Soft ladies, keep quiet, leave our boys alone. mother of the victim, KP-a

August 8, 2026

Naira Margaryan, the mother of the fallen soldier, writes:

«I appeal to you, Taguhi Ghazaryan

And you are talking about sensitivity and feelings.

You say you haven’t heard from your father for ten days. It is undoubtedly a difficult test, and no one has the right to belittle it. If you felt 10 days, experienced that pain, feelings, I experienced exactly 9 months. You entered the morgue for 10 days, I for 9 months.

Thank God you found your father alive, but I found the dishonored, decayed relics of my grandfather.

So keep quiet, keep quiet, stop talking about war and pain and feelings.

Be quiet, please. There are mothers who have been looking for their 18-20-year-old sons for six years. Boys who had not yet managed to live, form a family, enter life. They stood up for the defense of the motherland, fought, died, disappeared and were injured for the sake of Artsakh.

And then as soon as your government refused Artsakh, recognized it as part of Azerbaijan, months later the representatives of the same government started asking questions. “And when was Artsakh part of Armenia?” “Why was Artsakh a part of Armenia?”

If Artsakh was not ours, then tell me, what did your father and brother do in Artsakh during the war? What were they fighting for? Who were they fighting against? Why were they risking their lives?

Before the war, you were declaring with all your might. “Artsakh is Armenia, and that’s it.” Then what changed?

What changed in relation to the blood shed by those boys, their sacrifice and the loss of thousands of families?

After the war, we heard statements that the same result could have been achieved without so many victims.

Those words became the second tragedy for thousands of parents.

Even today, many families see with pain how the pictures of the heroes are removed, the memorial corners are removed, and the memories related to Artsakh are erased. It opens their unhealed wounds again and again.

Therefore, before talking about the sensitivity of people, remember those parents who have been living with the pain of losing or waiting for their children every day for six years.

Before the war, you were declaring with all your might. “Artsakh is Armenia, and that’s it.” Then what changed?

SOFT LADY SHUT UP!
SPEAK ABOUT YOURSELF WHAT YOU DID FOR ARTSAKH. YOUR AUTHORITY HAS PUT ARTSAKH ON A STAGE AND RUINED AZERBAIJAN. YOUR AUTHORITY BETRAYED THE BOYS FROM BEHIND.

Therefore, keep quiet. Do not manipulate the name of the heroes and their memory. Leave our boys alone. They gave their lives for the motherland, and their memory should be respected, not used in political words.”

Naira Margaryan wrote earlier. “All day I can’t get out of my head the heartbreaking cry of that soft lady Azh um…

Searching for my father in morgues for 10 days, living the most terrible waiting every day, and then finding him alive is really a terrible pain. And no one has the right to diminish that pain.

But remember one more thing, lady.

There are mothers who did not look for their sons for 10 days…

They searched for months. They have been waiting for years.

And they were not even given a chance to kiss their son’s forehead for the last time.

Their sons were brought in closed coffins wrapped in tricolor.

And the mothers didn’t even know who they were burying for the last time.

And today, six years later, there are still parents waiting for their sons to return. Six years. Not six hours, not six minutes.

SIX YEARS.

For six years, mothers have the same question in their hearts: “Where is my son?”

And you want to talk about pain?

Speak, but first remember those mothers whose pain no one could end. To those mothers who didn’t even have the right to kiss their sons’ cold foreheads.

Don’t put people’s grief into competition. And what’s more, don’t use our boys’ names for your words.

Respect the memory of the victims.

Respect the waiting of the parents of the missing.

Respect those mothers whose hearts are still open after six years.

Leave the boys alone.

Instead of manipulating their memory, at least shut up for once.”




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The only expectation from the NA opposition is a change of power

August 8, 2026

The first impression of the parliament of the 9th convocation: déjà vu.

In many issues, we see the same as in the last five years, during the sessions of the National Assembly of the 8th convocation.

Especially, the absolute majority of CP members reproduced the same, with their brazen and impudent behavior.

Empty rhetoric, zero value system, political thinking and culture are the same, or rather, their absence.

Read also

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Details in the video




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Support is a combat issue. Putin’s important reform and Yerevan

August 8, 2026

A few days ago, the President of the Russian Federation, Vladimir Putin, took a picture rearrangements has done in the country’s defense department, focusing on combat generals and officers.

In addition, the head of Russia made a very important decision in the conditions of modern wars based on the proposal of the country’s defense minister Andrey Belausov, which was ignored even by experts.

We are talking about concentrating all the rear services “in one hand”, which means that the officer appointed in that direction will be responsible for the logistics of the troops, organization of military transport, supply of fuel, food and equipment, maintenance of material reserves, medical support and other rear functions.

“As you know, we continue to improve the structure of the Ministry of Defense in connection with the experience of a special military operation and the needs of the army.

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Most recently, you are aware, a decision was made to concentrate everything related to armaments in one hand; these are the functions of both the ordering and supplying bodies. That work in the Ministry of Defense, as Deputy Minister of Defense, is headed by Sanchik Aleksandr Semyonovich, who until recently was one of the commanders of one of the groups and was a successful commander.

And now, at the suggestion of the Minister of Defense, a decision has been made to concentrate all rear services in one hand. I want to draw attention to the fact that in modern conditions this is also a completely combat work. A decision was made by me to the post of Deputy Minister of Defense in this direction has been appointed Valery Nikolayevich Solodchuk.

Valery Nikolayevich, you are also a combat officer who has shown himself well as a commander who competently managed the troops,” Putin said at the meeting with the leadership of the Ministry of Defense of the Russian Federation.:

This decision of the military-political leadership of Russia is important, because in the conditions of modern military operations, the rear has become the front line, in fact, and the target is logistics, road, infrastructure, and if there is a problem of reaching the position, it becomes more and more difficult.

Accordingly, based on the experience of special military operations, Putin decided to radically revise the role of the logistical support system, by which the rear services were effectively integrated into combat planning, and the failure of supply was equated with the failure of the combat mission.

Isn’t it clear that when rear support is considered a combat task, it also implies adequate armament?

Has Armenia learned lessons in this regard from the April four-day war of 2016, after the 44-day war of 2020, of course not.

These authorities did not even make serious follow-ups after the Azerbaijani incursions in 2021-2022, when Armenian roads came under the direct or visual control of the enemy.

In other words, in practice, perhaps, they did not consider rear support as a combat problem, and in 2024, in the logic of the fight against de jure corruption, the General Staff of the RA Armed Forces from subordination removed The Rear Department of the RA Armed Forces and was transferred to the RA Ministry of Defense, being renamed the Department of Rear Support of the RA Defense Ministry. At the same time, the armaments and military medical departments were transferred from the General Staff to the Ministry of Defense.

Maybe these are “minor” and “unimportant” problems for the leadership of Armenia, which is going for peace with Azerbaijan, but no one has yet canceled the difficulties of the Armenian personnel to reach positions and provide adequate supplies to the front line. Nor is the era of modern technological warfare coming to an end, including in our region, where there are problems to settle.

And finally, even striving for peace does not mean ignoring the military, military-political, military-technical and geopolitical developments taking place in the modern world or giving them favorable interpretations for one’s own political conjuncture.

—

Nikol Pashinyan is the first bearer and seed of the atmosphere of hatred and vicious morals

August 8, 2026

Today’s realities were formed as a result of the low level of governance and crisis of these authorities. We never saw that a development concept or plan was formed as a result of the analysis and consequences of the 44-day war. This government not only did not prevent the emigration of the Armenian population of Artsakh, which was defined by its own National Security Strategy, but also contributed to it. 168TVof « expressed such an opinion during the program Former RA Defense Minister Seyran Ohanyan.

“Instead of “combat-capable army,” the authorities started saying “defensive army,” in order to make the enemy understand that we are only going to defend ourselves and that we have no intention of taking an offensive action. Nikol Pashinyan says that we do not set the problem of restoring the territorial integrity of our country. He should be asked the question: Are there any actions in today’s plan for the use of the Armed Forces that should be aimed at restoring our territorial integrity? If so, those who develop and approve the implementation plan, starting with the head of the country, should leave the state management,” said the politician.

“Pashinyan says that peace is the guarantee of our security, while peace is a fundamental value. If the head of the country says that peace is a guarantee, how do you talk to that person? The state is capable of defense, and the army must be capable of fighting. These authorities say that they are creating an army from scratch, while the Armenian army was formed in 1992.

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They deny the path taken by the army, as well as our entire history, in the terminology of “real Armenia”. The Armenian army was formed from scratch, but the head of this government has nothing to do with that, he only has to do with bringing the army to zero,” said Ohanyan.

According to the opposition figure, Pashinyan continues the style of his activity that everyone is to blame for the 44-day war, the failure of diplomacy, illegal border demarcation and demarcation, except him.

“The head of this government is the first bearer of intolerance, atmosphere of hatred, inhuman treatment.

He himself is the cause of the formation of vicious phenomena. Today, the Turkish-Azerbaijani tandem is being strengthened, and after the 44-day war, sensing the defeatist and capricious policy of our authorities, it is increasing its pressure. Their goal is the complete elimination of the Republic of Armenia from our region.”

“The acquisition of modern weapons and military equipment has turned them into propaganda. New artillery systems are shown at the parade, but the volley in memory of the fallen is carried out by D-30 systems. If the new systems have been appropriated, let them show those systems as well.

The head of the General Staff has turned into a sergeant who reports to the Minister of Defense to open new facilities,” Seyran Ohanyan said.

Details in the video




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The fall of the water level of the Caspian Lake. its ecological and regional impact

August 8, 2026

The water level in the Caspian Lake is currently below the lowest level on record, and according to the Baltic High System, the average is less than 29 meters. The mentioned data was published by the Volga-Caspian Branch of the Caspian Fisheries Research Institute (КаспНИРХ) [14] [21].

The study uses the terminology pair “Caspian Lake/Caspian Sea” according to its physico-geographical characteristics as the world’s largest closed endorheic reservoir. From a legal point of view, according to the Convention on the Legal Status of the Caspian Sea (2018), the term “sea” is used, but from a hydrological and water balance point of view, “lake” is correct. When discussing hydrological processes in this article, preference is given to the term “lake” and the term “sea” in the context of historically shaped geopolitical and transportation practices.

The results of chronological data analysis and prospective modeling show that the steady decline in the level of the Caspian Sea during the period 1990-2045 may be about 4.7 meters, and may reach about 18 meters by 2100. A steady decline in the level of the Caspian Sea may occur until 2100. This trend indicates the formation of a deep hydrogeodynamic and environmental crisis, which is already beginning to significantly affect the economic structure of the region, the stability of ecosystems and geopolitical processes.

If the current pace of development of events is maintained, the realization of the so-called “Aral scenario” for the Caspian Sea is becoming more and more probable. According to the available forecasts, in the medium and long term, existing transport links and coastal infrastructure may lose their functional efficiency.  Such a development of events can radically change the economic, ecological and geopolitical balance not only of the Caspian Basin, but also of the entire Caucasus region. [21]:

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The comparative analysis of the “Aral scenario” in relation to the Caspian Sea requires caution. In contrast to the Aral Sea, where the main reason for drying was the almost complete cessation of river flow for irrigation [36], in the case of the Caspian Sea, climate change (increased evaporation) and anthropogenic losses play a dominant role. However, the hydrodynamic similarity (both bodies of water are endorheic, shallow in the northern part) makes the “Aral scenario” a heuristically useful but not a literal analogy.

Introduction:

The relevance of the study is due to the continuous unprecedented fall in the level of the Caspian Lake, which poses threats not only to ecosystems, but also to the economic and transport infrastructure of the Caspian basin states.: Despite the existence of separate hydrological and environmental publications, comprehensive interdisciplinary studies combining hydrodynamic analysis with geopolitical and geoeconomic forecasting remain limited.

The object of the study is the hydrological regime and the modern dynamics of the water level in the Caspian Lake as a factor of regional changes.

The subject of the research is the ecological, economic and geopolitical consequences of the water level decline for the countries of the Caspian basin and neighboring states (including Armenia).

Study the aim is to identify and coordinate the main consequences of a steady decline in the level of the Caspian Lake, as well as to assess the possible transformation of regional transport corridors and geopolitical balance.

Research objectives․To analyze the modern dynamics of the water level and the quantitative parameters of the water balance of the Caspian Lake.

Assess the contribution of natural and anthropogenic factors (including oil extraction) to the recycling process.

Consider scenario forecasts (“optimistic”, “negative”, “Aral”) and their possible ecological consequences.

Determine the impact of lowering water levels on shipping, port infrastructure and the Trans-Caspian International Transport Corridor (Middle Corridor).

To analyze the indirect consequences for countries without direct access to the Caspian Sea (for example, Armenia) in the context of CSTO and EAEU membership.

The methodological basis of the research. The study was carried out within the framework of an interdisciplinary approach, which combines the methods of hydrological analysis (water balance calculation, hydrometeorological services data processing), scenario forecasting (on the basis of three scenarios developed by KMG Kashagan B.V.), geo-economic analysis (assessing cargo flows and transit potential) and political-geographical description.

The application of the water balance formula is of a computational-illustrative nature, based on the data of open sources and official reports (World Bank, UNEP, КаспНИРХ, Kazhydromet, Azerkosmos). The limitations of the method are related to the lack of complete open-access data on underground inflow, man-made water losses during oil extraction, and water intake, which is reflected in the relevant assumptions of the calculation.

Environmental factor. Since 2006, the water level of the Caspian Lake has shown a steady decreasing trend, reaching critical indicators in 2025. The State Oil Company of Azerbaijan (SOCAR) has already alerted about this situation, noting that the drop in sea level has a negative impact on the normal operation of the company’s production platforms. [5]:

The mentioned circumstance most likely conditions the projects implemented by SOCAR together with the TotalEnergies company, which envisages the drilling of super-deep wells for the purpose of assimilation of new hydrocarbon reserves, despite the existing serious environmental and hydrological problems of the Caspian Sea [6].

At the same time, the international analytical agency Fitch Solutions questioned the possibility of exporting 20 billion cubic meters of natural gas from Azerbaijan to Europe per year until 2027. This circumstance also indicates the poor ecological, hydrological and resource situation of the Caspian Sea. [7][8][9].

According to a special report by the World Bank՝ The water level in the Caspian Sea is currently in a critical state and continues to decrease, leading to aggravating problems with the operation of infrastructure, navigation and the efficient operation of ships in ports.: The report specifically emphasizes that a number of courts are no longer able to fully utilize their technical capabilities, which turns this phenomenon into an important geopolitical factor [11].

Caspian Lake is the world’s largest closed endorheic basin (which has no flow to the ocean). Its hydrological regime is mainly determined by river inflow, atmospheric precipitation, evaporation, as well as anthropogenic “hidden” water losses related to technological water use in the process of oil extraction.

The formula of the water balance (hydrological regime) of the basin can be presented in the following form:

ΔV = (Qrivers P Gunderground) – (E Woil Way)

որտեղ՝

ΔV – the change in water volume (related to the change in level);

Rivers – river inflow.

P – atmospheric precipitation (atmospheric inflow).

Gunderground – underground inflow (if considered).

E – evaporation.

Oil – technological water use during oil extraction (seawater injection into wells).

Other – other anthropogenic losses of water (water, technical use, etc.).

On the hydrological regime of the reservoir, bApart from natural factors, the oil and gas industry is also affected: The oil extraction process uses the water injection method (water injection), which is used to maintain reservoir pressure in oil wells and increase extraction efficiency [23] [24] [25].

As part of this process, seawater is taken from the water body and injected into wells, as a result of which it effectively ceases to participate in the natural water cycle of the Caspian Lake and is considered an anthropogenic loss of water resources [23] [24] [25] .

According to estimates, in the case of daily oil production of 1.1-1.3 million barrels in the Caspian Sea, the volume of water injection reaches about 200,000 tons, which leads to anthropogenic “hidden” loss of about 1.4 million tons of water in a week [26] [27] [31]. This process has a significant impact on the water balance of the basin [26] [31].

A nearly 1°C rise in sea surface temperatures over the past 15 years has led to increased evaporation and disrupted biological processes. Reduced water volume and increased salinity have negatively affected phytoplankton life and reproduction, which in turn has led to a decline in fish stocks.:[35] The average rate of evaporation from the sea surface is approximately 1,000–1,400 mm per year (i.e., approximately 1.0–1.4 m of water per year), which is equivalent to approximately 371 km³ of water per year.[29][30] However, this figure is somewhat offset by precipitation.

The main source of water supply to the Caspian Sea is the Volga River. Volga, Terek, Sulak and Samur rivers flow into the lake from the territory of Russia. The annual flow of the Volga River accounts for about 80% of the total surface tributary to the Caspian Lake [22].

According to scientific reviews, the total annual inflow of river water flowing into the lake is formed by more than 130 rivers, the total annual flow of which is about 300 cubic kilometers of water. This indicator reflects the total amount of net river inflow.

The annual amount of atmospheric precipitation on the surface of the sea is usually estimated at about 200 mm per year. If we consider the surface of the Caspian Sea equal to about 371,000 km², the volume of atmospheric inflow can be expressed as follows:

P ≈ 0.2 m × 371 000 km² ≈ 74 km³/year.

By combining the above information about total water losses from the sea, the following water balance equation can be formulated:

ΔV = (Qr P) – (E Woil)

ΔV = (300 77) – (371 328.5) = -322.5 km³/year

Thus, the annual water loss is approximately 320 km³.

The presented calculation does not take into account the Wproch component, which includes water withdrawals from the Caspian Sea, technical water use, water withdrawals for industrial purposes and other anthropogenic losses. Although this factor may represent a significant volume, it was not included in the balance formula because there are no available and comparable concrete quantitative estimates in open sources or official publications.

Major sea surface drivers include climate change, which leads to changes in precipitation patterns and increases in temperature. The anthropogenic factor is also of significant importance: the intensification of water use, oil extraction and other types of water use, as well as the significant increase in evaporation from the sea surface under the conditions of rising temperatures.

In addition, Held on November 26, 2024 in the city of Atyrau (Kazakhstan). «Caspian Technical Conference» according to the scores presented in the panel session՝ in the case of the most unfavorable scenario of water level change, the Caspian Lake may be divided into two separate basins.  Such a development of events will have profound ecological, economic and geopolitical consequences for the entire region [1] [2].

Agreed «KMG Kashagan B. V.» according to the results of research carried out by the company, the dynamics of the Caspian Sea level change can develop in three main scenarios [3][4].

Unfavorable (negative) scenario– Within the framework of this scenario, the tendency of the water level in the Caspian Lake to decrease will continue. Currently, the average level has already reached the minus 29.8 m mark, which is the lowest level recorded in the last two decades. The average annual drop in level is estimated to be about 20 centimeters.

Optimistic scenario– This scenario assumes a stabilization of the water level and a possible slight increase in the long term. However, according to expert estimates, this scenario is the least likely to happen among the considered options.

Aralyang (worst) scenario– The most unfavorable and at the same time the most likely scenario assumes the division of the Caspian Sea into two separate water basins, on the analogy of the Aral Sea, which is currently represented by the North Aral (Kazakhstan) and the South Aral (Uzbekistan). If this scenario is implemented, the Caspian Lake can be divided into two main parts: Northern and M:the bottom–South.

In the case of any of the mentioned scenarios, serious environmental and geopolitical problems will inevitably arise in the Caspian region, as well as large-scale transformations that will affect the economic, energy, transportation and regional security systems.

According to expert estimates, the border between the two potential water basins may pass along the so-called “Caspian saddle”, which is a system of underwater ridges that extends between the Volga River delta (Astrakhan region) and the Prorva deposit in the Atyrau region of Kazakhstan.

This circumstance makes the North Caspian Sea relatively less vulnerable to drying processes. However, so called «Aral scenario» in case of implementation, the deformation of the coastline can become significant, as a result «Caspian saddle» can emerge from the water and become a narrow strip of land that physically separates the watershed.

One of the already visible manifestations of the mentioned processes is the situation prevailing in the Atyrau region of Kazakhstan, where a state of emergency is announced due to a sharp decrease in the water level in certain parts of the sea, as well as in the Kigach and Sharon rivers [15] [16]:

As of September 2025, measurements by the Kazhydromet service showed a continuous decline in the level of the Caspian Sea. According to confirmed data, the average sea level in the coastal regions of the country was minus 29.31 m (according to the Baltic height system). It is noteworthy that in the northeastern part it was minus 29.15 m, and in the eastern part – minus 29.46 m. ​​Compared to the same period last year, the decrease is estimated to be about 17-20 centimeters [14]. The long-term trend is even more pronounced.

According to the analysis of the Russian State Oceanographic Institute and “Kazhydromet” service, in the 18-year period of 2006-2024, the surface of the Caspian Sea has decreased by 36,6 thousand square kilometers[33]. During the same period, the water level in the Kazakhstan region decreased by 2.13 m in total (from minus 27.07 m to an average of minus 29.20 m) [15]. These dynamics lead to rapid retreat of the coastline, especially in the northeastern shallow part of the sea. In separate parts of the territory of Kazakhstan, the coastline has receded to 30-35 kilometers [15][16].

According to the assessment of the Azerbaijani space agency (“Azercosmos”), during the last 20-25 years, in the northern part of the sea, where the depth does not exceed 5 meters, the reduction of the water area took place over a distance of more than 70 kilometers [34]. This process directly threatens ecosystems, fish resources, shipping and coastal infrastructure, which requires coordinated and immediate cooperation among all countries of the Caspian Basin.

The lowering of the level of the Caspian Sea is most pronounced in the Kazakh part, but has serious consequences for all states of the region. According to the actual data, the process of shallowing is already causing significant economic consequences, including the complexity of the operation of the oil extraction infrastructure, the deterioration of shipping conditions, and the increased need for regular dredging and cleaning of port facilities.

In terms of lowering the sea level in the coastal zone of Azerbaijan, the area of ​​Kyzylagaj Bay is the most vulnerable, where the area of ​​dry areas already exceeds 700 square kilometers.

«Azercosmos» according to the monitoring data of the space agency, if this trend is maintained, the ecosystems and geographical landscapes of the coastal regions will be under threat, in particular, the islands of Gum and Piralahi, whose possible connection with the mainland (the formation of a peninsula) is considered a real risk.

In February 2025, within the framework of the third economic conference of the Caspian region in Tehran, key attention was paid to the prospects for the development of regional transport links. In particular, the Trans-Caspian international transport corridor was discussed. «North-South» international transport corridor as well «Caspian Lake-Persian Gulf» the transport route [12].

The issue of sustainable lowering of the water level in the Caspian Lake and the related environmental and economic challenges occupied a central place in the agenda of the conference. In his speech, the Prime Minister of Azerbaijan emphasized the seriousness of the problem and the need to form a unified interstate approach to preserve the ecosystem and solve the problem [13]. M:the concerns are also confirmed by the statistical data of Azerbaijan. According to the statement of the head of the State Water Resources Agency, over the past 45 years, fresh water reserves in the country have decreased by about 25 percent, which is partly due to the drop of the Caspian Sea level by about two meters.

Geopolitical and economic dynamics. The convergence of the Caspian Sea in the medium and long term may lead to a significant weakening or termination of regular sea connections and the existing coastal border zones of the Caspian countries. The Caspian Lake is a closed reservoir, and its sea communications are only functional if there is sufficient depth, navigable roads, a stable coastline and technical access to ports.

Caspian countries that lose de facto “sea borders” in the sense of maritime connectivity;

 Kazakhstan-Azerbaijan

The most vulnerable is the Kazakhstan-Azerbaijan connection. Kazakhstan’s Aktau/Kurik ports connect the country with Azerbaijan (Baku/Alyat). This is the main part of the Trans-Caspian International Transport Corridor (Middle Corridor). In the event of a narrowing, Kazakhstan effectively loses a quick sea outlet to Azerbaijan, and Azerbaijan loses a sea bridge with Central Asia.  As a result, the corridor becomes more dependent on Russia or Iran, which changes the balance of economic power in the region.

Turkmenistan-Azerbaijan

Turkmenbash port connects Turkmenistan with Azerbaijan. This is an important destination for cargo transportation, gas projects and logistics. During the blockade, Turkmenistan loses a part of the Western exit, and Azerbaijan «of the energy bridge» potential sector.

Russia-Iran

This connection is of a strategic nature. The Caspian Lake is a zone of Russian-Iranian cooperation. In case of shallowing, some routes may become difficult, especially in shallow areas, which increases the load on Russian ports. and: on shipping (in particular, in the direction of Astrakhan/Dagestan).

Iran-Azerbaijan (and Turkmenistan)

Iran controls the southern part of the Caspian Sea, which is relatively deep, but if it becomes heavy, there will be problems with sea communications with Azerbaijan, Turkmenistan, Kazakhstan and Russia.

Changing coastlines can affect the role of local ports; Iran may try to strengthen its position as «alternative land corridor»:

Economic dynamics

In the conditions of the weakening of the Caspian sea connections, the importance of the land routes of Russia, as well as the routes passing through the territory of Armenia and Iran, is increasing. This changes logistics flows and redistributes strategic advantages in the region.

Azerbaijan as «transit hub» diminishing role. Sea transportation in the structure of Azerbaijan’s foreign trade generally makes up a relatively small share (up to 5%), but if we take into account important transit cargo flows, the share of transportation through the Caspian Sea increases to 23-24%, that is, it means the key role of the sea in the transit model [32].

In monetary terms, this is approximately 6.5-6.8 billion US dollars per year. According to statistical data, the cargo turnover of Aktau and Kurik ports in 2023-2024 shows multifaceted dynamics.  At the same time, the International Caspian Transport Bureau estimates that a 1-meter drop in sea level increases dredging costs by an average of 15-20% per year. In terms of money, it can be an additional 30-40 million dollars per year for the port complex of Kazakhstan.

Weakening of the midline

The Middle Corridor connects China-Kazakhstan-Caspian-Azerbaijan-Georgia-Turkey-EU. The crossing of the Caspian Sea may result in the countries of the Caspian basin effectively losing their maritime borders and direct water connections with each other and shifting transport flows to land routes, increasing the influence of some countries and weakening the economic role of others.:

If Kazakhstan-Azerbaijan-Georgia-Turkey maritime communication weakens, the effectiveness of the system that limited Russia’s monopoly in the region will decrease. This means that Russia’s logistical and political role in the region may increase, while new opportunities open up for Armenia.

In the conditions of the problems related to the Caspian Lake, land routes through the territory of Iran become more significant. This gives Armenia the opportunity to turn its connection with Iran into a strategic logistics hub, develop the “North-South” concept and present itself as Iran. → Georgia → Black Sea land bridge. In other words, the weakening of the maritime corridor through the Caspian Sea can increase the strategic value of the route through the territory of Iran for Armenia.

In this context, in his speech at the UN General Assembly on September 25, 2025, the President of Azerbaijan, Ilham Aliyev, emphasized the following. “The Caspian Lake is rapidly shrinking, and the main reason for this is not climate change at all” [20]. This statement, regardless of its causal justification, testifies to the high political significance of the problem and the fact that the countries of the region evaluate it from different perspectives, which can complicate the development and implementation of a joint strategy for solving the problem.

Analysis of indirect consequences for Armenia (hypothetical scenario)

It should be emphasized that Armenia does not have a direct access to the Caspian Sea, so any conclusions about the impact of weighting on it are hypothetical and scenario-based, and not based on proven cause-and-effect relationships.

Hypothesis 1 (transportation)․ If lowering the level of the Caspian Lake leads to a significant reduction in the flow of cargo transportation through the middle corridor (Kazakhstan-Azerbaijan-Georgia), then part of the transit volumes can theoretically be redistributed to land routes. In this context, the Iran-Armenia-Georgia route can gain a relative advantage as a stable route to the Black Sea.

Hypothesis 2 (transit)․ With the completion of the construction of the “North-South” highway and the possible opening of regional communications (within the possible settlement of Armenian-Azerbaijani relations), the transit potential of Armenia may increase.

At the same time, it is important to consider that the process of convergence of the Caspian Sea itself, although not a direct driving force of political changes, is able to create indirect incentives for the revision of the transport logistics of the Caspian states. In particular, the countries of the Caspian Basin (especially Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan) may be pushed to diversify export channels, including, other things being equal, to more pragmatic consideration of overland alternatives.

If the economic pressure caused by the narrowing (additional costs of port infrastructure, reduced predictability of maritime transport) reaches a certain threshold, it may indirectly increase the interest of the parties in finding sustainable land corridors, including those that pass through the territory of Armenia.

It is important to emphasize that any transport initiative of Armenia (including the so-called TRIPP) stems from the need for full compliance with the obligations of the Republic of Armenia within the framework of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) and the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO).:

The charters and founding agreements of those organizations ratified by Armenia have direct binding force and define the foreign economic and foreign political context in which any regional cooperation is implemented. Thus, the Armenian transit potential is considered not as an alternative to Eurasian integration, but as a logical complement to it: a land bridge that connects EAEU countries through the territory of Armenia with Iran, then with the Persian Gulf, as well as with the Caspian Basin states.

Thus, the hydrological crisis in the Caspian Sea does not predetermine political decisions, but creates an additional economic context in which the benefits of unblocking regional communications (within Armenia’s existing alliance commitments) can be perceived as more weighty.: The degree to which this potential is realized remains largely dependent on political factors, and hydrological changes create an additional economic background, but do not act as an independent driving force.  [17][18][19].

Conclusion

The steady and accelerating decline of the water level in the Caspian Sea has ceased to be only an isolated ecological phenomenon. It has turned into a large-scale regional crisis that is inevitably reshaping the economic, transportation and geopolitical landscape of the South Caucasus and Central Asia.

Existing scenario projections (including the “Aral scenario”) indicate the possibility, but not the inevitability, of a critical transformation of the watershed, in which coastal infrastructure will lose its functionality, and key transit corridors, especially the Middle Corridor, will face serious operational difficulties.

The most significant economic and geopolitical consequence may be the weakening of the Trans-Caspian International Transport Corridor (Middle Corridor), while simultaneously increasing the relative value of overland routes through the territory of Iran and the South Caucasus. In this context, a new geometry of transit communications is needed.

The risk of disruption to sea routes, the significant increase in costs of port operations due to shoaling, and the general unpredictability of the route increase the strategic value of sustainable land transport links. Unlike unstable waterways, land routes through the territory of Armenia can ensure stable operation of transport flows.

The analysis shows that the lowering of the level of the Caspian Sea, being a factor complicating regional stability, creates new challenges, but also opportunities. Being a landlocked country, Armenia can form an active and proactive policy that will match the national security strategy and promote economic development.

DAVIT MATEVOSIAN

vpoanalytics.com

Translation by Zhanna Avetisyan

Used literature

1. Caspian annual technical conference

2. Climate Information Portal of Central Asia (Central Asia Climate information Portal)

3. “Furnishing of Kashagan mine facilities. Marine complex. Repair deepening works” project

4. KMG Kashagan B.V. (KMG Kashagan B.V.)

5. “The lowering of the level of the Caspian Sea hinders the normal operation of the company’s production platforms” 

6.  TotalEnergiesin Azerbaijan

7. Fitch SolutionsFitch Solutions Casts Doubt on Azerbaijan’s 20 bcm Gas Export Target to Europe by 2027

8. Natural Gas World

9. oilprice.com 

10. eurasianet.org 

11. World Bank “Economic North of the Caspian Sea. challenges and opportunities” (World bank “The Caspian Sea’s Shallow North. Challenges and Opportunities»)

12. Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation ministry 

13. azertag.az

14. tass.ru

15. Carnegie Endowment

16. en.tengrinews.kz

17. azertag.az

18. The Diplomat – “Receding Waters, Rising Challenges: Navigating the Caspian Sea’s Geopolitical Moment”

19. Caspian – Alpine Society – “The Caspian Sea: Economic and Geopolitical Consequences of Declining Water Levels”

20. report.az/en

21. “Climate change in the Caspian Sea region” international scientific conference materials

22. State Oceanographic Institute 

23. Popular Mechanics, March 1933 – on the invention of water injection for oil extraction article:

24. Mechanisms of biological clogging of materials in saturated soils and aquifers and ecological impact (Environmental Impact and Mechanisms of the Biological Clogging of Saturated Soils and Aquifer Materials)

25. Water injection (oil extraction)oil production))

26. Caspian offshore fields have collectively produced more than 1 million barrels per day in recent years, according to the EIA Regional Energy to hint.

27. Kashagan the mine produced ~378,500 barrels per day in 2024.

28. caspianpost.com

29. European Geological Society (European Geosciences Union)

30. United Nations Environment Program (UN environment program)

31. Open Data Center of Iran (Iran Open Data Center)

32. Cargo transportation by transport corridors in 2024 (Cargo transportation by transport corridors in 2024) st1yle=”box-sizing:border-box;margin-top:0px;margin-bottom:1rem”>33. Kosolapov A.E., Matishov G.G. Modern changes in the level of the Caspian Sea. causes and consequences // RGA bulletin. Geographical series. – 2021. – № 4. – Page 12-28.

34. Lemeshko E.M., Kasumov A.B. The transformation of the North Caspian coast under the influence of climatic and anthropogenic factors // Geography and natural resources. – 2023. – H. 44, No. 2. – Pages 56–64.

35. Ivanov V.P., Komarova N.V. Hydro-ecological problems of the Caspian basin. – Astrakhan. Publishing house of KaspNIRKH, 2020. – 312 pages.

36. Micklin P. Aral Sea disaster. lessons for Caspian // Geography, Environment, Sustainability. – 2019. – Vol. 12, no. 3. – P. 6–21

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168: The years of Taron Chakhoyan and his wife working at “Proshyan” cognac factory

August 8, 2026

Taron Chakhoyan, the former director of the “Public Relations and Information Center” of the Prime Minister’s Office, who was called the “head of the factory of official fakes” in a number of press publications, was appointed as Pashinyan’s deputy chief of staff from 2021. Today, he is already a deputy of the CP.

How did Chakhoyan close the year 2025 and with what achievements did he enter the year 2026 and reach a new position, we learn from the declaration.

Thus, in his declaration, Taron Chakhoyan mentioned one minor living together, his son, and two adults: Ani Chakhoyan, a lecturer at YSU, and Diana Karapetyan, an accountant at “Proshyan” cognac factory LLC.

As immovable property, the official declared the apartment he bought in the capital in 2009 and owned as a sole owner, and as movable property he declared the 2017 Mercedes car he bought in 2023.

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Taron Chakhoyan also informed that he has a deposit of 10 million drams and bank account balances increased by half a million drams at the end of the year, the total volume of which was around 6 million 350 thousand drams.

Another 1,365,000 AMD was made up of “bank account balances acquired on behalf of, for the benefit of, or at the expense of, the declarant, owned by a third party, or the balances of those bank accounts (excluding deposits) from which the declarant actually receives benefit or manages it.”

During the year, his cash resources fluctuated within the range of 7 million drams, and the income of 19,771,916 drams for the reporting year, 2025, was generated from the salary received from Pashinyan’s staff and or from other payments equal to it.

By the way, according to the 2022 declaration, for example, he declared 4 million drams in the bank deposits section, and at the end of the year, the amount of the deposit reached 6 million drams, he had 4 million 800 thousand drams in his bank account.

Chakhoyan presented 3,500 dollars in the section of balances of bank accounts acquired on behalf of the declarant, on behalf of the declarant, and owned by a third party.

As cash, the former deputy head of the Prime Minister’s Office had 4 million 135 thousand drams at the beginning of the year, and 6.9 million drams at the end of the year.

He also received 15,234,794 drams from the RA government.

Taron Chakhoyan’s wife, Diana Karapetyan, stated in the 2025 declaration about the right to purchase a jointly owned apartment, the value of which was stated at AMD 24,024,000. the developer is Ord Development LLC.

By the way, according to open publications, the son of the owner of this company, Levon Ordukhanyan, Samvel Ordukhanyan, was one of the donors of CP in 2025.

Chakhoyan’s wife mentioned a bank deposit of 10 million drams, as well as bank account balances, the total volume of which at the end of the year was about half a million drams.

Diana Karapetyan’s 7.8 million drams in cash at the beginning of the year amounted to 27 thousand drams at the end of the year. His income of 4,880,276 drams for the reporting year was made up of 865,760 drams received from Hrant Chobanyan, 3,132,230 drams received from “Proshyan brandy factory”, 356,995 drams received from “Apex Building Care”, and received from “Mrgashen” wine-brandy factory: 525,291 drams from wages and/or other payments equal to it.

The total amount of Diana Karapetyan’s loan principal amount was 30,025,986 drams. he did not mention the names of the lenders and the purpose of the loan.

By the way, Diana Karapetyan’s main workplace, “Proshan brandy factory”, according to open source publications, participates in fundraisers of KP and “My step” fund. According to the latest information, the Proshyan brandy factory donated 3 million drams to the “My step” fund.

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Turkish Press: Azerbaijani president, Armenian premier discuss peace anniversa

Anadolu Agency
Aug 8, 2026
Ilham Aliyev, Nikol Pashinyan note progress in normalizing relations over past year
Kanyshai Butun
ISTANBUL

Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev and Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan spoke by phone Saturday to mark the first anniversary of the Washington “Peace Summit,” as well as the signing of the text of the peace agreement.

According to the Azerbaijani presidency, the leaders noted progress in normalizing relations over the past year and stressed the important role of US President Donald Trump and the US government in advancing the peace process.

They said the development of bilateral trade and economic ties is a tangible benefit of peace, citing Azerbaijani oil product exports to Armenia and cargo transit through Azerbaijan to Armenia and from Armenia to other destinations.

Pashinyan and Aliyev also discussed implementing the Trump Route for International Peace and Prosperity (TRIPP) in line with agreements reached in Washington.

They emphasized the importance of continuing efforts to advance the peace process and promote lasting peace, stability, connectivity and economic cooperation in the region.

On Aug. 8, 2025, the two South Caucasus neighbors signed a joint declaration at a trilateral summit at the White House along with Trump, aiming to end decades of conflict, with commitments to cease hostilities, reopen transport routes, and normalize relations.

Both countries have fought a series of cross-border wars over the Karabakh region since the late 1980s. Azerbaijan regained full control of the territory in 2023.

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Russia and Azerbaijan: From Balancing to Confrontation

Riddle
Aug 6, 2026

Ruslan Suleymanov on how the war in Ukraine has reshaped relations between Moscow and Baku

Read in Russian


By Ruslan Suleymanov

For years after independence, Azerbaijan carefully balanced between regional powers—chiefly Russia and Turkey—avoiding any unambiguous alignment and steering clear of military alliances.

Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine weakened Moscow’s position in the South Caucasus and enabled Baku to resolve the Karabakh conflict decisively in its own favor, a conflict the Kremlin had long treated as a lever of influence. After restoring full control over Karabakh and securing the withdrawal of Russian peacekeepers, Baku initially sought to preserve close ties with Moscow. The December 2024 disaster involving an Azerbaijani passenger aircraft, shot down by Russian air defenses near Grozny, produced a sharp cooling in bilateral relations and then an unprecedented confrontation.

Both sides still have interests in one another, yet unresolved disputes and the broader erosion of Kremlin authority have accelerated a process of “separation.” Azerbaijan now acts with growing independence and no longer feels compelled to maintain the old equilibrium.

The Sovereignty Question

On 22 February 2022, two days before Russia’s full-scale assault on Ukraine, Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev met Vladimir Putin in the Kremlin. The talks were far from routine. The two leaders signed a Declaration on Allied Interaction designed to deepen cooperation across the board.

For Baku the document was another exercise in careful balancing: six months earlier Aliyev and Recep Tayyip Erdoğan had signed the Shusha Declaration on allied relations with Turkey.

Russia’s aggression against Ukraine initially left the Moscow-Baku balance largely intact. Azerbaijani officials avoided direct condemnation of the Russian army’s criminal conduct while consistently upholding Ukraine’s territorial integrity—a matter of principle for a country that had itself long battled separatism. Unlike Turkey, Baku recognizes neither Kosovo nor the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus.

Azerbaijan’s delegation was absent from the UN General Assembly vote on 2 March 2022 condemning the aggression against Ukraine and from the 7 April vote suspending Russia’s membership of the Human Rights Council. Baku preferred not to be associated with open criticism of the Kremlin on the international stage.

Its stance on the legal status of occupied Ukrainian territory was firmer. In October 2022 Baku offered Kyiv unconditional support after the so-called referendums; in September 2023 the Azerbaijani Foreign Ministry condemned Moscow’s regional “elections” in the four occupied oblasts.

Ilham Aliyev remained for a long time the only CIS head of state to meet Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky after 24 February 2022. Azerbaijan also made no secret of supplying transformers and generators to Ukraine as humanitarian aid—and regularly drew Moscow’s criticism for doing so.

“It Was Armenia, Not Russia, That Abandoned Karabakh”

When the leaders of Azerbaijan, Russia and Armenia signed the trilateral statement on the night of 10 November 2020 that ended the 44-day war, the Kremlin appeared the principal beneficiary. Russia reaffirmed its role as the key arbiter of the Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict and of the South Caucasus more broadly. The deployment of Russian peacekeepers to the Lachin corridor gave Moscow a military foothold. The mandate ran for five years with the option of renewal; Russian planners clearly expected a long-term presence. The war in Ukraine forced a reassessment.

The constant drain of resources—diplomatic as well as material—on the Ukrainian front weakened Moscow’s regional position and allowed Azerbaijan to settle the Karabakh question on its own terms. In April 2023 Baku established its own checkpoint on the Lachin corridor, the sole road linking Armenia to Nagorno-Karabakh. Aliyev repeatedly told Karabakh residents they faced only two choices: accept Azerbaijani citizenship or leave.

Azerbaijan’s September 2023 military operation to reclaim the remaining territories met no Russian opposition. Against the background of growing friction with Yerevan, the Kremlin may even have viewed the outcome with quiet approval.

Nikol Pashinyan had come to power in Armenia in spring 2018 through street protests and a “velvet revolution.” Putin’s well-known hostility to “color revolutions” made relations difficult from the outset.

Tensions peaked in 2023. In January Armenia refused to host CSTO exercises; in May Pashinyan threatened to leave the organization if it proved “incapable.” A particular affront to Putin was the Armenian government’s early-September draft ratification of the Rome Statute, obliging Yerevan to implement International Criminal Court decisions—and therefore to arrest and surrender Putin should he set foot in the country.

Moscow was also angered by Armenia’s October 2022 decision, brokered by the European Union, to recognize Azerbaijan’s territorial integrity within the 1991 borders and thereby renounce claims to Karabakh. “It was not Russia that abandoned Karabakh, but Armenia itself—proactively and without informing Moscow,” Putin later emphasized.

The exodus of tens of thousands of Karabakh Armenians in autumn 2023 might have destabilized Armenia—an outcome the Kremlin appears to have anticipated. It did not materialize. Recent parliamentary elections confirmed that Pashinyan’s Civil Contract party, with roughly 50 percent of the vote, remains the country’s dominant political force.

With Turkish support, Azerbaijan secured the departure of the last Russian peacekeepers in June 2024. By then the war in Ukraine was in its third year, and the shift in the South Caucasus balance no longer carried the same urgency for Moscow that it once would have done.

Special Relations

Under Western sanctions Azerbaijan has become one of Russia’s most important economic partners. Trade turnover rose nearly 25 percent in 2022 to $ 3.7 billion. Joint projects include the International North-South Transport Corridor, intended to link the Baltic to the Indian Ocean.

Personal ties between Putin and Aliyev have always mattered. Both have ruled for more than two decades (Putin since 2000, Aliyev since 2003) and share similar authoritarian instincts; neither lectures the other on democracy, human rights or free speech. Elite connections run deeper still: Heydar Aliyev, like Putin, emerged from the KGB, and the personal contacts of the early 2000s helped cement the relationship.

That trust enabled Putin’s August 2024 visit to Baku—an event of some significance for a cautious Russian president facing an ICC arrest warrant, even though Azerbaijan is not a party to the Rome Statute. “This visit is of historic importance and will make a major contribution to strengthening friendly partnership relations,” Aliyev declared afterwards.

SOCAR and Gazprom signed an agreement deepening strategic cooperation. Within four months the relationship had been transformed beyond recognition.

The Battle of the Towers

On 25 December 2024 an Azerbaijan Airlines flight from Baku to Grozny crashed near Aktau in Kazakhstan after being hit by Russian air-defense systems. Thirty-eight people died. The drama was heightened by the fact that Aliyev’s own aircraft, en route to a CIS summit in St Petersburg, experienced GPS disruptions; the president ordered it to turn back to Baku.

Baku responded firmly, demanding that Moscow admit responsibility and apologies, pay compensation to the victims’ families, and punish those responsible. Putin confined himself to an apology that the “tragic incident had occurred in Russian airspace.” Gestures such as a Heydar Aliyev monument in Moscow and the Order of Friendship for parliamentary speaker Sahiba Gafarova proved insufficient.

Relations cooled sharply. In February 2025 the Russian House in Baku was closed, ostensibly for lack of proper legal registration. Aliyev cancelled his participation in the Victory Day parade marking the 80th anniversary of the end of the Great Patriotic War at the last moment.

In Baku the prevailing view is that one of the Kremlin’s hardline “towers” seized on the incident to escalate pressure. In June 2025 roughly fifty Azerbaijanis were demonstratively detained in Yekaterinburg; two died from police violence. Similar incidents had occurred before, but never before had Baku reacted so forcefully.

Azerbaijan cancelled all major Russia-related cultural events, detained two Sputnik employees on suspicion of FSB links, and arrested eleven Russian citizens on charges of drug smuggling from Iran.

Tensions eased only when Aliyev and Putin met on the sidelines of the CIS summit in Dushanbe in October 2025. For the first time Putin acknowledged that a Russian air-defense missile had damaged the aircraft, though he still blamed a Ukrainian drone as the principal cause. Baku treated the partial admission as a diplomatic victory after months of strain—yet an incomplete one.

At a year-end press conference Foreign Minister Jeyhun Bayramov noted that Russia had closed the criminal investigation. “Such a step naturally raises very serious questions for us,” he said. Baku was especially angered that charges against the main suspect had been dropped in September—before Putin’s Dushanbe statements.

An international technical report is still awaited, but the Kremlin shows no willingness to prosecute those responsible. Moscow’s stance is influenced by the precedent of September 2023, when six Russian peacekeepers were killed by Azerbaijani fire in Karabakh: Baku accepted responsibility and dismissed the officers involved yet never put them on trial. Russia appears determined to reserve the same latitude for itself.

Moscow and Baku’s Ukrainian Front

The diplomatic conflict between Azerbaijan and Russia remains far from resolved. A clear indicator came in March 2026 with the sentences handed down to leaders of the Azerbaijani diaspora in Yekaterinburg: seven defendants, charged with murders and attempted murders committed in 2001, received prison terms ranging from 10 to 22 years. Baku responded in kind in May and June, when 11 Russian citizens were sentenced to three to four years for drug trafficking and distribution as well as cyber fraud.

Officials in Baku acknowledge that a prisoner exchange is among the more likely paths to de-escalation. For now, however, both sides are moving in the opposite direction—escalating while carefully avoiding a direct collision and operating through proxies. One of the indirect arenas of this confrontation has become Ukraine.

Unlike in the early years of the Russia-Ukraine war, Ilham Aliyev now openly voices support for Kyiv. In July last year he accepted Ukrainian Armed Forces chevrons from a Ukrainian journalist and repeatedly urged Ukrainians “never to accept occupation.” In September it emerged that Azerbaijan had supplied Ukraine with MiG-29 fighters.

Moscow, visibly displeased by Baku’s pro-Ukrainian gestures, has answered by striking Azerbaijani assets on Ukrainian soil. During a Russian bombardment of Kyiv last November, a missile landed directly on the territory of the Azerbaijani embassy. In early July the Russian ambassador in Baku was summoned to the Azerbaijani Foreign Ministry after a Russian drone attacked a SOCAR petrol station in Mykolaiv region.

No longer looking over its shoulder at Moscow

Another new instrument Azerbaijan has begun wielding against Russia is anti-colonial rhetoric—something previously absent from official Baku discourse. In August 2025 Aliyev described Azerbaijan’s incorporation into the Soviet Union as an occupation. In July of this year a conference was held whose participants demanded that Russia “stop forcibly sending representatives of ethnic minorities to the front in Ukraine” and to recognize the Circassian genocide.

The continuing confrontation has narrowed Russia’s room for maneuver as a mediator and as a key external player in the South Caucasus more broadly. The declaration on establishing peace between Azerbaijan and Armenia, signed in Washington in August 2025 under the mediation of Donald Trump, inter alia opened the way to the unblocking of communications between the two countries.

The Trump Route for International Peace and Prosperity (TRIPP), which will cross southern Armenia (Syunik province) and link mainland Azerbaijan with its Nakhchivan exclave, excludes any Russian role. Should the project materialize, Turkey will gain direct access to Azerbaijan and, beyond it, to the Caspian and the markets of Central Asia—an outcome that will clearly diminish Moscow’s economic influence in the region.

Yet relations between Russia and Azerbaijan are still far from a complete rupture. The two countries remain economically interdependent and retain an interest in previously agreed projects. A telling indicator of mutual interest is the volume of bilateral trade: in 2025, despite the conflict, it did not contract but grew by roughly 2.5 percent.

In any event, over the past four years Baku has clearly concluded that it can now deal with Moscow as an equal—and, when necessary, dictate terms.

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Foreign Ministry, Huckabee pan WSJ report on harassment of Christians in Israe

Times of Israel
Aug 7, 2026

Jerusalem argues story on rise in attacks on clerics ‘took radical voices, extreme cases and turned them into the face of a country’; US envoy: Attacks ‘occasional but rare’

A Wall Street Journal article about harassment suffered by some Christians in Israel drew a furious response from Israel’s Foreign Ministry on Friday, which called it “disingenuous, misleading and shameful.”

US Ambassador to Israel Mike Huckabee, who is a Christian pastor, also criticized the article.

The WSJ piece, published earlier this week, focused on the rise in harassment of Christian clerics.

Christians in Israel say they are increasingly coming under assault, including in a series of incidents in recent years in which mostly young Orthodox Jews made a habit of spitting on the ground in front of clergy and other Christians, mainly in Jerusalem’s Old City — an act that may be prosecuted in Israel as a hate crime.

There have also been acts of vandalism against churches and cemeteries, and physical assaults, including actions that bear the hallmark of extremist Jewish settler violence familiar from the West Bank.

The publication of the article comes as Israel finds itself in repeated fiascos around its relationship with Christians.

However, the Foreign Ministry is leading a push to change the conversation around Israel’s Christian community and to get ahead of potential tensions.

Foreign Minister Gideon Sa’ar appointed Ambassador George Deek as the first special envoy to the Christian world. The ministry’s social media has been highlighting Christian sites and citizens in recent weeks, none of whom, it said, were included in the piece.

The Journal “took radical voices and extreme cases and turned them into the face of an entire country, while ignoring nearly 200,000 Christians whose lives tell the opposite story,” said the Foreign Ministry.

The ministry said The Journal “has now repeated the same formula: find those most willing to condemn Israel, present them as so-called ‘authentic’ Christian voices, and reduce the Christian experience here to the disgraceful actions of a tiny extremist fringe.

“Israel is the only country in the Middle East where the Christian population is consistently growing,” said the Foreign Ministry, noting Christian representation on the Supreme Court and across the country’s professional industries.

“Churches operate freely. Christians participate at the highest levels of Israeli society,” it said.

Huckabee, an outspoken Christian Zionist, also pushed back on X.

Huckabee acknowledged there were “occasional but rare” attacks that he added were condemned by Israel’s leadership.

“Occasional challenges? Sure,” wrote Huckabee. “I’ve been throughout the Middle East & know of no place where there is much religious diversity as there is in Israel.”

He added, “Israel protects Christian Holy sites & Muslim Holy sites just as they do Jewish Holy sites.”

The Journal’s report documented various instances in which Orthodox Jews harassed and spat at Christian clerics.

“We are supposed to hate them,” one teen was quoted as saying.

Benedictine Abbot Nikodemus Schnabel told the paper that things had become considerably worse in recent years. In 2000, when he first came to the city, spitting incidents were rare, he said, but “now there is no day that people are not spitting at me.”

Yisca Harani, an Israeli scholar who tracks and documents anti-Christian sentiment, said: “This is the reality: Whomever is a Christian — visibly a Christian — is becoming a target. “There are a growing number of religious Jews who do this, and it is not being taken seriously by Israeli authorities. They are turning a blind eye, and that is an encouragement.”

Harani also noted that her organization, the Religious Freedom Data Center, had recorded 107 incidents targeting Christians in the first half of this year, more than twice the number for the same period in 2024.

The Journal noted that harassers and attackers were, in the end, “a small number of extremists,” but argued they represent an alarming trend of growing intolerance in local society.


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Armenia puts Church leader on trial for allegedly being a Russian spy

Al-Jazeera, Qatar
Aug 8, 2026

Armenia puts Church leader on trial for allegedly being a Russian spy

Armenia’s head of the Apostolic Church and six senior clergy face up to two years in prison amid a deepening standoff with Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan. Critics say the case is politically motivated and part of a wider crackdown on government opponents.
Published On 8 Aug 20268 Aug 2026.


Watch the video at 
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