May 23, 2026
In the “Pressing” program Satik Seyranyan the guest Member of the board of the “Strong Armenia” party, number 4 on the pre-election list, Armenia’s electric networks (HEC) Former General Director of CJSC Davit Ghazinyan is
The main theses of the interview are below.
- The citizen should choose “Strong Armenia” primarily due to the personality of the leader, who is an accomplished figure, a successful businessman, and a national person. There was nothing in Samvel Karapetyan’s life that he promised and could not do.
- I have a strong suspicion that this is a temporary peace arranged with Aliyev to help this regime keep the power, because the Prime Minister of our country is 100% hand to the neighboring unfriendly country, that’s why he does not shoot for this re-election. It is nonsense when a man who brought 3 wars and lost territories talks about peace today. When you explain to people, they understand that a weak leader cannot dictate the rules of the game, let alone be at the negotiating table. When the leader of their small group is humiliated, they say: we didn’t beat you, we beat your exes, I wonder how a person with dignity can remain after that of power. And today they are trying to berate Samvel Karapetyan.
- They are in a zeitnot and are already getting tangled up. HETC is a company with $1 billion in assets. And the lost person, Samvel Karapetyan, does not talk about that company, because he considers it immoral to talk about it in this state of the country. Either he and his small group say that Putin sent Samvel Karapetyan, but on the other hand, he declares that he and Putin are good friends, they have talked on the phone more than 200 times.…
- It is very wrong for the state when people with a biography of only 8 years start talking in a vulgar lexicon about a person who has dedicated a very large part of his work to his state. In fact, he didn’t talk about it.
- How can a man say something and then realize it was wrong and not apologize? They were talking about dozens of criminal cases related to the HEC. where are those cases, what happened? They told us that the lights were turned off during the government session, that the HEC was to blame, even though they checked with the NSS, the PPS, they saw that the HEC was not to blame, but when the lights in Nikol Pashinyan’s hall were turned off during the press conference a few days ago, he suddenly announced that the HEC is not to blame, it is a private area…
- As long as the list of victims of the 44-day war is not published with names and addresses, any number can be used.
- We have lost a second Motherland, 200 sq/km of the country’s territory is occupied, they are talking about strengthening the positions. Reinforced what to do?
- There is a slave system in KP. Let someone try not to speak in that language, they will commit suicide:
- They have no plan, the only thing they say is false peace. Our compatriots should know that peace comes through guarantors. What’s more, Nikol Pashinyan has done the opposite of what he said during these 8 years. used to say: “Artsakh is Armenia, and that’s it.” Now where is Artsakh…
- The topic of 300,000 Azerbaijanis coming to Armenia is very relevant. Schools and new roads are being built, not in line with these areas and their population. Who are they making it for… In my opinion, Azerbaijanis?:
- Once a year, PSC has to review the tariff to increase, decrease or leave the same. By mathematical calculation, 2026 for 2025 At the end of November, PSC held a meeting and said that the price remains the same. But there was no solution for the nuclear power plant. I am sure that the amount of 12 billion given for the nuclear power plant was given from the budget. Moreover, the nuclear power plant had a loan, the repayment of which was postponed. If Pashinyan is re-elected, the price of electricity will definitely increase. Or they will take money from dubious sources, inject it so that the price does not increase for some time. Both are very dangerous. Let me remind you again: Samvel Karapetyan bought the company that was in danger of being declared bankrupt and got it back on its feet. But even in that situation, he promised not to increase the price of electricity for 10 years:
- No one trusts this person. Not only is he weak, he is also not a reliable partner for the European Union. Hugs, kisses, stands up and says: Putin is my friend with EU leaders. Russia’s response, in terms of sitting on two chairs, is completely adequate. Now, in order to deepen anti-Russian sentiment, they say that Samvel Karapetyan was sent by Putin. I assure you, there is nothing like it.
- If Samvel Karapetyan would take half a step back and agree to these preconditions, they would return the HEC and ask for forgiveness.…
- It is one thing to have meetings at home, another thing for Samvel Karapetyan to leave the house, walk down to the city, meet with his voters. That’s why they don’t change the regime of Karapetyan’s house arrest, so that people don’t communicate with him.
- We have to get rid of these authorities as soon as possible, because in case of their reproduction, there will be very serious consequences. Their main job is to reproduce. We say that a balanced policy should be pursued for the benefit of the state, not for the benefit of one’s seat.
- I can’t imagine how so many people go on vacation at once. all campaign, who works from them? They are irresponsible, they don’t think about how the state will work. There are losers everywhere, including the HEC.
- An employee of the HEC, who was 30 meters away from Narek Karapetyan during the campaign, was called and told to write an application and be released.:
- They announced that the people are paying for the loans of the National Energy Agency. Thanks to the journalists, we got to the point where the President of the PSC announced that interest on loans is not included in the electricity tariff.
- HETC is a big institution, someone was committing a crime, they said it was Karapetyan. I directly declare that if every corruption case occurs in the Republic, then it can be said with certainty that the Prime Minister is a briber. Because that’s their logic.
- The state has offered $370,000 for the HEC, the cost of a normal apartment in Yerevan. No one will invest in the HEC, unless it is Turkish or Azerbaijani money coming in other ways. Currently, the situation is very bad in HEC, investments are not being made at all. Something light happened, they started proceedings in our time. Now they do so many things, they don’t go in, they don’t monitor, at least to save their face. I’ll say it directly, the PSC is afraid, it can’t enter the National Security Agency, check it. Just as the state budget is treated like one’s own pocket, so is the budget of the National Energy Agency.
- Samvel Karapetyan is the owner of HETC, but the company is managed by a small group. Samvel Karapetyan cannot get involved in the management, but they put an obligation on him to invest, which he does.
- Under no circumstances would I want Armenia to be expelled from EAEU. It would be disastrous for our people. We have the right of VETO, of course, but Russia and other countries can bypass both that VETO and the mutually beneficial gas price agreement mentioned by Nikol Pashinyan if they really want to.:
- Dear people, it will be too late for you to warm your heads. Know, if these are repeated, those 300,000 Azerbaijanis will come. You need to get rid of them a day before. It’s treason not to participate in the election, da-wa-cha-nu-tyu. One day the national government will come, the questions will be asked: what did you do to remove them? Please, dear citizens, do not vote for the forces that will not pass. Dear political forces, you still have time, resign, come, be a hero, you also follow the opinion polls, don’t mislead our people, get out of the election campaign:
Details in the video.
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Verelq: A strong economy becomes the main pillar of a stable and secure state
In the framework of the pre-election campaign, “Economic examination. I met with representatives of small and medium-sized businesses at the discussion entitled “SME tomorrow”, where I discussed the existing problems and development opportunities of the sector.
With the “Offer to Armenia” program, we plan significant tax benefits for small and medium enterprises, relief of credit burden and systemic reforms.
A working, creative and proactive person forms a strong economy, and a strong economy becomes the main guarantee of a stable, safe and competitive state.
PAP Chairman Gagik Tsarukyan
Details in the video
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Verelq: It is resource competition that throws power out of balance
The pre-election campaign launched in Armenia has entered an active phase, being distinguished by unprecedented concentration of resources and hardening of rhetoric. The main political actors, both the government and the opposition poles, have adopted very different tactics of mobilizing the electorate, trying to dictate their own agenda to the public.
What are the characteristics of the current election campaign, can it be considered fully competitive, and how do the parties use the administrative, financial and media tools at their disposal? On this and other key issues related to the electoral process VERELQtalked to a political technologist Vigen Hakobyan with.
In the photo is Vigen Hakobyan
VERELQ. Mr. Hakobyan. We are already in the middle of the campaign (meaning the active phase of the electoral process). What do you think sets this campaign apart from previous ones, and what key characteristics would you single out?
Vigen Hakobyan. I believe that this campaign differs from the previous ones in that the vocabulary of the government (in particular, the governing “Civil Pact” party) is much freer, and the hate speech is much more pronounced. This is not accidental and is a result of the tactics of the government, because they understand very well that a high turnout for them can be a mortal danger. The government is trying its best to keep the passive, apathetic and undecided mass, which usually does not go to the polls, to the same position. For that, it is necessary to make the elections as unserious as possible, to make them full of blasphemy, to be able to make the hate agenda as dominant as possible and involve the opposition parties in it as well. The government is trying to turn the electoral process into a process accompanied by ugly words and actions. The goal is that the electorate, which is not usually involved in politics, but has sensitive feelings, which could suddenly go to the elections this time, will get sick of it all and decide to just drink coffee on the street or in a cafe on the day of the election.
VERELQ. In other words, is the goal to mobilize his electorate and keep those who were already apathetic?
Vigen Hakobyan. Yes, the electorate of the government, including the “Civil Agreement” electorate, is already mobilized. That mass can be big or small, but it is always thick, very disciplined and controlled. People are monitored, registered, directed and taken to polling stations (a process often carried out by the use of government leverage). I am not saying that the entire electorate is forced to do this, but the mass that is under the influence of administrative resources (employees of the state apparatus, municipal governments and subordinate institutions) is usually very disciplined, and almost 80-85% of these people participate in the elections. It ensures a fairly high turnout for the government. And the opposition usually does not have such levers as an administrative resource. In other words, the government, with its words and actions, mobilizes its own electorate even more and demobilizes as much as possible those people who are hesitating whether to vote or not. They make the process so unpleasant that people voluntarily refuse to go to the polling station.
VERELQ. Okay, Mr. Hakobyan, in that sense the government has resources, but these elections are distinguished by the fact that the opposition also has few resources, at least financially. For example, what do you think the opposition is doing to wage a smart and attractive fight, or are there problems with creativity?
Vigen Hakobyan. Unlike the government, the opposition has several layers. Competing opposition forces that can overcome the passing threshold (the legal minimum percentage bar to enter the parliament or council) and fight for victory and large percentages have different tactics depending on their target groups.
For example, the main target of the “Armenia” alliance (led by the second president of the Republic of Armenia, Robert Kocharian) is the radical electorate, which demands that their pre-election speech and campaign be as radical as possible. Here, we see that the “Armenia” alliance comes up with quite radical slogans, sometimes trying to keep up with the speech of the Prime Minister (Nikol Pashinyan). It is done to satisfy the demands of own electorate. they want to see a leader who says he will punish, arrest and respond to insult with even harsher insult. They also shoot harsh clips, for example, about 300,000 Azerbaijanis (referring to the opposition’s claims that the policies of the authorities may lead to the mass return or resettlement of Azerbaijanis), the screening of which was blocked on some platforms. The radical electorate will not perceive light PR (modern, “hype” tricks of public relations), they demand a classic tough approach. The only thing that, in my opinion, the opposition was inferior to in the initial stage was that it mostly responded to the government’s agenda. However, from a certain stage, the same “Armenia” bloc started dictating its own agenda to the government and giving tough answers within the framework of that agenda.
As for “Strong Armenia” (meaning the force operating in the opposition field), they have a division of roles, based on the current realities, because their leader is under house arrest (within the restraining order applied by law enforcement officers). Narek Karapetyan, visiting regions or big cities, mainly presents positive, socio-economic programs, trying not to get into Pashinyan’s agenda and offering an economic alternative (for example, the promise of 300,000 jobs). And Samvel Karapetyan, not having the opportunity to leave the house, took on the political component. They have found creative formats, such as shadow government meetings or question-and-answer formats, through which he is active every day. In addition, he tries to dictate his own agenda with answers full of sarcasm, which have a lot of views on the Internet. In other words, they try to combine the socio-economic and security alternative presented on the street with the hard political component active in the online domain.
“Prosperous Armenia” (the party led by Gagik Tsarukyan) works in a rather classic style. They do not want to disperse their forces in different directions, but they know exactly where they can get their interest. They go where they have support, where they are expected or where they have done a certain job before. They work very targeted.
VERELQ. Okay, and last question. Following this process, can the election campaign in Armenia be considered competitive or not?
Vigen Hakobyan. I do not doubt that the struggle is competitive, but the problem is that the government overuses its administrative and legal resources without facing any legislative restrictions. It is enough to mention only the story related to Andranik Tevanyan (social-politician), when the Prime Minister on vacation (Nikol Pashinyan, who took a temporary leave to participate in the campaign as a candidate) gave an instruction to the NSS, and they took the number two of the alliance, who is also the head of the faction of the Yerevan Council of Elders. We see what is happening. the government does not engage in traditional election bribery, but uses state resources as an election bribe. For example, by making changes in the pension and insurance system just a few months before the elections, they try to win over certain age groups and target groups.
Meanwhile, the opposition warns that their supporters are constantly being detained (referring to the interrogations and arrests carried out by law enforcement agencies). However, the fight is still competitive, because this time the government is quite weak in terms of rating. This government is not as strong in terms of efficient use of administrative resources and human resources as previous governments were. In “Civil Contract” there is only Nikol Pashinyan, who can bring a real voice, and the rest create more problems for the team with their words and actions. And besides, how little we talked before, we have never had such a resourceful opposition. Today, the opposition has resources in all aspects, both financial, political, foreign relations, economic, media and structures. It is this competitiveness that throws Nikol Pashinyan off balance, and the process gets out of control even by his own standards.
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Armenpress: Eight political forces sign inclusive policy commitment ahead of A
A meeting involving political forces nominated for Armenia’s parliamentary elections, civil society organisations and persons with disabilities was held in Yerevan on May 22, resulting in the signing of a commitment document on inclusive policies.
The event was organised by the Agate Rights Defense Center for Women with Disabilities NGO with the aim of promoting the inclusion of the rights of persons with disabilities in political agendas and election programmes.
According to the Agate Rights Defense Center for Women with Disabilities, Armenia currently has 153,129 registered persons with disabilities, the majority of whom have the right to vote. However, their issues are scarcely reflected in the programmes of political forces participating in the parliamentary elections. Ensuring inclusiveness in political processes is viewed as one of the key prerequisites for democracy.
Ahead of the meeting, the Agate NGO identified urgent issues requiring solutions for persons with disabilities and developed a package of recommendations, which was joined by 26 civil society organisations, international partners and individuals, underlining the need for joint efforts. The package was sent to all political forces participating in the parliamentary elections.
During the event, the main provisions and priorities of the commitment document were presented, covering inclusive education, the healthcare system, issues related to the recognition of incapacity, employment and the prevention of violence, particularly among women with intellectual disabilities and forcibly displaced women with disabilities. Political forces participating in the elections were also given the opportunity to present the provisions in their election programmes concerning solutions to issues faced by persons with disabilities.
Karine Grigoryan, founder and president of the Agate Rights Defense Center for Women with Disabilities NGO, expressed concern that the problems and needs of Armenia’s largest minority group are barely reflected in the agendas of political forces.
“Very often, persons with disabilities, especially those with mental health issues, are targeted by political forces, and their social vulnerability is also exploited for political purposes. Our goal is for voters with disabilities to be able to exercise their electoral rights, for their voices to be heard, and for programmes and decisions concerning them to be developed in consultation with persons with disabilities so that the decisions are targeted and substantive. We hope that after this meeting, parties and alliances will draw conclusions and change their approaches, while we, as organisations led by persons with disabilities, will remain more vigilant and continue our work to ensure that persons with disabilities do not become victims of disinformation and make informed choices,” Karine Grigoryan said.
The initiative was joined by the Civil Contract party, the Reformists Party, the Armenian Meritocratic Party, the Wings of Unity Party, the National Democratic Pole Alliance, the Armenian National Congress, the Democracy, Law and Order Party and the Bright Armenia Party.
Armenia’s next parliamentary elections will be held on June 7. The election campaign officially began on May 8 and will continue until June 5. A total of 19 political forces – including two alliances and 17 parties – have been nominated to participate in the elections.
Published by Armenpress, original at
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Majority of respondents say Armenia is on the right path, new IRI poll shows
Most participants in a new survey conducted by the International Republican Institute believe Armenia is moving in the right direction.
Asked whether Armenia is heading in the right or wrong direction, 61% of respondents said the country is moving in the right direction, while 28% said it is on the wrong path. Another 11% said they did not know or declined to answer the question.
The institute also presented the survey results by age group.
Among respondents aged 18 to 35, 54% said Armenia is moving in the right direction, 33% said the country is on the wrong path, while 13% either declined to answer or said they did not know.
Among those aged 36 to 55, 62% expressed the view that Armenia is heading in the right direction, 26% said the opposite, and 12% declined to answer or said they did not know.
In the 56 and older age group, 67% said Armenia is moving in the right direction, while 24% believed the country is on the wrong path. Another 9% said they did not know or refused to answer.
The International Republican Institute also asked respondents the same question in the context of the policies proposed by political forces participating in Armenia’s upcoming parliamentary elections.
According to the survey, 95% of respondents said the ruling Civil Contract party is moving in the right direction, while 2% said it is heading in the wrong direction. Another 3% said they did not know or declined to answer.
Only 9% of respondents said the Strong Armenia Alliance is moving in the right direction, while 83% said the alliance is heading in the wrong direction. Another 8% said they did not know or refused to answer.
As for the Armenia Alliance, 14% of respondents expressed a positive view, while 86% said the alliance is moving in the wrong direction.
Published by Armenpress, original at
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Who are Armenia’s most trusted political figures? IRI survey reveals results
The International Republican Institute has released new survey data on the most trusted political and public figures in Armenia.
The International Republican Institute asked respondents to name the two political and public figures they trust the most.
According to the survey results, Nikol Pashinyan, Armenia’s prime minister and chairman of the board of the Civil Contract party, ranked first with a combined 29% trust rating – 27% named him as their first choice and 2% as their second.
Samvel Karapetyan, chairman of the Strong Armenia Alliance, received a combined 9% rating, with 6% naming him as their first choice and 3% as their second.
Ararat Mirzoyan, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Armenia, followed with 5% overall support – 1% as a first response and 4% as a second.
Robert Kocharyan, leader of the Armenia Alliance, received a combined 4%, with 2% naming him as their first choice and another 2% as their second.
Gagik Tsarukyan, chairman of the Prosperous Armenia Party, received 3% overall support, as did Alen Simonyan, President of the National Assembly of Armenia, and Aram Sargsyan, chairman of the Republic Party.
Gurgen Simonyan, chairman of the Meritocratic Party of Armenia, and Arman Tatoyan, chairman of the Wings of Unity Party, each received 2% overall support.
Six percent of respondents named another figure as their first response, while 8% named another figure as their second response, giving other public figures a combined total of 14%.
Meanwhile, 40% of respondents said they trust no one, while 13% declined to answer the question.
The survey was conducted by telephone interviews between May 5 and May 11.
Published by Armenpress, original at
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Sports: FC Noah unveils football complex that changes Armenian ambitions
May 23 2026
FC Noah unveils football complex that changes Armenian ambitions
FC Noah opened a modern training centre and revealed plans for an ambitious stadium and development project that reaches far beyond football.
Not long ago, FC Noah was mainly known across the region as the club that ended Olimpija’s European journey.
Today, the Armenian champions are sending a different message.
They do not want to be remembered as a surprise result or a temporary football story.
They want to build something permanent.
And if the latest developments are any indication, they are moving quickly.
FC Noah officially opened its new training centre and at the same time presented plans for an even larger project that suggests the club’s ambitions extend far beyond winning domestic trophies.
The opening became much more than a club event.
Representatives of the Armenian government, football officials, business partners, and former football icon Luís Figo attended the ceremony, turning the presentation into a statement about where the club believes it is heading.
Inside Noah, the message was direct.
“A new chapter on the path to excellence and all the goals that FC Noah pursues with unwavering determination.”
The project itself took around a year and a half to complete, and the result is difficult to ignore.
The new complex was designed according to modern European standards and built to function as more than a traditional training ground.
Players now have access to modern changing facilities, dedicated recovery areas, medical and massage departments equipped with advanced technology, a large gym, and accommodation areas designed for training camps.
But the project goes further.
The complex also includes a library, dining facilities, meeting rooms, and relaxation zones where players have access to table tennis and gaming areas.
The infrastructure is designed to support not only the first team, but also technical staff and club operations.
And according to Noah, this is only phase one.
During the presentation, the club also introduced the concept behind Noah Park, an even broader development planned in Vagharshapat.
The idea reaches beyond football.
The vision includes a new stadium together with a football academy, public and sports zones, educational facilities and multifunctional areas intended for everyday community use.
The concept focuses on long-term growth, modern architecture and stronger integration with the surrounding environment.
Club president Vardges Vardanyan made it clear that the project is intended to change more than one club.
“Our goal is to develop youth football and introduce European standards. We have done a lot of work in the last two and a half years, and now we have something to show for it. I believe this step will encourage other clubs to invest in infrastructure and youth development.”
Results already exist on the sporting side.
FC Noah collected three Armenian Cups, a Super Cup and the national championship in recent years.
But infrastructure often says more about a club than trophies.
And Noah’s presentation left little room for doubt about how they see themselves.
Their final message was short.
“Get ready, Europe. FC Noah is coming.”
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New Interdisciplinary Study Decodes the Symbolic Artistry of Armenian Catholic
The Iconography of Catholios’s Vestments in the Armenian Medieval Miniature Painting by Dr. Sofi Khachmanyan is a groundbreaking scholarly work examining the ceremonial vestments of the Armenian Apostolic Church’s highest clergy through medieval miniature paintings and historical artifacts. Spanning the 13th to 18th centuries, the book explores the symbolism, sacred geometry, colors, and ritual significance embedded in ecclesiastical garments. Dr. Khachmanyan traces the historical roots of Christian liturgical attire to ancient civilizations while highlighting the emergence of a distinct Armenian spiritual and artistic identity. Combining art history, theology, and cultural preservation, the study offers valuable insight into Armenian medieval iconography, religious traditions, and ceremonial symbolism.
Los Angeles – May 23, 2026: A seminal new work in the fields of art history and theology, The Iconography of Catholios’s Vestments in the Armenian Medieval Miniature Painting by Dr. Sofi Khachmanyan, is soon to be released, offering the first comprehensive analysis of the ceremonial attire of the Armenian Apostolic Church’s supreme leadership.
The publication explores the evolution of the Catholicos’s vestments from the 13th to the 18th centuries, utilizing medieval miniature paintings and rare museum artifacts as primary evidence. The author’s research identifies a unique visual language embedded in the canonical patterns, shapes, and decorative embellishments of vestments. She argues that, through those patterns and decorations, as symbols, they not only identify the wearer’s status, position, and responsibilities but also present the cosmic soul and divine order.
The study provides a rigorous historical framework, tracing the origins of Christian liturgical dress back to ancient ritual clothing from the Urartian Kingdom and the broader Mesopotamian and Greco-Roman worlds. By examining how these influences were synthesized, the book shows the development of a distinct Armenian identity in ecclesiastical vestments. Moreover, the book also talks about the following aspects:
Deciphering Symbolism: The work analyzes the use of sacred geometry and color, explaining how specific shades and shapes, such as the circle and square, represent divine and earthly intersections.
The Ritual of Change: Dr. Khachmanyan documents the dressing ritual, wherein the recitation of specific prayers during the vesting process symbolizes the transition of the individual into a vicar of Christ.
Iconographic Analysis: The text features in-depth evaluations of works by master miniature painters, such as Sargis Pitsak, revealing how they preserved historical protocol through their artistic depictions of the clergy.
Structural Breakdown: The book details the multi-layered hierarchy of the vestments from the tunic to the epigonation, a ritual accessory exclusive to the Catholicos.
The Iconography of Catholios’s Vestments in the Armenian Medieval Miniature Painting will soon be available in print and digital formats for scholars, historians, and the public. It stands as a vital contribution to the preservation of the Armenian spiritual and artistic legacy.
About the Author
Dr. Sofi Khachmanyan is an established researcher and educator specializing in Garment Construction, Embroidery arts and Textiles, and History of Fashion. As an Art Philosopher, she researches Armenian medieval art and iconography. Her interdisciplinary approach combines religious vestments, their history, decorative symbols, and the fine arts to recover lost aspects of Armenian cultural heritage.
This release was published on openPR.
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Armenia Walks A Tightrope Ahead Of High-Stakes Poll – Analysis
By Luke Coffey
Armenians go to the polls on June 7 in the country’s first parliamentary election since 2021. The stakes are unusually high. Voters will not only choose a new parliament and, by extension, a prime minister. They will also help determine Armenia’s future trajectory: whether the country continues this difficult but much needed shift toward normalization with Azerbaijan and Turkiye, closer ties with the Euro-Atlantic community, and greater regional connectivity, or whether it drifts back toward the old days that left it isolated, dependent, and vulnerable.
The election comes at a moment of deep division. Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan and his ruling Civil Contract party are campaigning on stability, normalization with Armenia’s neighbors, and what Pashinyan calls “Real Armenia.” The idea is straightforward but politically sensitive: Armenia should focus on improving the prosperity, sovereignty, and security of the internationally recognized Republic of Armenia rather than pursuing maximalist visions of a “greater Armenia” beyond its borders.
The opposition is fragmented but serious. Among the main challengers is Strong Armenia, associated with Russian-Armenian billionaire Samvel Karapetyan, whose movement has emerged as a major opposition force. Another is the Armenia Alliance, led by former President Robert Kocharyan, which represents a more nationalist, old-guard opposition current with closer ties to Moscow. The result is a contest not merely between parties, but between competing visions of Armenia’s place in the region.
This election also comes after a historic breakthrough in Armenian-Azerbaijani relations brokered by the Trump administration last year. After decades of conflict over the Nagorno-Karabakh region, which is internationally recognized as part of Azerbaijan, Yerevan and Baku have taken steps toward ending the conflict and focusing on stability in the South Caucasus. This process remains incomplete and politically fragile. But it is the most serious opening for peace in a generation.
Pashinyan’s willingness to pursue peace with Azerbaijan has not been universally popular in Armenia. Yet he has been the only Armenian leader in years willing to engage in sustained negotiations with Baku. Although polls suggest Civil Contract is likely to remain the largest party, it may still fall short of the majority needed to govern easily or the support required for constitutional changes.
Three geopolitical issues make the June 7 election especially important.
The first is whether Armenia continues on the path toward peaceful coexistence with its neighbors. As part of the US-brokered process, Azerbaijan has insisted that Armenia amend its constitution to remove what Baku considers implied territorial claims against Azerbaijan. Pashinyan has said the matter should be addressed through a referendum after the parliamentary election. Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev has made clear that without constitutional changes a final peace agreement cannot move forward. If Pashinyan loses power, the peace process could stall or even collapse.
The second issue is Armenia’s Euro-Atlantic orientation. Since regaining independence in 1991, Armenia has been closely aligned with Moscow. Russia still has a major military presence in Armenia, and Moscow has long shaped the country’s security, energy, and economic choices.
But many Armenians have lost faith in Russia, especially after the 2020 war in with Azerbaijan in Karabakh, when Moscow failed to help in the way many Armenians had expected. In response, Pashinyan has cautiously and slowly moved Armenia closer to the EU and US. Armenia has launched a process aimed at deepening ties with the EU, while its participation in the Russian-led Collective Security Treaty Organization remains frozen. The recent visit of Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky also raised eyebrows in Moscow. The election will help determine whether this Euro-Atlantic shift continues.
The third issue is regional connectivity. Armenia is landlocked, poor, and has been cut off from major regional transport and infrastructure projects for much of its modern history. Pashinyan’s “Crossroads of Peace” initiative, unveiled in 2023, envisions Armenia as a hub for trade routes linking the Caspian, Black Sea, Turkiye, and the wider Eurasian landmass. This vision is tied to the Trump Route for International Peace and Prosperity, a US-backed proposal to improve connectivity between Azerbaijan and its Nakhchivan exclave through Armenian territory. If implemented, it could bring Armenia new transit revenue, investment, and relevance. It would also reduce the region’s dependence on routes through Russia and Iran, and complement the growing importance of the Middle Corridor.
This explains why outside powers are watching closely. It is not in Russia’s interest to see Armenia move closer to the West, weaken its dependence on Moscow, or normalize relations with Azerbaijan and Turkiye. Nor is it in Iran’s interest to see new east-west transit routes emerge across the South Caucasus that could bypass Iranian territory. Both Moscow and Tehran have reasons to prefer an Armenia that remains isolated, anxious, and strategically constrained.
Even a Pashinyan victory would not end the uncertainty. A referendum on constitutional changes would still have to follow, and a free and fair vote without outside meddling could prove even more difficult than the parliamentary election itself. The opposition will likely frame the issue as a matter of national identity and sovereignty. Pashinyan will have to persuade voters that peace, normalization, and regional integration are not concessions, but the foundation of a more secure and prosperous Armenia.
For decades, the South Caucasus, in part, has been defined by the closed borders, frozen conflicts, and great-power competition that took place through the Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict. The June 7 election could help determine whether that era begins to end. Rarely does a single election in the region carry such far-reaching geopolitical consequences. Policymakers across Eurasia and the broader region should be paying close attention.
- Luke Coffey is a senior fellow at the Hudson Institute.
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Armenia: Conscientious Objector’s Repeat Trial Delayed And Delayed – Analysis
By F18News
By Felix Corley
A Molokan Christian from Dilijan in north-eastern Armenia, Ivan Mikhailov, is on trial again for refusing military service on grounds of conscience. Now 27, he was refused alternative civilian service in 2018. He was then sentenced to two years’ imprisonment, but this was overturned on appeal. In 2025, Tavush Garrison Military Prosecutor’s Office brought a new case against him and placed him under travel restrictions. Prosecutors handed the case to Tavush Region First Instance Court in July 2025, but the court has repeatedly postponed hearings for various reasons.
Public prosecutor Vahagn Vardanyan is leading the prosecution case. Forum 18 was unable to reach him as officials did not answer the phone at Tavush Garrison Military Prosecutor’s Office each time Forum 18 called (see below).
Molokans are a traditionally pacifist Christian religious community which emerged in the 18th century.
Council of Churches Baptist Davit Nazaretyan, now 22, is serving a 2-year jail term after the Alternative Service Commission rejected his application in January 2023. He is due to complete his sentence in August 2026. Officials refused to grant him amnesty in August 2025 when he had completed half his jail term. A case has been lodged on his behalf to the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg (see below).
“We don’t know if Davit will be called up again after the end of his sentence on 20 August,” Pastor Mikhail Shubin told Forum 18. “We asked, but have had no answer” (see below).
The government’s Alternative Service Commission refuses to grant alternative civilian service to conscientious objectors who are not Jehovah’s Witnesses, such as Molokans and Baptists. Vardan Astsatryan of the government’s Department for Ethnic Minorities and Religious Affairs refused to explain to Forum 18 why this discrimination exists (see below).
In January 2026, the Alternative Service Commission rejected the application from a young man (who is also not a Jehovah’s Witness) who is unable to perform military service on grounds of conscience. The young man reluctantly accepted service in the military without weapons and without swearing the military oath. His service is to last 30 months rather than the 18 months of military service. “He wanted not to be in the army at all,” a person close to him told Forum 18. “Others also want alternative civilian service, but in practice officials don’t offer it” (see below).
The office of the Human Rights Defender Anahit Manasyan did not respond to Forum 18’s questions about what she and her office might have done to protect the rights of those who cannot serve in the military on grounds of conscience (see below).
Jailing conscientious objectors to military service and not respecting their right to a genuinely civilian alternative service violates Armenia’s legally-binding international human rights obligations (see below).
Human rights defender Isabella Sargsyan of the Eurasia Partnership Foundation calls for reforms to the Alternative Service Commission. “I would like to see a different type of Commission to discuss these issues, not an inter-governmental body, but a more professional body,” she told Form 18. “The Commission should be more transparent over how decisions are taken, because we couldn’t find much information about who was granted this alternative civilian service and who not” (see below).
In 2026 the length of military service was reduced from 24 months to 18 months. The length of alternative military service (30 months) and alternative civilian service (36 months) have not been reduced, despite Armenia’s international human rights obligation to ensure that such service is not punitive in length (see below).
“We are aware that that individual lawyers have directed inquiries to the relevant authorities, including the Defence Ministry, the Justice Ministry, and Parliament’s Standing Committee on Protection of Human Rights and Public Affairs,” Jehovah’s Witnesses told Forum 18 from Yerevan. “However, no official response or indication of any adjustment to the duration of alternative civilian service has been received to date” (see below).
Mikhailov: First conviction for conscientious objection overturned
Conscientious objector Ivan Nikolai Mikhailov (born 28 July 1998), a Molokan from the north-eastern town of Dilijan, was refused alternative civilian service. The rejection order, signed by the Justice Minister on 15 August 2018, notes that “the applicant failed to justify that his duty to perform mandatory military service is in serious and weighty conflict with his conscience or with his deep and genuine religious faith or other beliefs”.
Prosecutors then brought a criminal case against Mikhailov for evasion of military service. Tavush Regional Court handed him a two-year jail term on 11 November 2019. On 11 February 2021, the Criminal Court of Appeal rejected Mikhailov’s first appeal.
However, on 5 April 2023, the Cassation Court overturned the conviction (meaning that Mikhailov was never sent to prison as the sentence never came into force). It sent his case back to Tavush Regional Court for a new trial. On 6 October 2023, a Judge closed the criminal case because of the statute of limitations. The Judge finally removed the restrictions on Mikhailov’s movements.
Mikhailov: Second case for conscientious objection to military service
In 2025, Tavush Garrison Military Prosecutor’s Office brought a new case against Mikhailov under Criminal Code Article 461, Part 1 (“Avoidance of mandatory military or alternative service or conscription”). It accused him of failing to appear for the 2024 winter call-up. Mikhailov was once again placed under a travel ban.
On 25 July 2025, Tavush Garrison Military Prosecutor’s Office sent the new criminal case against Mikhailov to Tavush Region First Instance Court, according to court records. The case was assigned to Judge Narek Badalyan. Public prosecutor Vahagn Vardanyan led the prosecution case, while lawyer Rafik Melkonyan defended Mikhailov.
Officials did not answer the phone at Tavush Garrison Military Prosecutor’s Office each time Forum 18 called on 21 and 22 May 2026.
The Court held a preliminary hearing in Mikhailov’s case on 11 August 2025. However, the hearing was postponed as the parties to the case failed to appear. The hearing was rescheduled for 8 September 2025 but did not take place as the Judge was taking part in a training course. The Judge was also not available for the next scheduled hearing on 11 November 2025.
The 8 December 2025 hearing did not take place at the request of the Prosecutor. The 19 January 2026 hearing was postponed at the request both of the Prosecutor and the defence lawyer. Judge Badalyan was unable to attend the 6 March 2026 hearing and it did not take place. The 13 May hearing was postponed as defence lawyer M. Manukyan was unable to attend.
The next hearing has now been set for 17 July, nearly a year after the case first reached the court. Mikhailov has remained under a travel ban since the case against him was launched.
Nazaretyan: “Jesus Christ teaches us not to kill”
Davit Tigrani Nazaretyan (born 23 July 2003) lives in the capital Yerevan and is a member of a Council of Churches Baptist congregation in Arinj, a town next to Yerevan. The congregation – which chooses not to seek state registration – is led by Pastor Mikhail Shubin.
“I am a Christian and I read the Bible,” Nazaretyan told Forum 18 from Yerevan in November 2023. “Jesus Christ teaches us not to kill and he followed this also. We have to love one another, even our enemies, and not kill people.” He added that Jesus Christ also instructed his followers not to swear oaths. “If I was given alternative civilian service now, I would do it.”
The Alternative Service Commission rejected Nazaretyan’s application in January 2023. Vardan Astsatryan of the government’s Department for Ethnic Minorities and Religious Affairs, who is part of the Alternative Service Commission, claimed to Forum 18 in February 2024 that the Commission rejected Nazaretyan’s application as it had not been convinced by his case. “Why couldn’t he present his views convincingly?”
Forum 18 told Astsatryan that in November 2023, Nazaretyan had clearly and logically explained his conscientious reasons why he could not serve in the military and his readiness to perform alternative civilian service. Yet Astsatryan claimed again that Nazaretyan had not been able to explain this to the Commission.
On 25 October 2023, Yerevan’s Kentron District Court handed the then 20-year-old a two-year jail term under Criminal Code Article 461, Part 1 (“Avoidance of mandatory military or alternative service or conscription”).
On 7 February 2024, a panel of three judges at Yerevan’s Criminal Court of Appeal rejected Nazaretyan’s first appeal.
On 10 July 2024, without a hearing, the Cassation Court rejected Nazaretyan’s final appeal against his two-year jail term. He received the Cassation Court’s rejection of his appeal on 16 July 2024, one week before his 21st birthday. “I am very disappointed by this decision,” human rights defender Isabella Sargsyan of the Eurasia Partnership Foundation told Forum 18 after his final appeal was rejected.
Nazaretyan: Two-year jail term to end in August 2026
Police arrived on the morning of 20 August 2024 at the home in Yerevan of Baptist conscientious objector Davit Nazaretyan. They arrested him and took him initially to Nubarashen prison in southern Yerevan to begin his two-year jail term, a month after the Cassation Court rejected his final appeal. He was able to take his Bible with him, Pastor Shubin said.
“Unfortunately we knew this would happen,” Vardan Astsatryan of the government’s Department for Ethnic Minorities and Religious Affairs told Forum 18 in August 2024. “The law gives two possibilities – go to the army or, unfortunately, jail.” (The law also gives the possibility of alternative civilian service, which Nazaretyan applied for unsuccessfully.)
Astsatryan is a member of the government’s Alternative Service Commission which rejected Nazaretyan’s alternative service application.
“We offered him alternative service within the army without weapons,” Astsatryan insisted. “Had I found that his conscience was hurt through this [serving in the military], I would have helped him. But I didn’t see it. The six members of the Commission didn’t see it. We asked him many questions and gave him the chance to answer.”
In early September 2024, prison authorities transferred Nazaretyan to Sevan open prison, where conditions are better than in Nubarashen prison. On arrival at Sevan prison, he was placed in quarantine for two weeks.
Nazaretyan’s prison address:
Armenia
Kotayk marz
2302, Hrazdan
Sevan Road
Prison
Officials refused Nazaretyan amnesty in August 2025 after he had served half his sentence.
“We don’t know if Davit will be called up again after the end of his sentence on 20 August,” Pastor Shubin told Forum 18 on 19 May 2026. “We asked, but have had no answer.”
Nazaretyan: Appeal to European Court of Human Rights
Anna Maralyan of Rights Centre, an Armenian non-governmental organisation, brought a case on Davit Nazaretyan’s behalf to the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) in Strasbourg. The Court registered the case (Application No. 36510/24) on 7 November 2024.
“It will not make much change to Davit’s case because the Strasbourg court’s decisions are released quite late, but it might be a precedent,” the Eurasia Partnership Foundation told Forum 18 in August 2024, as the application to the ECtHR was bring prepared.
The Court has issued many rulings in favour of individuals – including from Armenia – who were denied the right not to serve in the armed forces on grounds of conscience (see below).
“The case has been registered, but not communicated yet,” Maralyan told Forum 18 from Strasbourg on 21 May 2026.
Other conscientious objectors
Davit Nazaretyan and Ivan Mikhailov are the only conscientious objectors known to be currently jailed or facing jail under Criminal Code Article 461, Part 1 (“Avoidance of mandatory military or alternative service or conscription”).
At least two Molokans (including Mikhailov) have faced criminal prosecution in recent years for refusing to serve in the armed forces on grounds of conscience.
The last known previously-convicted conscientious objector, Maksim Mikhaili Telegin (born 15 November 1998), a Molokan from Yerevan who had been refused alternative civilian service in 2016, was jailed for one year at Yerevan City Court on 23 March 2021. He was taken into custody to begin his prison term on 10 May 2021, but was freed early from his jail term in August 2021 after an amnesty reduced his prison term by nine months.
Does Human Rights Defender defend human rights?
Officials at the office of the Human Rights Defender Anahit Manasyan told Forum 18 in July 2024 that it could not speak to her directly, citing “procedural rules”.
On 21 May 2026, Forum 18 wrote to the office of Human Rights Defender Manasyan, pointing to the cases of conscientious objectors Davit Nazaretyan and Ivan Mikhailov and the conscientious objector refused alternative civilian service in January 2026. Forum 18 asked:
– What she and her office have done to defend the right not to serve in the armed forces on grounds of conscience in accordance with the law;
– What she has done and is doing now to protect conscientious objectors from punishment for trying to exercise this right.
Forum 18 also asked Manasyan’s office what are the “daily activities” to protect the right not to serve in the armed forces on grounds of conscience it wrote to Forum 18 about in February 2024.
Forum 18 had received no response from the Human Rights Defender’s office by the end of the working day in Yerevan of 22 May 2026.
The Human Rights Defender’s office had claimed to Forum 18 in February 2024 that it conducts “daily activities” to find solutions to “issues related to alternative service”.
In its reply, the Human Rights Defender’s office did not specify what the claimed “daily activities” were. “The Human Rights Defender conducts discussions and cooperates with the competent state authorities related to the issues of alternative military service,” her office told Forum 18. “Regarding written or oral applications addressed to the Defender, appropriate actions are carried out within the scope of the Defender’s powers, which are summarised in the Annual Report or other reports of the Human Rights Defender.”
Asked what action (if any) Human Rights Defender Manasyan would take to defend the rights of conscientious objector Davit Nazaretyan after the Cassation Court rejected his final appeal against his two-year jail term, her office noted that no one had appealed to her over Nazaretyan’s case. Her office claimed it had conducted research into his case, and found that he had been sentenced to a jail term and banned from leaving the country while appeals were pending. Her office did not appear to know that the Cassation Court had already rejected his final appeal.
The Human Rights Defender’s office also did not explain what, if any, action it is taking to end Armenia’s repeated violations of its legally-binding international human rights obligations by jailing conscientious objectors to military service and not respecting their right to a genuinely civilian alternative service.
The Human Rights Defender’s office also insisted that Manasyan “refers to the above-mentioned issues from systemic perspective, outlines the importance of the proper realisation of the right to freedom of thought, conscience, and religion”. It claimed that she is “also conducting analysis of the mentioned issues”.
International standards
The United Nations (UN) Human Rights Committee has stated in its General Comment 22 that conscientious objection to military service comes under International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) Article 18 (“Freedom of thought, conscience and religion”). General Comment 22 notes that if a religion or belief is official or followed by a majority of the population this “shall not result in any impairment of the enjoyment of any of the rights under the Covenant .. nor in any discrimination against adherents to other religions or non-believers.”
In relation to conscientious objection to military service, General Comment 22 also states among other things: “there shall be no differentiation among conscientious objectors on the basis of the nature of their particular beliefs; likewise, there shall be no discrimination against conscientious objectors because they have failed to perform military service.”
This has been reinforced by the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) recognising “the right of everyone to have conscientious objection to military service as a legitimate exercise of the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion”. The OHCHR has also noted in its Conscientious Objection to Military Service guidethat ICCPR Article 18 is “a non-derogable right .. even during times of a public emergency threatening the life of the nation”.
In 2022 the UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention stated (WGAD-HRC50) that “the right to conscientious objection to military service is part of the absolutely protected right to hold a belief under article 18 (1) of the Covenant, which cannot be restricted by States”. The Working Group also stated: “States should refrain from imprisoning individuals solely on the basis of their conscientious objection to military service, and should release those that have been so imprisoned.”
Various judgments (including against Armenia) of the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) in Strasbourg have also defined states’ obligations to respect and implement the right to conscientious objection to military service, as part of the right to freedom of religion or belief.
Military service, alternative civilian service
All Armenian men between the ages of 18 and 27 are subject to military conscription. Call-ups take place twice a year, and deferments of service are available in strictly limited circumstances. Military service was generally of 24 months. Parliament approved an amendment to the Military Service Law on 16 December 2025, reducing the service term for future conscripts from 1 January 2026 to 18 months. President Vahagn Khachaturyan signed this into law on 19 December 2025.
Those subject to conscription who object to military service with weapons can legally apply for either:
– alternative military service in the armed forces without weapons, having sworn the military oath. This lasts for 30 months;
– or for alternative civilian service, which is not within or controlled by the armed forces and does not involve swearing the military oath. This lasts for 36 months.
Conscientious objectors who are refused alternative civilian service and who refuse to do alternative military service can be prosecuted under Criminal Code Article 461, Part 1 (“Avoidance of mandatory military or alternative service or conscription”). This carries a jail term of two to five years.
For many years, Armenia jailed everyone unable to perform military service on grounds of conscience, despite a commitment to the Council of Europe to introduce a civilian alternative to military service by January 2004. In May 2013, amendments to the 2003 Alternative Service Law and to the 2003 Law on Implementing the Criminal Code were passed, and a fully civilian alternative service was created. By November 2013, the authorities had freed all the then-jailed conscientious objectors. All were Jehovah’s Witnesses.
Alternative Service Commission
Young men’s applications to be allowed to do alternative civilian service are considered by the Alternative Service Commission. This is a state body chaired by a Deputy Minister of Territorial Administration and Infrastructure (currently Avetik Darbinyan), and made up of deputy ministers from five other ministries, as well as Vardan Astsatryan of the government’s Department for Ethnic Minorities and Religious Affairs.
The Alternative Service Commission meets twice a year, typically considering the cases of about 20 applicants at each six-monthly session. Applicants can be accompanied by a lawyer. The Commission appears to seek information on applicants before the sessions, including by looking at their social media accounts.
After each session, the Commission issues decisions, listing which applicants have been accepted and which rejected. The Justice Ministry published such decisions on its website in 2018 and 2019. Later decisions do not appear to be public.
Jehovah’s Witnesses told Forum 18 in February 2024 that their young men do not have problems opting for alternative civilian service. Since 2013, hundreds of their young men have undertaken alternative civilian service.
However, applications for alternative civilian service from conscientious objectors who are followers of other beliefs are only rarely accepted. Molokans, for example, are a traditionally pacifist Christian religious community which emerged in the 18th century. Like Jehovah’s Witness young men before 2013, Molokan young men were also jailed before Alternative Civilian Service was introduced.
As noted above, Molokan and Baptist conscientious objectors to military service still – against Armenia’s legally-binding international human rights obligations – risk being jailed for their beliefs.
A typical rejection order signed by the Justice Minister (for example in the case of Molokan conscientious objector Ivan Mikhailov in August 2018 – see above) notes that “the applicant failed to justify that his duty to perform mandatory military service is in serious and weighty conflict with his conscience or with his deep and genuine religious faith or other beliefs”.
“The Commission does not give alternative service to Molokans,” a member of the Molokan community told Forum 18 from Yerevan in July 2024. “The last Molokan to be granted alternative service was in about 2015.”
“All are equal before the law”?
The Alternative Service Commission held sessions in January 2026 to consider applications from young men for alternative civilian service. Vardan Astsatryan of the government’s Department for Ethnic Minorities and Religious Affairs insists that “all can be assigned alternative service if they can confirm what their beliefs are – they just need to present their views”.
Astsatryan refused to say why no applicants other than Jehovah’s Witnesses appear to be able to undertake alternative civilian service. “All are equal before the law,” he claimed to Forum 18 on 21 May.
From January to May 2026, 11 young Jehovah’s Witnesses applied to the Alternative Service Commission. “They are currently successfully serving in alternative civilian service,” Jehovah’s Witnesses told Forum 18 from Yerevan on 22 May.
However, Astsatryan refused to say how many applicants the Commission considered in January 2026. “One person was refused, if I remember rightly,” he told Forum 18. He refused to give any further details.
Forum 18 asked the Territorial Administration and Infrastructure Ministry in writing on 21 May:
– How many young men applied to the Commission to its hearings held in 2026;
– Of these applications, how many young men were approved to undertake alternative civilian service and how many were rejected.
Forum 18 had received no response by the end of the working day in Yerevan of 22 May 2026.
January 2026: Commission rejects alternative service application
Young men whose alternative civilian service application is rejected by the Alternative Service Commission are forced to choose between either being prosecuted and possibly jailed (like Davit Nazaretyan and Ivan Mikhailov), or doing a form of military service. Such young men are normally forced to serve in the military.
The Commission rejected the application of a young man (who is not a Jehovah’s Witness) at its sessions in January 2026. Instead of offering him alternative civilian service in line with his conscientious objections, they offered him a non-military role within the army, as a cook or a driver. They said he could serve without weapons but service would last 30 months rather than the 18 months of military service. The young man reluctantly agreed.
The army then took the young man into its ranks. He is currently serving without weapons. Instead of the military oath, to which the young man objected on grounds of conscience, the army devised a special promise for him, someone close to him told Forum 18.
“He wanted not to be in the army at all,” the person close to him told Forum 18. “Others also want alternative civilian service, but in practice officials don’t offer it.”
“A compromise not in accordance with the law”
Such service within the military without weapons and without swearing the military oath is not, under Armenia’s legally-binding international human rights obligations, an adequate way of allowing conscientious objectors to military service to exercise their right to a genuinely civilian alternative service.
“Most of our young men therefore have to serve in the military, though without weapons and without swearing the oath,” the Molokan told Forum 18 in 2024. “They don’t complain, but many would undertake alternative civilian service if they could.” The Molokan noted that allowing those who object to serving with weapons and swearing the oath to serve without either is “a compromise not in accordance with the [Armenian] law”.
The Molokan added that on some occasions, those who had applied for alternative civilian service would be found not to be medically fit for military service. “In those cases they would be given a deferment for five years. We had once such case a month ago.” Human rights defender Isabella Sargsyan described such instances to Forum 18 in 2024 as “a quick fix”.
Some applicants given second chance, others not
The Alternative Service Commission approves applications from Jehovah’s Witness young men who can explain clearly their objection to serving in the military. Some Jehovah’s Witness young men, however, are not able to make their case clearly, an individual close to the process told Forum 18 in 2024.
These Jehovah’s Witness young men then come back to the Alternative Service Commission six months later. Almost all are then able to present their case to be exempted from military service on conscientious grounds clearly and the Commission grants them alternative service.
Molokans and Baptists whose applications are rejected are not allowed to present their case to the Alternative Service Commission a second time. “The Commission issues the decision once and for all,” a Molokan told Forum 18 in 2024. “Further applications are rejected without being considered.”
“Unfortunately, nothing has really changed”
“Unfortunately, nothing has really changed” since the jailing of Davit Nazaretyan in August 2024, says human rights defender Isabella Sargsyan of the Eurasia Partnership Foundation. She has long worked on freedom of religion or belief issues, including the right not to perform military service on grounds of conscience.
Sargsyan calls for reforms to the Alternative Service Commission. “I would like to see a different type of Commission to discuss these issues, not an inter-governmental body, but a more professional body,” she told Form 18 from Yerevan on 21 May 2026.
“The Commission should be more transparent over how decisions are taken, because we couldn’t find much information about who was granted this alternative civilian service and who not,” Sargsyan added. “There should be a better discussion around the decision-making procedures, how the Commission is composed, and how those decisions are made.”
No reduction in alternative civilian service length
Following the reduction from 1 January 2026 of the length of military service from 24 months to 18 months (see above), no moves appear to have yet been enacted to reduce the length either of military service without weapons (30 months) or alternative civilian service (36 months).
International human rights commitments require alternative service not to be “punitive” in length compared to military service. “Its duration shall, in comparison to that of military service, remain within reasonable limits,” the Council of Europe’s Committee of Ministers declared in April 1987.
“We are aware that individual lawyers have directed inquiries to the relevant authorities, including the Defence Ministry, the Justice Ministry, and Parliament’s Standing Committee on Protection of Human Rights and Public Affairs,” Jehovah’s Witnesses told Forum 18 from Yerevan on 22 May. “However, no official response or indication of any adjustment to the duration of alternative civilian service has been received to date.”
On the afternoon of 22 May, Forum 18 asked Rustam Bakoyan, Acting Chair of Parliament’s Standing Committee on Protection of Human Rights and Public Affairs, whether there are plans to reduce the length of alternative military service and alternative civilian service following the reduction in the length of military service. Forum 18 had received no response by the end of the working day in Yerevan.
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