Liars, where are the names of deserters if you accept the heroism of Armenians?

March: 31, 2026

168TVof “Trigger” the guest of the program political analyst, co-founder of “Kamurj” civic initiative Arman Abovyan is:

During the program, the regional situation, the confrontation between Iran, Israel and the USA and its possible consequences, the internal political situation of Armenia and the criticism of the actions of the current authorities were discussed.

Reference was made to the accusations made by Nikol Pashinyan and his team against the people of Artsakh, the developments of the situation around the Armenian Apostolic Church, as well as the future prospects of the state.

Read also

  • THE CANDIDATE FOR THE HEART OF AZERBAIJAN IS THINKING AT THE PEOPLE: THERE WILL BE A WAR. DAVIT ANANIAN
  • Pashinyan, between the requirements of the Criminal Code and the moral right to judge 18-20 year olds. What is the line between liability and compliance?
  • The Ministry of Defense is not aware, Pashinyan does not want to say more. Is the letter asking for the rank of general genuine or…?

Hayk Derzyan




168: Pashinyan admitted that “what I did, I did it thoughtfully.” this is reported by han

March: 31, 2026

Nikol Pashinyan’s statement last week in the National Assembly that “we made a conscious sacrifice in 2020, that’s why we gained statehood and independence as a result“, in fact, is a self-confessed testimony. Expressed this opinion 168 TVof Revue on the air of the program Vitaly Mangasaryan, head of “Henaket” analytical centerspeaking about the situation in the defense sector.

According to the military expert’s assessment, Nikol Pashinyan’s statements made on the same topic and before should have criminal legal consequences, because they actually report on a crime.

“The criminal law assessment is also important here, because in fact this is a report about a crime. He admits that “what I did, I did thoughtfully”. What happened to us was premeditated, for example, if “Iskander” “tracked by 10%”, it was also premeditated, Ashotik left, I don’t know what operations he took part in in Jabrail’s position, it was also premeditated,” Vitaly Mangasaryan commented.

Read also

  • The Ministry of Defense is not aware, Pashinyan does not want to say more. Is the letter asking for the rank of general genuine or…?
  • PASHINIAN GAVE ALL THE KEYS TO ARMENIA TO ALEV. Hrant MIKAYELYAN
  • Not talking about Artsakh, we are opening the way to Syunik, Tavush, Yerevan… Nare Simonyan

He emphasizes that this means that from the beginning there was no problem that we should keep Artsakh at any cost or keep this or that position and territory.

“In his Facebook post published on the occasion of the Declaration of Independence Day, Nikol Pashinyan actually admitted that they thought about the defeat of 2020, because can you imagine if we had won or, in sports language, it would have been a draw, it turns out that we would have tightened that “leash” around our neck even more.

According to Nikol Pashinyan’s logic, “we are lucky that we lost”. What happens? Let’s go back to 2020 for a moment. If, during the war, Nikol Pashinyan said: “Whoever has a helmet or a bulletproof vest at home, choose a commander from among you and go to the front”, does it mean that he deliberately sent us all to the front so that the number of victims would be large, so that he could terrorize our society due to the large number of victims, so that he could easily get rid of this “rope”? That logic works.

I proceed from the assumption that Nikol Pashinyan had initially set himself the task of getting rid of that “leash” in 2018 and was thinking of such a plan: “so how do we get rid of that leash?” Let’s say, 4-5 people get together, they think day and night: for example, what can be done, can we declare that Artsakh is Armenia, and that’s it, we will annoy the leaders of the co-chairing states of the OSCE Minsk Group a little, Azerbaijan will also be annoyed, they have taken weapons, the probability of Azerbaijan’s attack will increase, we will also make an imitation. By the way, I have talked about this on different occasions, that in 2020 we pretended that we want to keep Artsakh, that is, the leadership did not set before itself the task of keeping Artsakh, but pretended that it was trying to win the war, and now Nikol Pashinyan confirms it with his mouth, saying that if we had not lost, it would have happened to us. And that implies criminal consequences,” says Vitali Mangasaryan.

The military expert raises the question: the authorities of the day “praise themselves” so much that they bought billions of weapons, increase defense capabilities, what is all this for, if if they are not re-elected, not only will there be a “disastrous war”, but we will also lose something else.

The interlocutor of “Review” emphasizes that, in general, the country’s defense capabilities are being increased and strengthened in order to protect the borders of the state, our homeland and our homes in case of danger.

“Now if we increase our capabilities and the next step is to say that if we are not elected, there will be a war, and not only that, there will be a war, and one more thing, we will lose in that war. In that case, the question arises: why are we bragging so much, saying: we got this, we showed this, we are going to present a report to the public, what are we doing all this for? If they brag for 4 or 5 years that we spent a lot of money, bought billions worth of weapons, and at the end they stop and say that there will be a war and we will all go to war, maybe it would be better not to do all that? The state should create an institutional system. It turns out that if this person is not there, the next leader comes, some situations arise, do we have to lose? As they say, “where is the logic?” What do we want to do, what problem do we want to solve in this case?”

Mangasaryan reminds Pashinyan’s statements made at the time, for example, that “in the created geopolitical realities, even the leaders of the superpowers do not know what will happen tomorrow”, or another statement made during one of the Government meetings, that “we have been in the same class for 7 years”.

“It turns out that only one or two years have passed, the leaders of the superpowers remain in ignorance and uncertainty as before, but the military-political leadership of Armenia is able to generate such a vision and put it on “institutional foundations” that it can be evaluated in that perspective? This is in the event that the same Nikol Pashinyan announced.

“We have been in the same class for 7 years and we are all ignorant, starting with me.” He was speaking at the government session. He says that we have been in the same class for 7 years. It turns out that this group is able to solve a very difficult military-political problem, and those scientists, people who have achieved serious success in this or that field, will not be able to solve that problem, but the team led by Nikol Pashinyan is able to solve that difficult problem. Here too we see a logical break. Where is that justification, especially since we have seen the disastrous path we have taken in the last 8 years?

«Suppose, God forbid, there is a war, and who said that we will necessarily lose? In other words, from Himikvan, we tell our society that the Indian weapons, the bunkers shown by the Ministry of Defense from morning to night from different angles: from above, from the side, from the middle, the announcements to buy billions of weapons – all this aside, but since there was a war, are we necessarily going to lose? In other words, on the one hand, we say that we are going for peace, on the other hand, we say that we are buying 5-6 billion worth of weapons, but one thing is that, if there is a war, it will end badly. In other words, thinking from the beginning that you will lose, and from the beginning thinking that you will not be able to do anything, it does not fit into any logic.Vitaly Mangasaryan added.

In this context, the military expert warns and reminds that no major military exercises have been held in the RA Armed Forces since 2020.

“Do we become stronger by playing on people’s weak nerves? We will become even stronger when people participate in mass military exercises and see with their own eyes how different scenarios are played out. From 2020 until now, we have not conducted military exercises, we have only conducted military exercises with a small group of peacekeepers, and after that we announce that you know what, we have bought billions of weapons, we have made reforms, but none of us knows on the visible ground how we will use these weapons in this or that situation, who will use them, let’s say I am the commander of the military equipment calculation, if something happens to me, who will replace me.

All this should be played out in the form of military games and appropriate events, and if they just bring, wipe the dust, show them, bring people, take pictures with weapons, we have also seen those stories, how they ended, in particular, in 2019, when “Su-30” and “Osa-AK” were brought, dusted, everyone took pictures with them, in the end it turned out that there is neither normal ammunition for them, nor a pilot. Now we hold 25-day gatherings, but with them we mainly solve the problem of ensuring the number of people of position guards. No one goes and goes through an appropriate educational cycle on that Indian, French or other country’s weapon, so that we can use it effectively when needed.”

Speaking about the risks arising from the war against Iran that has been going on for more than a month, Vitali Mangasaryan raised the question: what scenarios does the Armenian defense and security system consider regarding the effects and risks of this war, for example, what will happen if Azerbaijan gets involved in the war with all the consequences arising from it, or, for example, carries out provocation in the territory of Armenia and declares that the attack was from Iran?

“At this stage, we are simulating arming. It can’t have any significance if you don’t train, you don’t hold military exercises,” added the expert.

Full interview in the video.




RFE/RL – American University Of Armenia Resumes In-Person Classes

March 31, 2026


Armenia – The main building of the American University of Armenia in Yerevan.

The American University of Armenia (AUA) resumed in-person classes on Tuesday one day after suspending them in response to neighboring Iran’s threats to target U.S.-affiliated campuses in the region.

Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) threatened such “retaliation” after U.S.-Israeli airstrikes reportedly destroyed two Iranian universities on the night from Friday to Saturday. It warned “all employees, professors, and students of American universities in the region and residents of their surrounding areas” to stay a kilometer away from campuses.

The AUA administration responded by deciding to hold all classes online on Monday. It said it took the “precautionary measure” despite “no indication that we are in any kind of danger.”

The Yerevan-based university, which has some 2,800 graduate and undergraduate students, announced its decision to revert to in-person teaching in a statement released late on Monday.

“As of earlier today we have received assurance from the Armenia Ministry of Education, Science, Culture, and Sport that they are confident that there is no significant or substantial risk to the University, and that in-person classes can be resumed as usual,” said the statement. “By the decision of the AUA Emergency Operations and Crisis Management Committee, based on that information, all classes will resume in-person starting tomorrow, Tuesday, March 31.”

The ministry made no public statements on the issue. The AUA, which is affiliated with University of California, was founded by Armenian-American charities and philanthropists in 1991.

The Armenian government has reacted cautiously to the continuing war in the Middle East triggered by U.S. and Israeli strikes on Iran. It has refrained from criticizing the U.S.-Israeli military campaign while delivering an unpublicized amount of humanitarian aid to the Islamic Republic. Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi thanked Yerevan for its “support” after a weekend phone call with his Armenian counterpart Ararat Mirzoyan.

Armenian Student Indicted After Church Incident With Pashinian

March 31, 2026
Armenia – Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian visits St. Anne’s Church in Yerevan, March 29, 2026.

An Armenian high school student was formally charged with obstructing Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian’s “political activities” on Tuesday two days after confronting the latter at a church in Yerevan and being arrested as a result.

Armenia’s Investigative Committee also petitioned a district court to allow it to hold the 18-year-old Davit Minasian in custody for two months.

The criminal case stems from Pashinian’s unexpected visit to the packed St. Anne’s Church during a Palm Sunday Mass held there. Pashinian’s bodyguards upset Minasian as they cleared the way for the premier’s passage. The young man told them not to push him and said he wants to keep “standing in the middle” of the church.

“Don’t look at me like that,” he then told Pashinian before stretching a hand towards his shoulder.

Minasian was seemingly knocked down by one of the bodyguards as Pashinian left the church amid angry cries from other believers. Minasian was arrested right after the liturgy along with his twin brother Mikael and Gevorg Gevorgian, an activist critical of the Armenian government.

The Investigative Committee indicted all three men on Tuesday morning. It charged Davit Minasian with committing a violent hooligan act in a bid to interfere with Pashinian’s “political activities.” For their part, Gevorgian and Mikael Minasian were charged with organizing and assisting in the alleged hooliganism respectively.

They both were set free on bail, unlike Davit Minasian. The latter appeared later in the day before a Yerevan court asked by investigators to allow his pretrial arrest.

The investigators searched the brothers’ home the previous night. Defense lawyers said they did not find any documents or objects in support of the accusations. One of them, Vartuhi Elbakian, continued to insist that the students did not commit any crimes or pursue political goals.

“They have no connection to any politician,” Elbakian told reporters outside the court building.

Gevorgian likewise denied organizing the incident, saying that he did not even know either young man personally. He said he only tried to stop the Pashinian bodyguard from hitting Davit Minasian.

Pashinian has spent the last few weekends touring various parts of Armenia and talking to people in preparation for showdown parliamentary elections slated for June 7. Some of those citizens caused him to lose his temper by openly denouncing his policies or complaining about his government’s track record.

Another Youth Prosecuted For Anti-Pashinian ‘Hooliganism’

March 31, 2026
Armenia – Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian rages at a refugee from Nagorno-Karabakh on Yerevan’s subway, March 22, 2026.

Armenian law-enforcement authorities reportedly pressed on Tuesday criminal charges against a teenage man who is said to have spat at Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian’s limousine over the weekend.

According to Ruben Melikian, a well-known lawyer defending critics of the Armenian government, he protested against Pashinian in that way when he noticed the premier’s motorcade near his home in Yerevan on Sunday. Melikian said the high school student identified by him by his first name, Mikael, was arrested on the spot.

“When the boy was asked why he did it, he replied that ‘the Turk has sold out our lands,’” the lawyer said in a live Facebook broadcast. “The prosecutor construed this _expression_ as an obscenity, and Mikael was arrested on suspicion of hooliganism.”

The student was indicted but released from police custody two days later, added Melikian. Armenia’s Investigative Committee, declined to comment on the reported incident. The law-enforcement agency had famously refrained from prosecuting a top Pashinian ally, parliament speaker Alen Simonian, for spitting at a heckler in Yerevan in 2023.

Armenia – Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian and parliament speaker Alen Simonian eat during an election campaign trip, March 21, 2026.

In Melikian’s words, the incident took places just a few hours after Pashinian was confronted by another youth during a Palm Sunday Mass at Yerevan’s St. Anne’s Church. The church was packed with worshippers, and Pashinian’s bodyguards had to clear the way for his passage. The 18-year-old Davit Minasian raged at Pashinian and seemingly tried to lay his hands on the latter after telling the bodyguards not to jostle him.

Minasian was arrested along with his twin brother and another man right after the church service. He remained under arrest on Tuesday, with investigators seeking a court permission to keep him behind bars for two months on charges of hooliganism and obstruction of Pashinian’s “political activities.”

Pashinian has spent the last few weekends touring various parts of Armenia and talking to people in a clear effort to woo them ahead of showdown parliamentary elections slated for June 7. Some of those citizens caused him to lose his temper by openly denouncing his policies or complaining about his government’s track record.

In the most scandalous of those incidents caught on camera, Pashinian lashed out at a female refugee from Nagorno-Karabakh who blamed him for Azerbaijan’s recapture of the region that forced its ethnic Armenian population to flee to Armenia. The premier branded the Karabakh Armenian as “fugitives” and said they have no moral right to denounce him, sparking a storm of criticism from not only his detractors but even some sympathizers. He later apologized for his outburst.


https://www.azatutyun.am/a/33721717.html?fbclid=IwY2xjawQ5S8tleHRuA2FlbQIxMQBzcnRjBmFwcF9pZBAyMjIwMzkxNzg4MjAwODkyAAEe9doylXtWshJEdF9vyUuu-Mo-daiLk2W8Qv92y3DAoZpc__G9Z9ahjdayLyo_aem_OjXfa8Ge5W55X9pPRNOkxw

Five arrested in Armenia over alleged vote-buying scheme linked to Karapetyan’

OC Media
Mar 31 2026

Five people have been arrested in Armenia in connection with alleged election-related bribery linked to Russian–Armenian tycoon Samvel Karapetyan’s Strong Armenia party. The party denied the accusations.

The Anti-Corruption Committee said on Monday that it had obtained ‘factual data’ indicating a group of people planned to distribute electoral bribes to ‘ensure’ participation in the parliamentary elections on 7 June and to secure votes ‘in favour of a party indicated by them’.

According to the committee, the scheme began in 2025, when an office of the Our Way NGO was opened in the town of Metsamor in Armavir Province. The organisers then ‘nominally registered’ an unspecified number of local residents in the organisation, ‘assigning them the task of recruiting individuals who would vote in favour of the “Strong Armenia” party in the elections’.

Russian-Armenian tycoon Karapetyan declared candidate for prime minister despite ineligibility

In an effort to conceal the promised bribes, the money was allegedly ‘formulated as a salary’ and was intended to be provided ‘in stages’.

‘Notably, among the main preconditions for being hired by the NGO were having a large family and a wide circle of acquaintances, as well as being an eligible voter’, the statement claimed.

However, the statement did not specify the number of people allegedly involved or the total amount of money distributed.

The committee also accused individuals linked to the party of providing money to residents of Armavir province ‘under the guise of charity’ to cover medical service costs between February and March 2026. According to the statement, this took place ‘despite the legislative ban on conducting charitable activities during this period’ by parties and their affiliates in the pre-election period.

The committee added that ‘dozens of searches have been conducted’, five people have been arrested, and a criminal case has been initiated ‘under the relevant articles’.

It also vowed to monitor organisations linked to parties running in the elections to identify people who may be involved in planning or carrying out electoral crimes, including through hidden methods.

The Strong Armenia party has denied the accusations, describing what appeared to be secretly recorded phone calls presented as evidence as a made-up scenario created by law enforcement bodies ‘which have become a tool in the hands of the authorities’.

Following Karapetyan’s arrest in June, the Our Way initiative was established, and the group later registered the Strong Armenia political party.

The initiative’s name was derived from comments Karapetyan made in support of the Armenian Apostolic Church amid the government–Church confrontation that escalated in May 2025.

‘If the politicians fail, then we will participate in our own way in all of this’, Karapetyan said to News.am back in June 2025.

Hours later, he was detained after a raid on his mansion in Yerevan and charged with calling for a coup.

Earlier in March, Armenia’s Foreign Intelligence Service (FIS) detected signs of possible foreign interference ahead of elections. The FIS said Armenians living abroad have reportedly been pressured to back certain political parties, without specifying the country behind the alleged interference.

Pashinyan’s calls for end to ‘mirrored’ genocide accusations appear to go unh

OC Media
Mar 31 2026

Azerbaijan has repeated calls for global recognition of the 1918 massacres of Azerbaijanis by Armenians as genocide, despite efforts by Armenia’s leadership to stop mutual recriminations about history amidst peace efforts.

Former Azerbaijani President Heydar Aliyev, the father of President Ilham Aliyev, issued a decree in 1998 declaring 31 March ‘the Day of Genocide of Azerbaijanis’, accusing Armenians of killing ‘tens of thousands of Azerbaijanis’.

‘Although the systematic killing of the civilian population during the March–April 1918 incidents was committed on the basis of their ethnic origin and religion, these crimes of genocide have unfortunately not yet been recognised at the international level’, Azerbaijani Human Rights Defender Sabina Aliyeva’s statement read.

During the period, several overlapping wars were ongoing, including WWI, the Russian Civil War, the Turkish–Armenian War, and local conflicts between Armenians and Azerbaijanis. Thousands were killed in the mass violence, including civilians on all sides in a series of tit-for-tat massacres.

Amidst the backdrop of widespread violence, only Azerbaijan and Turkey appear to use the word ‘genocide’ to describe the massacres of Azerbaijanis at that time.

On Tuesday, the Azerbaijani Foreign Ministry in turn issued a statement accusing ‘radical Armenian groups’ of carrying out a genocide against Azerbaijanis.

Such statements contrast sharply with those of Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, who has suggested moving away from such allegations for the sake of peace.

In his weekly press briefing on 26 March, Pashinyan refused to assess the mass exodus of Nagorno-Karabakh Armenians in September 2023 as ethnic cleansing in response to a journalists’ question, instead dubbing such discourse ‘harmful’.

Pashinyan claims Nagorno-Karabakh did not fight back against Azerbaijan in September 2023

Referring to the word ‘genocide’ in another journalist’s question about the attack on Nagorno-Karabakh in 2023, Pashinyan suggested that focusing on such terminology was detrimental to peace in the region.

‘In general, this race of genocide [accusations] needs to stop. In our region, everyone accuses everyone of genocide’, Pashinyan said.

He added that discussions about genocide and return issues — in reference to Nagorno-Karabakh Armenian refugees returning to the region — only trigger mirrored accusations.

‘We can call it ethnic cleansing and, in response, receive mirrored accusations of ethnic cleansing, [or call it] genocide and get the mirrored genocide [narrative]’, Pashinyan said.

He suggested that it was an entry into ‘the path of conflict, and that is not my concern’, instead stating that his concern was to help refugees settle in Armenia, live in peace, and have homes and jobs.

Pashinyan has insisted that peace has been established between Armenia and Azerbaijan since the initialling of a peace treaty at the Washington summit in August 2025, but has repeatedly stated it must still be strengthened.

Vote-buying in Armenia: ‘Strong Armenia’ party disguised bribes as salaries a

JAM News
Mar 31 2026
  • JAMnews
  • Yerevan

A vote-buying scheme has been uncovered in Armenia’s Armavir region. Authorities say the “Strong Armenia” party, led by Russian businessman Samvel Karapetyan, set it up. Investigators have opened a criminal case and detained five people.

According to the Anti-Corruption Committee, the organisers disguised payments to voters as salaries or charitable aid. In return, they asked people to vote for “Strong Armenia”.

The Committee released audio recordings that it says confirm these claims. Representatives of “Strong Armenia” deny the accusations.

Armenian law treats offering, receiving, or facilitating election bribes as criminal offences. Courts can hand down prison sentences depending on the circumstances. The maximum penalty is eight years in prison.

The “Strong Armenia” party has nominated dollar billionaire Samvel Karapetyan as its candidate for prime minister. He is currently under house arrest on charges of calling for the seizure of power. He cannot take up the post, as he holds citizenship of Armenia, Russia and Cyprus. Armenia’s constitution bars individuals with dual citizenship from serving as prime minister.


  • ‘Opposition forces are parties of war,’ says Armenia’s parliament speaker
  • Robert Kocharyan named prime minister candidate: will he become represent opposition in Armenia’s upcoming elections?
  • Poll: Will Armenia’s ruling party win June election?

Recruiting people with “large families and wide social networks”

According to the Anti-Corruption Committee, a group of individuals, acting by prior agreement, distributed bribes to residents of the Armavir region. Their goal was clear: “to ensure their participation in the 7 June 2026 elections and their vote for the specified party”.

The group also opened an office of the NGO “In our own way” in the Metsamor community. In 2025–2026, they formally registered local residents as employees of the organisation. They then tasked them with recruiting voters who would support the “Strong Armenia” party.

“It emerged that the vote-buying took place in stages, with payments disguised as salaries. In this way, they sought to conceal the distribution of electoral bribes and reduce the risk of the crimes being uncovered.”

The name of the NGO—“In our own way”—mirrors the name of a movement launched by Samvel Karapetyan’s supporters after his arrest in June 2025. Karapetyan himself used the phrase when speaking about tensions between the authorities and the church. He said: “If Armenia’s political forces fail to handle this situation, we will have to intervene in the campaign against the church in our own way.” Authorities arrested Karapetyan over this statement, interpreting it as a call to seize power.

They hired people with large families and wide social networks to work for the NGO.

In addition, in February–March 2026, members of the group gave residents of the region various sums of money for medical expenses on behalf of the “Strong Armenia” party. They presented these payments as “charity”.

However, Armenian law bans the provision of charitable assistance during the pre-election period.

The Anti-Corruption Committee has urged citizens to remain vigilant to avoid becoming involved in such crimes.

Strong Armenia’s response: “This is political persecution”

The “Strong Armenia” party denies the vote-buying allegations. “This is political persecution,” its representatives say.

“The ‘Strong Armenia’ party is the leading opposition force in Armenia. It mobilises a significant part of society and enjoys its full support, which is what worries the authorities,” the statement says.

Party members argue that “the only blatant illegal act in the election process is the disgraceful and unlawful arrest” of their leader, Samvel Karapetyan.

They insist that “Strong Armenia” operates within the framework of the country’s constitution and laws:

“A poorly made film by law enforcement officers and an edited recording—this is a well-known pattern.”

The party also says that “the current government persecutes people even for a single statement”, and that the presumption of innocence has become “a forgotten value”.

From restrictions on freedom to imprisonment

Under Armenian law, vote-buying includes offering, promising or providing money, property, services or any other benefit to a voter or referendum participant in order to influence their choice.

Article 219 of the Criminal Code sets out the penalties. Anyone who promises or gives a bribe to a voter, either directly or through an intermediary, faces a prison sentence of three to six years:

“The same act, committed by a group of persons by prior agreement, is punishable by four to eight years’ imprisonment.”

Those who accept such offers or promises face:

  • restriction of liberty for one to three years
  • short-term detention for one to two months
  • imprisonment for one to three years
  • imprisonment for three to seven years if the act is committed by a group acting in prior agreement

The law also sets penalties for mediating vote-buying:

  • a fine equal to ten to thirty months of the offender’s income
  • restriction of liberty for one to three years
  • short-term detention for one to two months
  • imprisonment for one to three years

If a person uses an official position or influence to facilitate vote-buying, the law предусматривает a prison sentence of two to five years.

Daniel Ioannisyan, coordinator of the “Independent Observer” mission, says his team had information about vote-buying even before the Anti-Corruption Committee published its findings. The mission knew that “some parties formally register people as employees in organisations linked to them in order to conceal vote-buying”.

Ioannisyan addressed Armenian citizens with a warning about possible consequences:

“A bribe you accept will come back to haunt you. If you do not understand this, let me say it clearly: you can receive a prison sentence of up to seven years for accepting an election bribe.”

He stressed that formal registration in an organisation to receive money “will not protect you”. He also said that, to uncover vote-buying, law enforcement agencies can carry out phone tapping and searches of apartments based on a secret court decision.

Political battle for Armenia’s future intensifies ahead of June parliamentary

Eurasianet.org
Mar 31 2026

A partner post from the Central Asia-Caucasus Analyst

Laura Thornton Mar 31, 2026

Armenians will head to the polls on June 7 to elect all 101 members of parliament, a vote with critical regional and geopolitical consequences. Following the 2018 Velvet Revolution and 2020-23 Second Nagorno-Karabakh War, the country has embarked on a new path of democratic reform and foreign policy alignments. Previously dependent on Russia for security guarantees and economic stability, the government of Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan is now forging stronger ties with the European Union (EU) and United States, while redefining the country’s relationship with both Azerbaijan and Turkey. The election presents a choice beyond minor policy options; voters can decide between different visions for the country’s governance and geopolitical alignment. Given the stakes, both domestic and foreign actors have intensified their tactics, manipulating existing vulnerabilities, and present serious threats to the election process.

BACKGROUND:

The election is taking place at a historic pivot point for Armenia’s positioning in the region and beyond. Since the fall of the Soviet Union, Armenia has been tied to Russia militarily, economically, and ideologically. Armenia is a member of the Eurasian Economic Union, a Russian initiative to ensure economic integration, but has suspended its participation in the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO), a Russian-led security alliance. Russia has been Armenia’s largest supplier of military aid and remains a dominant trading partner. Russia also owns key infrastructure in Armenia, including railways and telecommunications. However, Russia’s failure to defend Armenia during the Second Karabakh War damaged ties between the two states.

While turning away from Russia, the government has pursued EU accession and signed a framework agreement to implement the Trump Route for International Peace and Prosperity (TRIPP), which aims to establish a major trade route in the South Caucasus. Further, regional calculations have dramatically changed, paving the way for a redefined relationship with both Azerbaijan and Turkey, with a provisional peace agreement being formed with the former and new border and trade discussions with the latter. 

Two main opposition blocs, which are closely tied to Russia, are challenging the governing Civil Contract party of Pashinyan, who is running on a “peace” platform defined by continuing the negotiations with Azerbaijan and building closer ties with the EU and US. The opposition blocs oppose the government’s peace agreement, accuse the government of being under Azerbaijani and Turkish control, and say EU goals are unrealistic.

While the political contest does not fall along neat “pro-West vs. pro-Russian” divides as in some frontline democracies, and none of the viable parties embraces a full break from Russia (mindful that the plurality of Armenians believe Russia is the country’s most important political partner), the parties do differ significantly on the nature of the relationship with Moscow. The Kremlin has taken note and activated its hybrid warfare playbook, employed in GeorgiaMoldova, and other democracies, to defeat the ruling party.  

The political landscape is also shaped by a fierce conflict between the government and the Armenian Apostolic Church, headed by Patriarch Karekin II, who accuses the Pashinyan government of “losing” the war in Nagorno-Karabakh and has called for the prime minister’s resignation. In turn, the government has pushed for Karekin’s removal and prosecuted several bishops on charges ranging from “calling for a coup” to drug charges, prosecutions which many independent groups believe lack strong evidence. Opposition parties have seized on this issue, criticizing the government and defending the Church.

IMPLICATIONS:

Given the partisan divergence on the country’s foreign policy orientation, the geopolitical stakes in the election are high, activating malign actors. The Kremlin sees clearly the threat posed by the ruling Civil Contract party, which has pledged more decoupling from Russia and greater alignment with Europe and the US. While recently on a pre-election assessment mission to Yerevan, government officials, civil society representatives, diplomats, and observers described Russia’s hybrid warfare in the country as “unprecedented.” There was also widespread agreement that the country was not adequately prepared for the threat, made worse by the elimination of USAID and its support in bolstering the country’s defenses.

Information is central to the Kremlin’s strategy. Russia dominates the airwaves, with Russian channels freely broadcasting messages on television and social media, where there are few regulations. Narratives focus on Armenia’s need for Russian security, and how the Pashinyan government has ceded sovereignty to Azerbaijan, and for the Russian market. Emphasis is on Armenia as part of Russia’s sphere of influence. Disinformation about elections, institutions, and democracy is prevalent, particularly sowing distrust in the integrity of the upcoming election. Russian information campaigns bolster opposition talking points, such as those accusing the government of suppressing speech and political prosecutions.   

The Kremlin has infiltrated charities, movements, and foundations, such as the “Foundation to Battle Injustice,” established by the late Wagner Group head Yevgeniy Prigozhin. Russia and Armenian Church leaders are also in lockstep, each amplifying the other’s attacks on the government, messaging on traditional values, and criticism of Western institutions. Russia has also mobilized the Armenian diaspora to vote in previous elections, paying for transport and vote buying. Russian banks and businesses operate throughout the country making financing of influence operations and proxies easy. 

It is widely acknowledged in Yerevan that the country is not adequately prepared to defend against this threat. Government bodies are poorly resourced and often lack the mandate, technology, and tools to investigate or conduct counter efforts. There are also legal loopholes, such as the lack of regulation on third parties that frequently engage in political activity. Civil society groups, research institutes, and independent media – central to building resilience to hybrid threats – are also poorly resourced, particularly since the elimination of USAID.

Electoral victory for the main opposition blocs, the beneficiaries of Russian influence, would entail a reversal of the country’s current trajectory. A Russian citizen, Samvel Karapetyan, owner of the Russian Tashir Group, founded the opposition Strong Armenia. The other main opposition bloc, Armenia Alliance, is led by former President Robert Kocharyan who serves on the board of directors for Sistema PJSFC, one of Russia’s largest investment companies. In addition to their obvious Russian ties, the parties reject Pashinyan’s peace agreement with Azerbaijan (but do not offer a clear alternative), do not approve of TRIPP, and believe Armenia is “not ready” for the EU. 

According to recentopinion surveys, Civil Contract is polling at 24 percent, Strong Armenia at 9 percent, and everyone else below the threshold needed for parliamentary representation. Polling data also shows the majority of support for the ruling party comes from older (56+) and more urban citizens. Importantly, those who favor Civil Contract are far more likely to identify as “pro-Western” (73 percent) while those who support Strong Armenia believe the country’s policy should be “pro-Russian” (71 percent).

CONCLUSIONS:

Armenia’s election could lead to the continuation of the country’s new foreign alignment course, forging new economic and security relationships and exerting greater freedom from Russian control. Alternatively, the country could abandon this direction, taking a closer path to that of neighboring Georgia, which has alienated the West and forged closer ties with Russia, China, and Iran. At a time of upheaval and uncertainty in the region, a strong alliance of pro-Russian governments along the vertical axis from Moscow to Tehran would have significant geopolitical consequences. It could block Western interests in and access to the region and beyond, lead to new destabilization between Armenia and Azerbaijan, and embolden Russia to act elsewhere. 

Enhanced U.S. and European support would help fortify the elections from malign actors through increased technical assistance, intelligence, financing, and training to Armenian partners.

This article was originally published by the Central Asia-Caucasus Analyst and is reprinted under a partner post arrangement with Eurasianet.

Laura Thornton has spent more than 30 years in the democracy, governance, and security space both as a practitioner and policy and advocacy expert. She lived more than two decades in Asia and the former Soviet Union and has held positions at the McCain Institute, the German Marshall Fund, International IDEA, and the National Democratic Institute.

Radio station appeals license cancellation over Armenian genocide reference to

Mar 31 2026

Açık Radyo (Open Radio), whose broadcasts were silenced in October 2024 by Turkish authorities after a guest spoke on air about Armenian genocide, has taken its legal challenge against the cancellation of its license to Turkey’s highest administrative court after lower courts rejected its appeals, Turkish Minute reported.

The İstanbul-based station and its legal team announced on Tuesday that both cases they filed against the decision have been escalated to the Council of State, marking the latest stage in a nearly two-year legal battle.

Speaking at a press conference in İstanbul’s Beyoğlu district, representatives of the station said the case should not be seen as an isolated administrative measure but as a “critical threshold” for freedom of _expression_, media freedom and the rule of law in Turkey.

“This is not only a matter concerning one institution,” they said, describing the process as a structural problem affecting all independent media outlets in the country.

In a press statement the station argued that imposing harsh sanctions over expressions that have been recognized as protected speech by both national and international court rulings creates a chilling effect on the media and restricts freedom of _expression_.

The controversy stems from a broadcast in April 2024, when a guest referred to the mass killings of Armenians during the late Ottoman period, using the term Armenian genocide.

The Armenians, supported by a majority of historians and scholars, say 1.5 million of their people died in a genocide committed by the Union and Progress government of the Ottoman Empire during World War I. Turkey acknowledges that large numbers of Armenians and Turks died in the conflict but firmly rejects the characterization of the deaths as genocide.

Following the broadcast Turkey’s media watchdog, the Radio and Television Supreme Council (RTÜK), imposed the highest administrative fine on the station and ordered a five-day suspension of the program.

According to Açık Radyo co-founder Ömer Madra, the station later lost its license after failing to implement the suspension due to a technical issue that prevented them from viewing the dates included in the official notification.

“Despite the administrative fine being enforced and despite our request for new dates due to technical reasons regarding the suspension schedule, we were effectively silenced without even receiving a response to our petitions,” Madra said.

Madra criticized the court rulings thus far, saying the station’s legal submissions, including expert reports and precedents, were dismissed with a standard justification that RTÜK’s decision to revoke the station’s license was “in compliance with the law.”

In its legal filings the station argued that it could not be held responsible for remarks made by guests during live broadcasts without considering the overall context and intent of the program and that the sanctions imposed were disproportionate.

Lower courts rejected Açık Radyo’s appeals, and both cases were escalated to the Council of State for final review in 2026.

The station’s broadcasting license was suspended by RTÜK for five days in May on the allegation of inciting hatred. The media regulator subsequently withdrew the station’s license in July, but the radio continued to broadcast until its closure on October 16.

The station, which had been broadcasting for three decades, describes itself as a station “open to all sounds, colors and vibrations of the universe.” Its broadcasts addressed human rights, minority rights and ecological issues, among other topics.

Following the shutdown the station resumed broadcasting online under the name “Apaçık Radyo,” meaning “more open radio,” maintaining its editorial line on digital platforms.

Representatives of the station said during the press conference that despite the loss of its FM license, it continues to operate online under the Apaçık Radyo platform with an expanded team, maintaining its principles of independent broadcasting.

They also noted that the cancellation of an FM license in a metropolis like İstanbul, which faces a high earthquake risk, affects not only a media outlet but also the public’s right to access information.

Turkey, which has a poor record on freedom of the press, was ranked 159th out of 180 nations in the 2025 World Press Freedom Index published by Reporters Without Borders (RSF).