Armenians who fled Karabakh. In contrast, his pursuit of an accord with Baku has pleased many in the international community. Some commentators point out that, though a simple territorial swap would give Armenia more territory than it would Azerbaijan, many Armenians view any further yielding of Armenian territory as completely unacceptable and a threat to the country’s future, even if doing so would facilitate a peace treaty (Vzglyad, October 11).

In agreeing to the principle of an exchange of territory, Pashinyan has exacerbated the conflict over the opening of the Zangezur Corridor. The corridor connects Azerbaijan proper to the Nakhchivan exclave, passing through Armenia’s Syunik Oblast. Some analysts have argued that the opening of this corridor could trigger a new war by reopening the possibility for territorial exchanges. This idea was widely talked about shortly after the fall of the Soviet Union. At that time, some proposed that the two countries could resolve their differences if Baku yielded Karabakh, which had an Armenian-majority population, to Armenia in exchange for Armenia yielding the Zangezur Corridor to Azerbaijani control (Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, June 8, 2000; see EDM, October 11).

Russian commentators, in particular, are worried that a territorial swap leading to a peace treaty between Armenia and Azerbaijan would be detrimental to the Kremlin’s presence in the South Caucasus. They worry that a peace agreement would reduce Russian influence by eliminating the frictions between Baku and Yerevan that Moscow has routinely exploited and highlight the West’s growing influence in the region. Perhaps even more so, Russia fears the broader impact that peace in the South Caucasus could have on Central Asia, where Soviet-era exclaves are the most numerous and the sites of serious border disputes. The resolution of the Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict—especially if it involves the swapping of exclaves—could trigger a significant decline for Russian influence not only in the South Caucasus but in Central Asia as well.

https://jamestown.org/program/armenia-and-azerbaijan-discussing-a-swap-of-exclaves/

Armenians prepare to defend themselves against Russia as relations sour

Paul Hambardsumian
Dagens.com
Nov 29 2023

In the southern Syunik province of Armenia, residents are preparing for the worst amid rising tensions and changing regional dynamics.

According to Moscow Times the community's response to this looming threat is embodied by VOMA, a paramilitary group that offers a three-month program in emergency first aid, weapons training, and mountaineering – skills crucial for survival in the rugged terrain near the Azerbaijani border.

VOMA, which operates 22 branches across Armenia, has seen a surge in attendees following Azerbaijan's offensive on Nagorno-Karabakh, a breakaway region that was quickly overtaken, causing a mass exodus into Armenia.

This influx of people seeking training is not just a reaction to immediate threats but also a reflection of a broader geopolitical shift.

Many Armenians feel abandoned by the international community, particularly by Russia, Armenia’s historic ally. Despite promises to mediate conflicts and the presence of Russian peacekeepers, Moscow did little to intervene in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict.

Russia's apparent inaction is perceived as a historic shift in its regional policy.

Armenia, which has long relied on Russia for arms supply and political support, is now grappling with the reality of a strained relationship. This situation is further complicated by Armenia’s recent overtures to the West, including joint military drills with the U.S. and aid to Ukraine.

Experts believe that Russia's cold shoulder towards Armenia is partly due to its increased isolation because of the Ukraine war.

This has made southern partners like Turkey, Azerbaijan, and Iran, which provide links to global markets, more valuable to Russia. Additionally, Armenia's move to join the International Criminal Court, which could obligate Yerevan to arrest Russian President Vladimir Putin if he were to visit, has further strained relations.

With the West also unlikely to provide the level of support Armenia needs, the country finds itself in a precarious position.

The growing instability and the fear of further Azerbaijani aggression, possibly to create a land corridor to its exclave of Nakhichevan, have left residents like Mariam and the trainees at VOMA bracing for uncertain times.

Asbarez: Armenian American Museum Hosts Reception at Chevy Chase Country Club

Mary Lazarian
by Contributor

 

 

 

in Community, Latest, News, Top Stories

The Kevonian family with the museum's Board of Trustees co-chair Archbishop Hovnan Derderian, Executive Chairman Berdj Karapetian, and Executive Director Shant Sahakian at the reception held at Chevy Chase Country Club

GLENDALE—The Armenian American Museum and Cultural Center of California hosted a special brunch reception with longstanding donors of the museum at the Chevy Chase Country Club. The event provided a unique opportunity for donors to connect with museum leadership and fellow supporters of the cultural and educational center.

Board of Trustees Co-Chair, Western Primate Archbishop Hovnan Derderian delivered welcoming remarks to kick-off the reception.

“The Armenian American Museum is going to be a vital center for the preservation and advancement of our culture, history, and heritage,” said Board of Trustees Co-Chair Archbishop Hovnan Derderian. “We are strengthening the future of our children, our community, and our people by supporting the museum’s benevolent mission and vision.”

Western Primate Archbishop Hovnan Derderian delivering his remarks at the reception Kevon Kevonian addressing attendees

Board of Governors Member Kevon Kevonian delivered the keynote remarks at the reception featuring an exciting progress report on the museum project.

“The brunch reception was organized to bring longtime supporters of the museum together and express our appreciation for your commitment to the project,” said Board of Governors Member Kevon Kevonian. “As we embark on the next exciting chapter of the museum construction, we welcome your contributions, participation, and feedback to help shape the future of the museum.”

The event was generously sponsored by Kevon and Alexia Kevonian.

The museum’s Executive Chairman Berdj Karapetian addressing attendees at the reception

Executive Chairman Berdj Karapetian led a Q&A session and provided key updates on the construction, programming, and development of the museum project. Young Leaders Council Chair Aleen Ohanian invited young professionals to join with the museum and contribute to its advancement. Architect Aram Alajajian of Alajajian Marcoosi Architects also provided a walkthrough of the museum building with a 3D model at the reception.

The Armenian American Museum is a world-class educational and cultural center that is currently under construction in the museum campus at Glendale Central Park. The first phase of construction featuring the museum parking garage and building foundation has been completed. The second phase of construction features the two-level 50,820 square foot museum superstructure. The museum will offer a wide range of public programming through the Permanent Exhibition, Temporary Exhibitions, Auditorium, Learning Center, Demonstration Kitchen, Archives Center, and more.

To learn more about the museum project, visit the website.

Asbarez: Literary Groups Partner to Host Virtual Reading on Armenian-Palestinian Solidarity

Emil Lazarian
by Contributor

 

 

 

in Arts & Culture, Books, Latest, News, Top Stories
“Who Remembers?”: Armenian-Palestinian Solidarities, A Reading flyer


The International Armenian Literary Alliance, Armenian-American Action Network, Fikra Magazine, Mizna, the Palestine Festival of Literature (PalFest), the Radius of Arab American Writers (RAWI), and Writers Against the War on Gaza on December 10 are hosting a virtual reading, “Who Remembers?”: Armenian-Palestinian Solidarities. Registeration is required.

This reading convenes Armenian and Palestinian writers to denounce the normalization of genocidal violence, in solidarity with those under siege in Gaza. Through the reading of poems, fiction, and personal essays, this event will address interlocking historical injustices affecting Palestinians and Armenians. It’s staged in opposition to Islamophobia, anti-Arab racism, antisemitism, and anti-Armenian racism, in recognition that there can be no justice until all are free.

Palestinians in Gaza and the occupied West Bank are now witnessing the escalation of an ongoing campaign of genocidal violence. As of November 26, that campaign has killed more than 14,000 Palestinians, over 5,000 of them children. Hospitals, schools, and refugee camps have been regular targets of continuous bombardment. Thousands have been forcibly displaced from northern Gaza in what has been described as the repetition of the 1948 Nakba, or Catastrophe.

Six weeks earlier, more than 100,000 Indigenous Armenians were bombarded and forcibly displaced from the Republic of Artsakh in an act of ethnic cleansing, after enduring nine months of blockade and what a former ICC prosecutor termed “genocide by starvation.” Their mass deportation along the Lachin Corridor raised the specter of the 1915 Armenian Genocide — the Mets Yeghern, or Great Crime.

In the efforts to free Palestine, to liberate Artsakh, and across liberation struggles, poets and writers have borne witness, remembered, and demanded justice.  

This reading is co-hosted by the International Armenian Literary Alliance, the Armenian-American Action Network, Fikra Magazine, Mizna, the Palestine Festival of Literature (PalFest), the Radius of Arab American Writers (RAWI), and Writers Against the War on Gaza.

The reading will take place via Zoom on December 10 at 9:30 a.m. PST / 11:30 a.m. CST / 12:30 p.m. EST / 7:30 p.m. Palestine / 9:30 p.m. Armenia. It will also serve as a fundraiser for Palestine Legal and for All for Armenia.

Readers and co-organizers of the event are:

  • Nancy Agabian is a writer, teacher, and literary organizer, working in the spaces between race, ethnicity, cultural identity, feminism and queer identity. Her recent novel “The Fear of Large and Small Nations” was a finalist for the PEN/Bellwether Prize for Socially-Engaged Fiction. She is the author of Me as her again: True Stories of an Armenian Daughter (Aunt Lute Books, 2008), a memoir that was honored as a Lambda Literary Award finalist for LGBT Nonfiction and shortlisted for a William Saroyan International Writing Prize, and Princess Freak (Beyond Baroque Books, 2000), a collection of poetry and performance texts.
  • Mashinka Firunts Hakopian is an Armenian-born writer, artist, and researcher residing in Glendale, CA. She was a 2021 visiting Mellon Professor of the Practice at Occidental College in the Department of Art and Art History. She holds a PhD in the History of Art from the University of Pennsylvania. Her book, “The Institute for Other Intelligences,” was released by X Artists’ Books in 2022. Her writing and commentary have appeared in the Los Angeles Review of Books, Los Angeles Times, Meghan Markle’s Archetypes, AI & Society, and in the UT Press collection, We Are All Armenian: Voices from the Diaspora. 
  • Sophia Armen is a community organizer and writer, born and raised in Los Angeles. She is the Co-Director of Armenian-American Action Network and The Feminist Front. Her work has appeared in The Los Angeles Times, Armenian Weekly, The Electronic Intifada, and in We Are All Armenian: Voices from the Diaspora, an anthology of essays with University of Texas Press. She is a descendant of genocide survivors from Kharpert, Hadjin, Istanbul and Van
  • Nancy Kricorian is the author of the novels “Zabelle,” “Dreams of Bread and Fire,” and “All the Light There Was.” Her essays and poems have appeared in The Los Angeles Review of Books Quarterly, Guernica, Parnassus, Minnesota Review, The Mississippi Review and other journals. She has taught at Barnard, Columbia, Rutgers, Yale, and New York University, as well as for Teacher & Writers Collaborative in the New York City Public Schools. She participated in the 2010 Palestine Festival of Literature and taught at the Palestine Writing Workshop in Birzeit in 2011. Her new novel about Armenians in Beirut during the Lebanese Civil War will be published by Red Hen Press in 2025. 
  • Micaela Kaibni Raen is a Palestinian American queer femme-dyke, mother, multi-genre writer, visual artist, and activist. She grew up in the Little Arabia community in California and graduated from Chapman University. During that time, she became a member of the Radius of Arab American Writers, Inc., ACT UP! and Queer Nation. She has been a community organizer for over 35 years in North America and is committed to international human rights, especially that of Indigenous and displaced peoples, women, LGBTIQ communities and those affected by HIV+/AIDS. Her work appears in Bint el Nas; Mizna; Koukash Review; Rowayat Literary Journal; Yellow Medicine Review; The Poetry of Arab Women; A Different Path; El Ghourabaa: A Queer and Trans Arab and Arabophone Anthology; and Ask the Night for a Dream: Palestinian Writing from the Diaspora.
  • Mai Serhan is Palestinian-Egyptian writer, editor and translator. She earned her MA in Arabic Literature from the American University in Cairo and an MSt in Creative Writing from the University of Oxford. An extract from her forthcoming memoir, “Return is a Thing of Amber,” was a finalist for the Narratively Memoir Prize and her poetry collection, “CAIRO: the undelivered letters,” won her the Centre for Book Arts Poetry Chapbook Award 2022. Visit the website to find more on Mai’s work.

The International Armenian Literary Alliance supports and celebrates writers by fostering the development and distribution of Armenian literature in the English language. While the majority of IALA’s members are of Armenian descent, our community encompasses people from all over the world who speak many languages. We focus on literature in the English language because of its global reach, but our aim is to operate beyond any linguistic barriers.

The Armenian-American Action Network is an advocacy and research organization fighting anti-Armenian racism, teaching Armenian-American history, and forwarding civil rights, immigrant rights, and refugee rights for Armenian and all communities in the United States. Founded in 2021, we fight and document instances of anti-Armenian discrimination and work for representation, equity, and power for the Armenian-American community.

Fikra is an online Palestinian literary magazine founded in 2022. We publish essays, short stories, poetry, and visual art in both Arabic and English. Fikra Magazine is a platform for Palestinians and by Palestinians. We don’t accept funding from governments or politically affiliated donors to ensure complete editorial independence.

Mizna is a critical platform for contemporary literature, film, art, and cultural production centering the work of Arab and Southwest Asian and North African artists. For more than twenty years, we have been creating a decolonized cultural space to reflect the expansiveness of our community and to foster exchange, examine ideas, and engage audiences in meaningful art.

The Palestine Festival of Literature (PalFest) is a cultural initiative committed to the creation of language and ideas for combating colonialism in the 21st century.The festival was created as an act of cultural solidarity with Palestine by a group of international cultural figures brought together by Founding Chair, Ahdaf Soueif, in 2008. Since then PalFest has run an annual festival in which international authors combine with their Palestinian counterparts for free, public events in cities across Palestine.

AW: The Next Step for the Diaspora: Make it Personal

Jack Hunanian
 Stepan Piligian In Sight, Columns 0

Whenever the topic of diaspora relations with Armenia is reviewed, we should always preface by acknowledging that Armenians in the United States are very generous and committed to the homeland. This is not meant to suggest that we “Americahyes” do not need to improve our performance, but rather that since the devastating earthquake in 1988, Armenians in the U.S. have backed their rhetoric with a variety of support mechanisms, primarily in the financial domain but also with an impressive number of nonprofits. Yet Armenia needs a stronger presence from the diaspora, which goes beyond the transfer of funds. Times of tragedy are an opportunity to learn from our shortcomings, but only if we have the vision to take advantage of it. This requires a healthy dose of humility, as solutions require the admission of a problem. Historically, self-assessment is not our strongest suit, but there are signs of improvement. 

Many Armenians in the U.S. feel that organizational and individual donations to Armenia should entitle diaspora influence in Armenia. Beyond the impact of those investment relationships, it does not. Our romantic notion of a global Armenian nation should be balanced with the fact that Armenia is a sovereign country with a Constitution to govern itself. I absolutely believe we should encourage all Armenians to contribute to the homeland and build an identity based on this relationship, but this must be done in accordance with the laws of the nation. Identity is best built by adding value, not by seeking influence. There is an open door for greater diaspora participation. It starts with a curiosity that goes beyond sending money to a website or address. 

I would like to share what our family has learned in this regard that has afforded us such a rewarding experience. The first time we visited Armenia as a family several years ago, we were what I would describe as fairly typical of U.S.-born Armenians. Our relationship with the homeland was through our family tree in western Armenia and through our exposure to the current Republic of Armenia. The Armenian communities in the diaspora have done an admirable job of establishing patriotic values through knowledge of our history and tragedies such as the Genocide. Despite our involvement in the Armenian community in the U.S., we had the same questions many of you likely have had at some point—would we understand the eastern dialect? Would we be familiar with the food? Would we feel a connection? During that first trip, we felt like more than tourists yet less than contributors to the homeland. After all, which Armenian is truly a tourist in their homeland? The difference lies in the deeply rooted emotions in our hearts that are released when we face Ararat, pray at Etchmiadzin and experience our culture. I remember waking up one morning for our inaugural participation in a very touristy tour. Upon opening our hotel window, I was face to face with a crystal clear Mt. Ararat that seemed to say, “Welcome, it’s about time.” We arrived in Armenia not knowing a soul in the country but feeling as if we were home. We left drained by the emotions we expended but feeling incomplete. It was not enough to see the sites and enjoy the ambiance. We needed to know the people and become a part of a country that was far away in miles but close to our hearts. We needed to directly contribute to its development.

Stepan and his family pictured on a small hill overlooking the village of Paruyr Sevak. The plaque was in dedication to his parents and grandparents. In yellow is Mayor Edik. In the background on the right is the Azeri border.

On our visits over the next few years, we focused on societal issues through visits to remarkable institutions such as Mer Doon, Orran and the Women’s Support Center. Our family discovered the true essence of building a sustainable bond with the homeland. These nonprofits and many others were started by diaspora Armenians who had a desire to become part of the nation building process and a vision to implement their dream. We learned about what was happening on the ground far below the radar of politics. We also spent more time in the villages, particularly the border villages in the eastern and southern areas of Armenia. It was there that we discovered what I consider the soul of Armenia. These people truly understand the purpose of life in terms of happiness, simplicity and giving. Our interests gravitated quickly towards the survival of border communities that are national security risks for Armenia. Whether in Isahakian on the Turkish border, Chambarak in Tavush on the Azerbaijani border or in eastern Syunik, the people are warm, generous and free of constraining complexity. Our identity journey was getting closer to the answer. 

In 2018, through our good fortune visiting the Armenia Tree Project and Jason Sohigian, we crossed paths with the Paruyr Sevak village in the Ararat Marz on the border of Azerbaijan’s exclave Nakhichevan. Our lives changed forever. Sohigian asked us a simple question: “Where would you like the trees planted that were donated?” Our equally simple response was in a border village, in the hope that we could one day build a relationship. It was God’s plan for us to make that visit in June 2018 with our cousins the Hamparians from Chicago. In matters of faith, there are no coincidences. I have written about our uplifting experience over the last five and a half years, which has resulted in many projects with our partner the Paros Foundation and expanded our extended family to include the people of this village. 

Fortunately, our family story is not unique. My friend John Mangassarian and his wife June are leading a similar adoption effort with another village. I met a young couple, Stephen Haroian and Astrid Mkhitaryan from New York, who have forged important relationships in the border villages of Syunik through their Little Bird Armenian Development group. A wonderful young woman from Boston, Nairi Krafian, started a nonprofit Oknooshoon in 2017 in Armenia to develop programs for the therapy benefits of human-canine relationships. Tim Straight, an American with Norwegian background, has lived in Armenia for over 20 years and runs the Homeland Development Initiative Foundation, which has employed Armenians from villages while distributing their crafts internationally. This is one way that any person can make a real difference for our brethren and ourselves. The personal satisfaction of working with these residents is beyond gratifying. It represents the fulfillment of establishing a special relationship with the homeland. 

There is a significant difference between providing long distance financial support and following your commitment to Armenia. Find your niche and follow the path to the homeland. Providing funding is important and noble and must continue. Going to Armenia and picking a place to make a difference can lead you into another realm of satisfaction.

The more Armenian Americans who take this step, the closer we come to building a pan-Armenian, one nation mentality. Armenian unity cannot be legislated or announced. It is the result of face-to-face relationships, knowledge and trust. Youth exchange programs and professional internships hold critical importance and open the door for diaspora professionals to work in Armenia and build a service mentality. Whether we work with a large nonprofit or participate individually, our quest begins with a desire to make an impact.

My family’s experience, and that of many people I have met, suggests that focus is a critical attribute. Many of us with good intentions spread ourselves too thin. If we each pick one area of focus, our impact will be greater. Projects that connect us with others will have an adjacency impact and satisfy the need to avoid forming silos. Through our work in Paruyr Sevak over the last five years, we have had the honor of meeting other groups on a mission of providing hope. Hoops For Haiastan, a U.S.-based nonprofit that advocates for basketball and sports in Armenia, built a basketball and soccer court in the village. Focus on Children Now is a wonderful group that provided furniture and playground equipment for the new pre-school. The Ohanyan school in Yerevan, a private K-12 school attached to Eurasia University, is establishing a working exchange relationship with the village school that will bolster the quality of education. The contact was made here in the U.S. as the Ohanyan family’s daughter, Anna Ohanyan, is a renowned scholar at Stonehill College. Once you find an area of focus, the relationships you will establish will bring such joy to your life. Imagine if 100 Armenian-American families established working relationships with 100 rural villages or you personally followed your contribution with an on-site commitment. Consider yourself an ambassador for the vast Armenian communities in America. Sometimes it starts with a simple, “How can we help?”

Remember the original premise that our community is incredibly generous. It is generally assumed that this generosity requires only two prerequisites—integrity and visibility. Our people rightfully want to know that their kindness is properly accounted for and has visible results. Sadly, we have witnessed either credibility issues or a lack of visible results. Each person can play a critical role in solving that challenge. When we raise money for Paruyr Sevak, our family’s credibility is on the line. John and June Mangassarian represent a trustworthy bridge between Armenian Americans and their village partners. Your commitment can provide an important level of sustainable trust. It is extremely important to close the loop by presenting tangible results to our benefactors. Recently, our parish donated funds for three new bathrooms at the secondary school. Pictures of the new construction were greatly appreciated and led to further generosity. Personal participation in these projects can make them real for our communities in the U.S. and release the constraint of reluctance. If we truly believe that Armenia is our homeland, taking this next step with a high level of participation will provide incremental identity for the diaspora and measurable results for Armenia. In this time of crisis in our history, we should be finding new avenues of investing in Armenia. This starts with us as individuals. Find your zone and build a sustainable relationship.

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Stepan was raised in the Armenian community of Indian Orchard, MA at the St. Gregory Parish. A former member of the AYF Central Executive and the Eastern Prelacy Executive Council, he also served many years as a delegate to the Eastern Diocesan Assembly. Currently , he serves as a member of the board and executive committee of the National Association for Armenian Studies and Research (NAASR). He also serves on the board of the Armenian Heritage Foundation. Stepan is a retired executive in the computer storage industry and resides in the Boston area with his wife Susan. He has spent many years as a volunteer teacher of Armenian history and contemporary issues to the young generation and adults at schools, camps and churches. His interests include the Armenian diaspora, Armenia, sports and reading.


The great yet unrealized potential of Armenian cinema

Paul Hambardsumian
 Milena Baghdasaryan Film, Op-Eds, Culture 0

Looking at the current situation of the Armenian film industry, I observed a thought-provoking pattern that deserves greater attention. The films that succeed in the international market and receive nominations and awards in international film festivals tend to have low recognition among audiences within Armenia itself. Looking at the example of Atom Egoyan’s Ararat, which won Best Motion Picture among five other awards at the 23rd Genie Awards, or at Inna Sahakyan’s Aurora’s Sunrise, which received multiple awards in Australia, Estonia and Switzerland, one can observe that, despite the appeal of those films to foreign audiences and their relevance to themes of the history and identity of the Armenian people, they generate almost no or very little recognition and popularity among Armenians living in Armenia. On the other hand, films that enjoy great popularity in Armenia, such as Mher Mkrtchyan’s Kyanq u Kriv (Life and Fight) or Arman Marutyan and Vahagn Khachatryan’s Super Mama, are almost never seen in international film festivals or mentioned in general film-related events and discussions beyond Armenia’s borders.

After watching and re-watching all of the above-mentioned films and doing research about their ideation, production and distribution, I identified some potential reasons behind this dynamic. The films that do better in the international arena are targeted, from the time of their ideation and production to the phase of distribution, to audiences outside of Armenia, and the artistic, linguistic and thematic choices of the films are tailored to the preferences of the intended target audience. One could argue that this is also the reason why the films popular in Armenia do not receive much attention from international audiences, as some of the jokes and subtextual messages found in these films are so unique to the Armenian people that someone with no context or background of the Armenian culture may be completely lost in many scenes of films like Kyanq u Kriv, Super Mama, Korats-Molorvatsy Hayastanum (Lost and Found in Armenia), Pahanjvum e Milionater (Calling for a Millionaire) and other widely known and beloved productions in Armenia. However, this conclusion is more of a hypothesis than a proven finding, as many of these films have not been shown to a non-Armenian to test whether the person would understand the cultural nuances and subtleties or not. 

I remember I was so astonished by the remarkable plot, acting and cinematography of Kyanq u Kriv after watching it for the first time that I immediately reached out to the film’s production company and asked them to add English subtitles so that I could show the film to my international friends at United World College Changshu China. The company responded that they would take my request into account and would communicate the suggestion to the people responsible for the distribution of the film. This correspondence took place in November 2017, more than six years ago, but there is still no English-subtitled version available. During my recent exhibition at NYU Abu Dhabi dedicated to the past, present and future of Armenian cinema, when I shared that Kyanq u Kriv was my favorite among the presented films, I was often asked to share a link to the film. After trying and failing to find an English-subtitled version, I again reached out to the production company, but to no avail. I decided to share the link to another film (Terry George’s The Promise), which is an English-language film dedicated to the commemoration of the Armenian Genocide, with some Armenian members in the cast and crew, yet far from the visual aesthetic and cultural undertones associated with local Armenian cinema.

Taking into account the case of Kyanq u Kriv and many other films that enjoyed great success in Armenia, although Armenian filmmakers today invest energy and effort in ideating and producing emotionally impactful and visually stunning films, they often overlook one of the most important phases of the process—that of distribution and marketing. Being satisfied with the success of the films in Armenia, they do not even take the chance of marketing the films to international audiences, thereby limiting the scope of the recognition and popularity of their films to Armenia solely. One might argue that not marketing the film to international audiences is not a matter of being unwilling or lazy, nor is it the director’s or the production company’s personal will or preference, but it is rather an issue of finances. Three large-scale wars in the past 30 years, along with civil conflicts and numerous political upheavals, have all been factors preventing Armenia from investing large amounts of financial resources into film production and distribution, with most of the state budget being directed toward the fortification of borders and the purchase of military equipment for the army. Over the past three years in particular, the main priority of the general Armenian population has been not the making of films but mere survival (with tensions still ongoing on an everyday basis both within the country and at the border). Therefore it is understandable that, while we make films to elevate the spirit of the nation and to encourage one another to uphold hope and lightheartedness, the marketing of such films to international audiences is not of high importance. 

Perhaps we should start using filmmaking not just as a mere tool for recognition of past events but also as a preventative measure to stop aggression in the present, before it is too late. 

However, I would like to challenge this reasoning, as I believe that films, if marketed wisely, can be a powerful diplomatic tool and help Armenia in international negotiations. Multiple low-quality soap operas are produced in Armenia every year, with large budgets for their production and distribution phases, only to entertain the viewers and generate profits, with no higher purpose or ambition to strengthen the filmmaking industry or support Armenia’s socio-political priorities. Many of these soap operas can be intellectually and emotionally degrading, provided the number of scenes of aggression, murder, theft, screaming voices and rape scenes, only motivated by the idea that “violence sells.” The efforts invested in creating these soap operas can be redirected to the international marketing and distribution of films that are more relevant to our political, social and cultural agendas. Armenian history has had a great impact on Armenian cinema, and it is time for Armenian cinema to impact and influence the course of Armenian history in turn. Some efforts are being made in this regard around the international recognition of the Armenian Genocide through filmmaking, but a new genocide is taking place in front of our eyes in Artsakh, and films in the international arena have been more silent about it than they were in the silent era. Perhaps we should start using filmmaking not just as a mere tool for recognition of past events but also as a preventative measure to stop aggression in the present, before it is too late. 

Watching and analyzing the films written, directed and produced by young Armenian filmmakers makes me very hopeful about the future of Armenian cinema. If so much is being accomplished with so little, I can imagine the quality of work that would be produced with the availability of more and better resources. Perhaps opening up to the international community is one of the gateways to obtain the necessary help from those who will notice and appreciate the great potential that lies within the creative minds of Armenian youth. And maybe then, Armenian cinema will influence the course not only of Armenian but also of world history as a whole. I once wrote an article about the many inventions of the Armenian people, including doctor Raymond Damadian who invented the MRI and who was the first to perform a full-body scan to diagnose cancer; the entrepreneur Luther George Simjian who invented the ATM, color x-ray, self-focusing camera and flight speed indicator for airplanes; the chemist Christopher Ter-Serobyan who developed the uncopyable green color formula still used in the American currency; and the engineer Hovhannes Adamian who was the first person in the world to successfully design and produce color television. I cannot wait to write another article about a young Armenian filmmaker (someone like Beknazaryan, Parajanov or Peleshyan) who, yet again, manages to change the course of history.

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Milena Baghdasaryan is a graduate from UWC Changshu China. Since the age of 11, she has been writing articles for a local newspaper named Kanch ('Call'). At the age of 18, she published her first novel on Granish.org and created her own blog, Taghandi Hetqerov ('In the Pursuit of Talent')—a portal devoted to interviewing young and talented Armenians all around the world. Baghdasaryan considers storytelling, traveling and learning new languages to be critical in helping one explore the world, connect with others, and discover oneself. Milena currently studies Film and New Media at New York University in Abu Dhabi.

How are external factors complicating the political landscape in the South Caucasus?

Kajoyan Gevork
 Yeghia Tashjian Tashjian's Take, Columns 0

After Armenia’s defeat in the 2020 Artsakh/Nagorno-Karabakh war and the shift of the geopolitical balance of power in the South Caucasus in favor of Azerbaijan, new external factors emerged that have shaped the future of the region. Some of these factors were related to geopolitical developments such as the war in Ukraine, the Indian-Pakistani rivalry, and the war between Israel and Hamas. Moreover, some geo-economic trends and the rise of new economic actors in the region had an impact on the political landscape. The expansion of BRICS (an intergovernmental organization comprising Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) and competition over regional economic corridors have deepened cooperation, and sometimes mistrust, between local actors, as new alliances have emerged.

After Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, and the prolongation of the war of attrition between both sides, Russia became distracted from the developments in the South Caucasus. This gave Azerbaijan the opportunity to pursue its expansionist policy toward Armenia by engaging in military incursions on Armenian border villages, blockading the Berdzor (Lachin) Corridor connecting Artsakh and Armenia and completing the ethnic cleansing of the Armenians of Artsakh, amid the passive position of Russian peacekeeping forces. Moreover, the vacuum created by Russia pushed Turkey and Iran to engage in proactive foreign policy, as each tried to promote its security and economic interests in the region, often clashing or cooperating on many issues. 

Russia’s inability to aid Armenia in times of need pushed Yerevan to diversify its security relations and seek help from other actors, such as India or France. The acquisition of arms from France raised certain concerns in Russia, as many analysts hinted that Armenia is in the process of leaving the Russian-led Collective Security Treaty Organization amid the deepening diplomatic crack between Moscow and Yerevan. Such a move would expose Yerevan’s vulnerability if a security alternative is not found that can protect Armenia against a new joint Baku-Ankara attack. 

A second factor complicating regional politics is the conflict in South Asia between India and Pakistan. India has shown interest in the South Caucasus due to its backing of the International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC) connecting Northern Europe and Russia to India via the Caucasus and Iran. Of course, containing the growing Turkish-Pakistani-Azerbaijani security axis is another concern for India, as New Delhi is wary that the political success of this axis can be replicated in other areas in the future, especially in Kashmir, where India and Pakistan are in conflict.

The recent arms deal between New Delhi and Yerevan must be viewed from this angle, as India is becoming an active player in the region. As clearly reflected in Indian media, Indian analysts and commentators argue that these arms deals have geopolitical components, as India aims to establish itself as a reliable defense partner globally and secure its regional interests by containing Pakistan and Turkey’s ambitions in the region. In this strategy of containment and aid to Armenia, Iran plays a crucial role. While Yerevan is unable to purchase Iranian weapons due to fear of the U.S. or Western reaction, Tehran is becoming a transit route for Indian weapons to reach Armenia. 

The final external geopolitical factor is the Israeli-Iranian conflict, imported from the Middle East and the war in Gaza. Israel views the region from the prism of containing Iran. In this context, Azerbaijan is a key energy and security partner for Israel, as it supplies Tel Aviv with 40-percent of its oil needs and in return gets access to arms. Over the previous years, Israel has sold Azerbaijan ballistic missiles, drones, munitions and air defense systems. Meanwhile, Iran views Azerbaijani-Israeli security and military cooperation as a threat to its national security and territorial integrity and regards Armenia as a valuable partner in the region. Iran is also concerned about the realization of the “Zangezur Corridor.” Iran fears that the establishment of this Turkish-Azerbaijani-backed “extraterritorial corridor” through Armenia’s southern province Syunik could jeopardize Iranian interests by cutting the Armenian-Iranian border and threatening the Persian Gulf-Black Sea Corridor (also known as the North-South Transport Route), connecting Georgia to Iran via Armenia, which is viewed as an alternative road to the INSTC, connecting Iran to Russia via Azerbaijan’s railways and highways. Iranian officials and experts have occasionally called for the prevention of the establishment of a “NATO” or “Turanic” corridor connecting Turkey directly to Central Asia via Armenia. To ease the Azerbaijani pressure on Syunik, Iran has offered an alternative “corridor” (called the Aras corridor) connecting Azerbaijan proper to exclave Nakhichevan via its territories.

Meanwhile, the prolongation of the war in Gaza between Israel and Hamas may create new challenges or opportunities in the South Caucasus. As Israel is “sidelined” from the South Caucasus and distracted by war, this may push Azerbaijan to deepen its dependence on Russia, Turkey and Iran. In another scenario, Iran’s distraction from the South Caucasus or a possible direct clash between Tel Aviv and Tehran may turn the region into a new battlefront. 

15th BRICS Summit (Flickr)

The expansion of BRICS and the competition over regional trade routes are also external geo-economic factors that need to be considered when assessing the current developments in the South Caucasus. Iran’s accession to BRICS is a win for Russia, India and China. Since former U.S. President Donald Trump withdrew from the JCPOA, the Iran nuclear deal, Moscow and Beijing have tried to integrate Iran into their regional architectures. Iran’s accession to BRICS will further facilitate regional interconnectivity projects within the context of the INSTC or other similar projects. This could also make the bloc attractive for Armenia and Azerbaijan in the future. 

There are two major trade corridors passing via the South Caucasus—the Russian and Iranian-backed INSTC and the Turkish-backed “Middle Corridor.” In addition to their geo-economic background, these corridors also have geopolitical weight, as each regional actor tries to extend its economic and political influence beyond the region by facilitating regional trade interconnectivity. The South Caucasus is at the crossroads of these corridors, where the geo-economic interests of regional actors clash and intersect. 

For Russia, after its invasion of Ukraine, the South Caucasus became its only gateway to the Middle East and new developing markets. If the INSTC becomes operational, and if in the future Syria is linked to Iran via Iraq, then Russia for the first time would have direct land access to its military port in Tartous on the Syrian coast of the Eastern Mediterranean. By doing so, Russia would not only score a geo-economic goal by enhancing economic interconnectivity, but also geopolitically could minimize the U.S. influence in the region, as participating in economic corridors would be seen as a “win-win” solution for local actors. 

Finally, Russia also envisions connecting the INSTC to other regional corridors in order to secure access to Turkey and contain Turkish and Western economic expansion via the “Middle Corridor.” Establishing trade routes between Armenia and Azerbaijan would encourage the opening of Armenia’s Gyumri border with Turkey’s Kars, unify the railway systems of Russia (as a Russian company is responsible for the management of the railway system in Armenia) and Turkey, and create an additional corridor for communication between Turkey and Azerbaijan—and a potential link to the INSTC. For this reason, Russia aims to control the trade routes passing through Syunik, as was mentioned in the November 10, 2020 trilateral ceasefire statement.

To conclude, several key external geopolitical and geo-economic factors are complicating the political landscape of the already fragile region of South Caucasus. The fall of Artsakh in September 2023 further complicated the region, as relations between Yerevan and Moscow have reached a new level of political mistrust. The former is distancing itself from its traditional ally, as Russia has not addressed Armenia’s security in its time of need. This, however, will not be an easy task for Armenia, as the West does not have the collective political will to replace Russia in the region or to send troops to protect Armenia against any future escalation with Azerbaijan. Amid increasing conflicts and regional competition, the coming year may add additional challenges to a region that is already vulnerable to external threats.

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Yeghia Tashjian is a regional analyst and researcher. He has graduated from the American University of Beirut in Public Policy and International Affairs. He pursued his BA at Haigazian University in political science in 2013. In 2010, he founded the New Eastern Politics forum/blog. He was a research assistant at the Armenian Diaspora Research Center at Haigazian University. Currently, he is the regional officer of Women in War, a gender-based think tank. He has participated in international conferences in Frankfurt, Vienna, Uppsala, New Delhi and Yerevan. He has presented various topics from minority rights to regional security issues. His thesis topic was on China’s geopolitical and energy security interests in Iran and the Persian Gulf. He is a contributor to various local and regional newspapers and a presenter of the “Turkey Today” program for Radio Voice of Van. Recently he has been appointed as associate fellow at the Issam Fares Institute for Public Policy and International Affairs at the American University of Beirut and Middle East-South Caucasus expert in the European Geopolitical Forum.


Armenia, NATO discuss development of relations

Mary Lazarian

 15:58,

YEREVAN, NOVEMBER 30, ARMENPRESS. On November 30, in Skopje, on the sidelines of the 30th OSCE Ministerial Council, Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Armenia Ararat Mirzoyan had a meeting with Javier Colomina, the NATO Secretary General’s Special Representative for the Caucasus and Central Asia.

During the meeting issues on security in the South Caucasus were discussed.

The Foreign Minister of Armenia stressed that Armenia, reaffirming its strong commitment to establish stability in the region and despite the existing challenges deriving also from the ethnic cleansing of Nagorno-Karabakh by Azerbaijan, continues to actively engage in the negotiation of a draft agreement on the normalization of relations with Azerbaijan. Ararat Mirzoyan emphasized that Azerbaijan’s clear and public position regarding the mutual recognition of territorial integrity, ensuring the further process of delimitation based on the 1991 Alma-Ata Declaration and the latest, legitimate maps of the USSR is of paramount necessity.

Touching upon the "Crossroads of Peace" project, Minister Mirzoyan stressed Armenia's unequivocal and comprehensible position for international partners on the issue of unblocking of all regional communications under the sovereignty and jurisdiction of the countries.

The interlocutors exchanged views on the development of the Armenia-NATO bilateral cooperation, including within the framework of the Individually Tailored Partnership Programme.